Developing Place-Based Health during the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Case Study of Taipei City’s Jiuzhuang Community Garden

Abstract

This article considers the development process of Jiuzhuang Community Garden in Taipei City to analyze the practice of community gardens and their relevance to urban health and human well-being. Previous studies have highlighted the contributions of community gardens in areas such as food supply, climate adaptation, local culture, and social interaction. Using qualitative methods, such as participatory observation, focus group discussions, and semi-structured interviews, this study demonstrates the co-beneficial relationships between various factors and the synergetic effects they bring to physical and mental health. By adopting a perspective that incorporates social infrastructure and the Satoyama Initiative, this research interprets how community gardens can support and develop place-based health concepts and respond to urban complexity. It demonstrates the pathway to enhancing urban health through interventions in urban spaces, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. Through the examination of a community garden case, this study explores the potential connections between SDG 3 and SDG 11, emphasizing the role of green space provision, place identity, and participatory management in enhancing physical and mental well-being. This study also indicates the necessity of integrating the perspectives of public health and urban planning in addressing urban health issues. This integration is essential to shift away from a disease- and mortality-centered approach and towards a health paradigm centered on lifestyle and social interactions.

1. Introduction

The term “community garden” generally refers to land where local community members manage and cultivate plants or flowers [1]. A similar, but different, spatial form is the allotment, which refers to spaces within a large garden that individuals or families formally lease from organizations, such as companies and associations, for cultivation purposes [2]. Community gardens emphasize their public nature, communal management, and sharing-oriented approaches. Community gardens exhibit a wide range of forms, reflecting the contextual characteristics of their locations [3]. This article examines the multiple benefits of urban community gardens, which often exist as alternative public spaces within cities, providing environmental, social, economic, and health benefits [4].

Community gardens provide safe, healthy, and affordable food, thereby enhancing the health and well-being of residents [5]. Particularly in the face of current climate risks, enhancing community food sovereignty and reducing dependence on the global food market contribute to improving local resilience [6]. However, in addition to promoting food sustainability, research on community gardens also encompasses other health benefits, including the therapeutic effects of connecting with nature and the development of a sense of community through social interactions [7]. In contemporary urban contexts, the existence of community gardens is challenging due to constraints such as land use, funding, participation, and materials [8]. Nevertheless, many urban community gardens are intentionally initiated by communities or citizens as forms of group intervention and can be seen as a manifestation of “public produce” [9].

Socially, community gardens can assist in building cohesion and vitality within communities, promoting the generation of social capital [10]. They foster a sense of ownership and pride in neighborhoods, cultivating the community’s ability to mobilize and deploy resources [11]. Therefore, they may contribute to a concept of comprehensive “place-based health” [12]. This article uses the case of the Jiuzhuang Community Garden (JCG) in the Nangang District of Taipei. It attempts to explore the multiple implications of urban gardening practices on urban health by drawing on concepts such as social infrastructure and the Satoyama Initiative [13,14]. JCG was launched during the COVID-19 epidemic, overcame difficulties at various stages, and was successfully transformed. This case study contributes to discussions centered on the human ecology-based urban health model. It also addresses Sustainable Development Goal 3 (SDG 3) (Good Health and Well-being) and Sustainable Development Goal 11 (SDG 11) (Sustainable Cities and Communities), among others.

This article first discusses the evolutionary characteristics of community gardens in the context of urbanization and related theoretical concepts, highlighting their potential implications for the intersectoral analysis of urban health. The selected JCG case is part of Taipei City’s Garden City Initiative (GCI). Through long-term participatory observation, focus group discussions, and interviews, this research captures the development process and characteristics of the garden and further links them to the concept of urban health. The study emphasizes the interrelationships among various factors and the influence of lifestyle shaped by the community on physical and mental health. Moreover, due to the overlap between the initiation of JCG and the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the response strategies of the garden project can reflect its uniqueness compared to other urban green spaces. In the conclusion, the research findings are synthesized to provide feedback for the formulation of a health model of human ecology [12].

This case study demonstrates the potential of community gardens as urban interventions and their role in promoting resilience during urban crises. The research findings offer insights for professionals and policymakers to consider the synergistic effects of various intersectoral factors on urban health. Furthermore, the study highlights the importance of providing and supporting innovative forms of green spaces to enhance urban health.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Community Gardens, Sustainability, and Health and Well-Being

Ebenezer Howard proposed the concept of the garden city, combining the health, natural, and economic factors of urban and rural living as a social reform solution. In this garden city vision, residents enjoy stable employment, and allotments for agriculture are provided at fair rents, fostering close relationships between producers and consumers, with agriculture benefiting from a “market at the doorstep” [15]. Lewis Mumford shared Howard’s ideas of social reform and pointed out that the small-scale model of medieval cities and the social organization based on common land for collective cultivation and grazing were the “healthiest, most delightful environments” [16]. Faced with the continuous expansion of the mega-city, he advocated for modern cities to enhance their self-sufficiency in food resources.

In modernist urban planning, urban green spaces and open areas have gradually replaced the role of agricultural spaces and become locations for people to connect with nature in their daily lives. However, these spaces produced by modern planning bureaucracy are often characterized by functional monotony and do not allow for active user participation. As a result, they fundamentally differ from the concept of community gardens, where people always negotiate their relationship with the environment through cultivation. Jane Jacobs’ criticism of the modern urban planning led her to diverge from Howard or Mumford’s holistic view of the city. She sought the underlying logic of urban development from an organic perspective [17]. She questioned the perspective that small- to medium-sized cities promote balance, or “togetherness”, as the spirit of the city. Instead, she believed in the urban dynamics generated by the heterogeneous population of large cities and the progressive changes that stable urban construction at the neighborhood scale could trigger.

In urban history, community gardens, as a form of social mobilization, often serve as an alternative intervention that responds to various urban crises. For example, in the late 1890s, the United States experienced a wave of urban crises due to mass immigration, urbanization, and environmental degradation, leading to the emergence of the community garden movement. It further expanded during World War I and the Great Depression [18]. In the early 1990s, as the political transformation in socialist countries caused a severe economic decline and food crisis in Cuba, nationally widespread urban gardens stabilized food supply. The process also integrated social factors, such as equitable access to food, reduced reliance on fertilizers, and minimal technical thresholds [19,20]. From 2020, the food crisis exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic further reinforced the role of urban gardens as a lifeline for stable food sources. For example, in Malaysia, the government proposed an agricultural economic recovery plan with the Kebun Kouniti Program, a community garden initiative, demonstrating its effectiveness on ensuring food supply. Urban gardens significantly expanded, attracting a large number of participants, particularly in low-income communities [21].

In recent years, community gardens have developed into large-scale ecological and social experiments on a global scale [22]. Their purposes include emphasizing their role in climate change adaptation, improving microclimates, increasing biodiversity, and often integrating circular economy principles into garden design and production. Economically, community gardens can create employment opportunities and help empower vulnerable communities. On the social front, community-managed gardens can facilitate social cohesion and contribute to contemporary urban health issues. They can be seen as green infrastructure that helps reduce the urban heat island effect and provides various ecosystem services [23]. Many community gardens incorporate edible landscapes through adaptive design to promote resilient foodshed systems [24].

Community gardens can also be integrated with different ecological and cultural concepts in various regions, giving rise to unique local orientations. For example, in Japan, the Satoyama (or community mountains) movement emerged in the 1980s, advocating for the protection of mountainous and peri-urban environments. This movement led to the establishment of the United Nations Satoyama Initiative in 2010 [25]. Satoyama refers to regions characterized by diverse agricultural and forestry activities, such as livestock gardening and irrigation, as well as landscapes including secondary forests, ponds, and rice fields [14]. These areas exhibit close interaction between human economic activities and nature. Satoyama landscapes are seen as representations of harmonious relationships between humans and nature, with the core concept being the sustainable utilization of biological resources and diversified land use [26].

Satoyama is a biodiversity hotspot and it serves as a place for community resource utilization and the preservation of cultural heritage, showcasing the interaction between its natural and cultural characteristics [27]. In recent years, the application of the Satoyama Initiative has expanded from rural to urban areas, and the types of activities have become more diverse. In Kyoto, it was employed among a university and community partnership in forest restoration and gardening to facilitate knowledge sharing and enhances community’s social capital [28]. In the Greater Tokyo metropolitan area, government and citizen groups promoted urban Satoyama concepts for climate change awareness and enhancing health consciousness [29]. Urban Satoyama enables a lifestyle that combines leisure and work in “emerging productive green spaces” [30]. It advocates a new concept that empha sizes accessibility, provides ecosystem services, involves resident participation in manage ment, and promotes ecological restoration of green spaces, which significantly differs from the conventional approach to green space provision in urban planning [31]. Due to knowledge dissemination, the concept of Satoyama has also been referenced by some of the community colleges in Taipei City as a framework for environmental education. But among them, only the Nan Gang Community College (NGCC) employs it for community garden practices. This discussion will be further explored below.

Based on the aforementioned aspects, community gardens have significant potential in the urban built environment as a foundation for reconstructing human–environment relationships. However, their development continues to face challenges. In 2014, the Taipei City government launched the Garden City Initiative (GCI) in collaboration with community garden initiatives, repurposing numerous vacant spaces as community gardening sites. Emphasizing a temporary utilization approach, this initiative rapidly increased the number of community gardens, but also introduced instability into the program [32].

2.2. Physical Activity, Cultural Expression, and Social Engagement

While the primary activity in community gardens is growing plants, the motivation for people to engage in horticultural activities is not solely driven by the harvest of agricultural products nor their economic value. Research indicates that gardens provide emotional, psychological, and therapeutic support to individuals. Creating gardens also offers individuals opportunities for creativity and self-expression [33]. The COVID-19 pandemic has presented opportunities that have accelerated the progress of urban gardening, transforming it into a location that promotes urban adaptation and resilience [34]. Compared to other forms of green infrastructure in urban areas such as parks, community gardens provide greater opportunities for physical and mental healing, with individuals experiencing more positive emotions and increased happiness. Due to the quarantine measures, many workplaces and public facilities were closed. People have increasingly turned to community gardens. In many places, these have even become the only options for parents to find outdoor spaces for their children [35,36].

The activities surrounding community gardens can also be linked to various types of visionary initiatives, playing a crucial role in advancing people’s understanding of publicness and urban justice. For example, in the “Black Community Food Security Network” in Detroit, many women participants identify themselves as activists. Their practices aim not only for food justice but also include resistance actions related to feminism, digital justice, environmental rights, and more [37]. In Chicago, African–American residents perceive community gardens as culturally sacred spaces that serve as mediums for community memory and the preservation and reconstruction of gardening culture [38]. In Ghent, Belgium, the experience of community gardens reflects an alternative counter-planning culture within the city, consciously challenging the ideology supported by neoliberalism and international organizational hegemony [39].

Community gardens, therefore, can be perceived as a form of everyday activism. In this context, Klinenberg’s perspective on “social infrastructure” contributes to a deeper analysis of the characteristics of community gardens, including their ability to connect everyday life and crisis response [13]. According to Klinenberg, social infrastructure is not social capital but rather “the physical conditions that support the generation of social capital”. In daily life, these spaces can support individuals in forming bonding and companionship relationships, countering social isolation and alienation. During crises, these spaces facilitate cooperation and resilience, thereby mitigating the impact of disasters. According to Klinenberg, successful social infrastructure can respond to its context, mobilize, and integrate social network resources in a flexible manner, and develop unique strategies.

Klinenberg considers community gardens to be an important form of social infrastructure. He cites the experience of the Growing Home initiative in Chicago as an example that offers a new perspective on urban health. Starting in the early 1990s with a training program for the homeless to engage in agriculture, Growing Home has stimulated the involvement of the city and other civil organizations. This has resulted in more than 800 community gardens and urban gardens by the late 2010s, contributing to neighborhood-based urban regeneration. Klinenberg points out that these spaces have various functions, such as cooling the environment, promoting learning, fostering neighborhood cohesion, and uplifting the community’s image. He advocates for the American Public Health Association to incorporate spatial planning with social infrastructure characteristics in promoting urban health. He further advocates for the inclusion of community gardens in land-use planning, rather than viewing them as mere neighborhood remedies [13].

Lawson stated that “urban gardens are both a place and an action, and their signifi cance goes beyond cultivation” [40], the above-mentioned cases illustrated the contributions of urban gardens to diverse urban well-being. Jeff Hou et al. defined community gardens as “hybrid public spaces” that transcend many social, institutional, and disciplinary boundaries [4]. Nevertheless, the progress of community gardens often faces difficulties because they challenge some fundamental concepts of urban planning. Their success relies on broad social support, and opportunistic actions are needed to advance their development. The creation and maintenance of gardens are embedded in complex network relationships underlying the urban agenda [33].

2.3. Linking Place and Health

The United Nations SDG 3 primarily focuses on targets related to disease incidence, mortality rates, and accidents. Only target 4 addresses prevention and mental health. In general, the SDG 3 indicators have some limitations as they fail to consider the connection between physical and mental health and the contextual factors of social and environmental influences.

On the other hand, SDG 11 encompasses various objectives such as urban green space provision, preservation of natural and cultural heritage, and community participation in governance. It emphasizes the sustainability, accessibility, and inclusivity of urban services and infrastructure, with spatial planning playing a proactive role. From an empirical perspective, these aspects are closely related to urban health and well-being.

Defining urban health today entails addressing the complexities of urban environments. Emerging trends include social, environmental, and cultural transformations: population aging and social isolation are redefining human health, while natural environments often pose crises that have an impact on well-being. Consequently, fostering healthy lifestyles and leveraging community support to enhance individual resilience are critical issues for urban health. The linkage of SDG 3 with SDG 11 can facilitate an examin ation of the interplay among health and well-being, human behavior, and environmental ecology, thus expanding the conceptual framework for urban health.

Community gardens have the potential to develop a place-based health model. Concepts such as Satoyama and social infrastructure demonstrate the circular relationship between human social interactions and ecological changes. In this regard, place and space are not merely carriers of activities; they are also important factors in fostering health awareness and organizing related practices, thus facilitating the co-action of human and ecological function [12].

In recent years, the World Health Organization (WHO) has proposed a conceptualization of urban green spaces and health that goes beyond conventional land-use regulations and seeks further nuanced and context-specific definitions. WHO argues that the mechanisms linking green spaces and urban health are often complex and interacting, and some pathways may exhibit synergistic effects, instead of being straightforward exposure-outcome relationships [41].

However, the mainstream research on the relationship between green spaces and human health and well-being still employs linear pathways rather than a systemic perspective [12]. Lawrence et al. proposes core conceptual and methodological principles of human ecology to explain the complex interactions between green spaces and urban health [42]. The dimensions within this system include (1) macro-level factors related to policies, (2) conditions of the spaces themselves, (3) human agency, (4) the impact of human habitats/ecosystems, and (5) the state of health and well-being (comprising physical, psychological, and social dimensions). This framework will be employed to guide the following discussion.

2.4. Taipei City’s Garden City Initiative

In Taipei City, Taiwan, a group of advocates with backgrounds in environmental education, urban planning, and community organization began urban green guerrilla protesting against the neoliberal policies of urban revitalization around 2010. In 2014, they formed the Farming Urbanism Network (FUN). This occurred during the mayoral election campaign period, as independent candidate Ko Wen-je actively sought social support from various sectors to break through the impasse. Consequently, the two parties collaborated to form the GCI. Its aim was to extend and complement the urban green infrastructure, while introducing organic gardening and developing edible landscapes, environmental enhancements, and social connections [32].

After Ko Wen-je took office as mayor, the initiative quickly led to the launching of policy innovations through public–private sector collaboration, driven by close interaction within a core “science–policy–practice community” [43]. For example, members of FUN joined relevant committees in the city government and continued to provide policy recommendations. The city government also coordinated various departments and relevant organizations, offering training programs for volunteer gardeners covering topics such as agricultural techniques, landscape design, flower cultivation, nutrition and health, local culture, and history. Furthermore, 12 community colleges became the primary technical consultation platforms. They received funding subsidies from the city government to offer urban gardening-related courses and workshops for the community.

The GCI integrates four types of spaces related to urban agriculture: citizen gardens, green roofs, school gardens, and joyful gardens. The citizen gardens originated from existing measures in 1989, in which gardeners provided private land for citizens to rent and engage in gardening activities. These gardens have fixed usage patterns and are mainly located in suburban areas. However, all 18 existing community gardens in Taipei City are currently fully occupied, which makes it difficult to serve new populations. The other three projects are innovative measures: the green roof program opens up the rooftops of government-owned buildings for adoption by citizen groups to cultivate plants. The school garden program establishes vegetable gardens in primary and secondary schools, integrating food and agricultural education into the curriculum, with teachers, students, and volunteers working together. The joyful garden program opens unused public lands for adoption by the public, allowing cultivation and spatial transformation to create new forms of urban green spaces. As of March 2023, the GCI has accumulated a total area of 210,008 square meters, with community gardens accounting for 13%, green roofs for 15%, school gardens for 43%, and joyful gardens for 30%. Based on a survey conducted in 2021 among Taipei citizens, over half of the respondents noticed urban farming landscapes, and among them, more than 80% expressed support for the continued promotion of this policy. Additionally, among the surveyed citizens, 56% expressed interest in taking courses to learn about organic cultivation. According to the city government, in the next step, this initiative can connect urban net-zero goals, food education in schools, and green care in hospitals and social welfare institutions [44].

The characteristic feature of the GCI is the significant improvement in citizens’ accessibility to gardening [45], and, among all the four types, the joyful gardens has become the primary type of participation for community residents. Another feature is the experience of co-creation brought about by the planning and design of gardens; this may stimulate a sense of community [46]. However, as mentioned in many international experiences, the GCI also faces the challenge of competing for land with other urban development projects since it initially emphasizes the flexible use of idle land for temporary purposes. During Mayor Ko’s term, some sites have been allocated to social housing, road projects, and even commercial development for urban renewal.

This study selected JCG in Nangang District, Taipei City, as a case study for several reasons. Firstly, it is one of the examples of joyful gardens in the GCI. It was planned in 2019, officially operated in 2020, and is currently in continuous operation. Its development has embedded in the institutional background and the impact of community actions on urban sustainability. Moreover, JCG is a collaborative effort among university, community college, and the community office, with the engagement of volunteers. It demonstrated a process of close interaction between tech–community and practice community. Additionally, due to the overlap between the garden’s development and the COVID-19 pandemic, this case study demonstrates community resilience by depicting the community’s development strategies during a crisis.

2.5. Summary

Community gardens have emerged as solutions to urban crises, promoting sustainability and well-being. Influenced by the garden city concept, they foster relationships between producers and consumers, promoting self-sufficiency in food resources. In contrast to functional green spaces of modern urban planning, community gardens allow active user participation and negotiation with the environment.

Historically, community gardens responded to urban challenges, like the 1890s crises in the U.S. and the 1990s food crisis in Cuba. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, they ensured stable food sources. They have evolved globally, emphasizing climate change adaptation, biodiversity, circular economy, and social empowerment. Beyond agricultural products, community gardens offer emotional, psychological, and therapeutic support. The pandemic accelerated urban gardening, promoting healing and social engagement. Linking SDG 3 (health) with SDG 11 (green spaces and community participation), they contribute to urban well-being.

Taipei City’s Garden City Initiative (GCI) successfully integrates urban agriculture spaces, like joyful gardens on unused lands. However, the GCI faces challenges with competing urban projects. The case study of JCG in Taipei’s Nangang District exemplifies community resilience during the pandemic, showcasing sustainable development through close community and technology collaboration.

3. Research Methodology

This study primarily employed participatory action research methods. Between February 2020 and March 2023, I regularly participated in organic gardening courses held in the garden. I also took part in periodic work meetings to contribute to the development of the garden project. On-site observations and record-keeping were conducted to grasp the participants’ backgrounds and motivations at various stages of development. In the community garden project, during the initial phase, I played an active initiative and facilitating role. By the third year, the NTUPB course had concluded, and I personally continued my input as a garden volunteer, working alongside others in daily operations. Therefore, I am in the LINE group along with other volunteers. This allows me to understand the various dynamic messages and their meanings among the volunteers.

The literature reviews help to shape the focus for observation and interview questions. To comprehend the community members’ thoughts and expectations regarding the community garden, I conducted two focus group interviews in December 2021 and February 2022. I sent out invitations in a LINE group to invite interested volunteers to participate in the discussion. The first interview involved 10 participants, while the second had eight attendees. The interviewees comprised both long-term active volunteers and new members. The main topics discussed included motivations for participation and the personal and local significance of the community garden, among others. With participants’ consent, the interviews were recorded and, later, transcribed into key notes. These two discussions were instrumental in understanding how the community garden plays a role in the life of the volunteers and their positive attitudes towards involvement. The discussions also highlighted the garden’s characteristics as an experiment of diversity and inclusiveness. Including both long-term and short-term participants in the study allowed for the observation of differences in motivations, including reasons for joining and leaving, as well as understanding the limitations of the program.

To gain a deeper understanding of how participants interpret the relevance of the garden to urban health, I also conducted semi-structured interviews from February to April 2023. By my invitation, the interviewees consisted of two community college teachers and six volunteer participants from the community garden project. The semi-structured interview questions were utilized. The interviews with the teachers aimed to grasp the organizers’ perspectives, while the interviews with the volunteers sought to analyze the influences of different factors, particularly the interplay between them. The interviews were audio-recorded with the participants’ consent and, later, transcribed for analysis.

The interviewees included both organizers and proactive volunteer leaders. The former was able to elucidate the initial positioning of the project and assess its developmental outcomes, while the latter provided a substantial amount of positive feedback during the interviews. In addition, adhering to the recommendations of the case study method [47], I focused on how the interviewees constructed reality and provided interpretations, rather than simply providing concrete answers.

The aforementioned research process and the key stages were depicted in Figure 1. The data obtained were further analyzed in the section pertaining to the project challenges and outcomes.

4. Case Study: Jiuzhuang Community Garden

4.1. Collaboration between Community and Two Educational Institutions

The development of JCG was primarily facilitated by three parties: the Graduate Institute of Building and Planning at the National Taiwan University (NTUBP) with which the researcher is affiliated, along with two local organizations, the NGCC and the Jiuzhuang Community Office (JCO). In the fall of 2018, as an instructor for a planning studio in environmental planning and design, I chose the Nan Gang District as the research site for students. This decision was based on the fact that the Nan Gang District had experienced the most rapid urban transformation in Taipei City over the previous decade. Under the Eastern District Gateway Project, both the central and local governments invested approximately NT$150 billion in the area, which has been used to initiate various major constructions that are to be followed by significant private investment.

These development plans, driven by economic growth, were concentrated in the northern part of the Nan Gang District, focusing on commercial spaces and large-scale constructions such as high-speed rail stations, a popular music center, and a biotechnology research center, which reshaped the area’s image. The overall policies and social atmosphere, however, neglected the living spaces of the old communities and the protected areas that occupied nearly half of the land in the Nan Gang District. The planning studio at the NTUBP aimed to explore how residents, amidst such urban transformation, maintain their sense of place and how their environment, ecology, and culture are affected. The course also encouraged students to engage with stakeholders and to develop action proposals [48].

After several attempts, one group of students successfully reached out to the JOC and initiated a collaboration. With their assistance, they also gained the support of the community college. Although the NTUBP, the NGCC, and the JCO have different emphases, they found common ground in their understanding of local development, specifically, the need to reshape the relationship between people and the environment in the context of rapid urban transformation.

Although the Jiuzhuang Community exhibits distinct characteristics of an urban Satoyama landscape with greenery covering most of the area, this ecosystem is increasingly vulnerable to urbanization and the impacts of climate change. The community is situated within a basin surrounded by the Da-Keng River and the Shan-Zhu-Ku River, located upstream from vast tea plantations and downstream from densely populated urban areas. Nan Gang Pouchong tea, one of the important industries that contributed to the development of Nan Gang approximately 300 years ago, has seen a decline in production. Nevertheless, small-scale gardeners continue to operate using environmentally friendly practices and traditional tea-making techniques. However, the lush tea plantations contrast with nearby factories that generate wastewater, posing environmental pollution issues that require significant efforts from the neighborhood chief in monitoring and reporting such activities. On the other hand, frequent typhoons cause flooding and landslides, which pose threats to the community. The neighborhood chief believes that enhancing community residents’ awareness and sense of identity will lead to more effective environmental management.

The curriculum of the NTUBP endorses a perspective of urban resilience. Resilience is seen as a capacity developed between individuals and the environment through interlinked processes such as perception, learning, and adaptation. Moreover, participatory planning can serve as a tool to enable planners, local groups, and community residents to create resources, define issues, and propose strategies to meet the challenges. The NTUBP adopted an approach to share planning power with the community as indicated in the “transactive planning” model [49]. In recent years, the concept of social infrastructure has also been applied in the curriculum to discuss the mutual reinforcement effects of space creation and social capital [13].

The NGCC is one of the 12 community colleges in Taipei City. The precursor of the Taipei City Community College system was an educational reform movement initiated by civil society organizations in the 1980s. In the mid-1990s, amidst the wave of lifelong learning promoted by the United Nations, members of the educational reform movement collaborated with local governments to promote community colleges nationwide, establishing a lifelong learning system. Emphasizing public participation and social service, community colleges are operated by civil society organizations, supervised by the city government, and receive partial funding from the government. They do not confer degrees but aim to empower citizens through the promotion of lifelong learning. Community colleges also advocate for citizen science and often establish their knowledge discourse and promote the publicization of local issues through courses such as cultural and historical preservation and environmental monitoring [50].

4.2. Initiation of the Gardening Project

4.2.1. Planning and Organizing

Despite an influx of young residents, the Jiuzhuang neighborhood in Taipei City continues to experience a sustained decline in population due to the impact of declining birth rates. As of March 2023, the area comprised 3648 households, accommodating a total population of 8739 individuals. Nearly half of the neighborhood is characterized by mountainous terrain, with several privately-owned agricultural plots found at the border between the mountainous and urban residential areas. However, it is notable that no community gardens were present within the vicinity of Jiuzhuang at that time. As a result, some residents interested in learning organic cultivation opted to attend classes at the NGCC, located approximately six kilometers away.

Since the fall of 2018, faculty and students from NTUBP have been conducting comprehensive environmental surveys in Nangang. In the first half of 2019, the focus gradually shifted to the concepts of river streams and environmental resilience, emphasizing community participation. From late April to early June, three community workshops were conducted in the Jiuzhuang neighborhood. The workshop themes progressed from river exploration to environmental awareness and eventually to discussions on the transformation of community spaces. During this period, community residents identified the “Jiuzhuang Dian Zi Kou Plaza” as the area in greatest need of improvement. This was due to its low utilization rate, lack of recreational facilities, and frequent dumping of unidentified waste, making it an eyesore within the community. The NTUBP team recognized the rich ecological resources surrounding the site, encompassed by the Da Keng River, Shan Zhu Ku River, the Nangang Mountain range, and the densely populated residential area of the city. Additionally, the site was relatively possible to obtain permission for reuse due to its vacant status.

Influenced by the GCI, the NTUBP team proposed transforming the site into a community garden and establishing an ecological corridor connecting the surrounding mountain systems to the settlement area (Figure 2). The team also believed that the process of creating the garden space would enhance residents’ perception of the environment. This idea gained support from the neighborhood chief and NGCC, and, thus, the “Jiuzhuang Community Garden” became the shared vision of the three parties.

In 2019, the NTUBP team continued to develop the conceptual framework for the garden through community surveys and workshops. In addition, the NGCC, based on the aforementioned content, applied for the Taipei City Education Bureau’s subsidy for small-scale gardening courses. This policy assisted in forming a knowledge exchange network with other sites as well. Meanwhile, the neighborhood chief began to apply for the site usage in the Nangang District, initially securing it for a one-year period.

On 9 February 2020, representatives of the NTUBP, the NGCC, and the Jiuzhuang neighborhood chief jointly conducted an orientation meeting for the “Jiuzhuang Community Garden Project”, with a plan to recruit 20 garden volunteers for the first term. In the early stages of the JCG, organizers formulated a recruitment strategy that emphasized a balanced representation of members across different age groups and residential areas. Recruitment activities were publicly advertised in the neighborhood and in social media, aiming at recruiting 20 members for each term. Selections were then made based on estab lished criteria. Half of the slots were reserved for applicants residing in the Jiuzhuang neighborhood, while the other half were offered to general citizens, who could be excluded due to membership restrictions imposed by local community gardens. Moreover, few gardens like the JCG provided regular organic gardening courses. During each recruitment cycle, existing members were given priority in selecting available slots before admitting new members.

In early March, the training program for the spring session officially commenced. Volunteers were required to attend gardening classes every Sunday and take turns in scheduled shifts for garden maintenance and upkeep. During the initial operational phase, the support team, consisting of members from the NTUBP, instructors from the NGCC, and the JCO, provided resources, technical assistance, and conceptual development for garden management. The long-term goal was to establish the garden as a distinctive ecological education base and enhance the diversity of open spaces through active volunteer participation and organizational development. From 2020 to the spring of 2023, a total of six-course terms were offered, involving approximately 120 volunteer participants. To balance promotion and knowledge transfer, each course session comprised approximately an equal number of new participants and existing members. Key members were selected from the more established participants to serve as the garden’s administrators, responsible for its operation, development, and assisting newcomers in acquiring relevant cultivation knowledge.

4.2.2. Design and Building Process

In the experimental phase of the community garden project, the role of the NTUBP team was to establish infrastructure and assist in space development to meet the diverse needs of garden activities at different stages. Playing a “scaffolding” role [51], the NTUBP team members suggested designing ideas by incorporating participatory practices, working collaboratively with garden volunteers to accomplish relevant spatial transformations.

Table 1. Early Building and Highlights of the JCG.

Date	Activities	Approaches
November– December 2019	Three community participatory workshops organized to determine the location and development ideas	Participatory planning and public communication
February 2020	Volunteers recruited. Installed rainwater harvesting facilities to address water usage issues on the site	Adaptive horticulture
Early March 2020	The first session of the volunteer training course, setting up individual planting pots	Individual planting area
End of March 2020	Established a public planting area	Developing commons
May 2020	Established trellis to expand the planting area	Adaptive horticulture and creating commons
Early November 2020	Created compost bins using recycled materials	Circular agriculture
Mid November 2020	Developed a nectar plants zone to enhance biodiversity	Biodiversity
Early December 2020	Painted the facilities to improve the environmental image	Aesthetics
End of March 2020	Established an exhibition area next to the garden showcasing nature drawings from elementary school art classes	Connecting the community, promoting biodiversity, and environmental education
September– October 2021	Constructed seats and a herb area utilizing recycled wood	Networking and enhancing the amenities for the community
October 2021	Received funding assistance from the Taipei City Government to expand the garden area; with the assistance of an NGO, installed drip irrigation facilities	Developing partnership and adaptive horticulture
September 2022	Expanded trellis area to further expand the replanting area	Biodiversity

outlines the process of facility additions within the garden, illustrating the co-evolution of space and community development. Figure 3 depicts the early stage of the community garden, showcasing the collaborative efforts of volunteers in constructing a vegetable shelter, and Figure 4 shows the layout status of the JCG site in the spring of 2023.

4.2.3. Learning: From Planting to Satoyama Safeguard

In each term, NGCC dispatches three instructors to conduct a 12-week organic gardening course. The course is offered every spring and autumn, spanning three months per term, and takes place on site in the garden every Sunday morning. In case of inclement weather, nearby community activity centers or other suitable spaces are used. The curriculum covers various techniques related to cultivating garden soil, vegetables, organic fertilizers, herbs, and nectar plants, among others. What sets apart the organic gardening course at the JCG from most other garden projects is the concept of “Satoyama”. This particular module incorporates an ecosystem services perspective, regarding the community garden as part of the surrounding Satoyama system. It is practiced by guided tours and research focusing on cultural, historical, and ecological aspects.

The JCG project places a strong emphasis on community engagement. Throughout the process, the JCO actively promotes the project, recruits volunteers, and provides support for necessary expenses, such as soil and seedling cultivation. The NTUBP students have also established a dedicated Facebook page for the JCG, aiming to assist with volunteer recruitment, raise public awareness, and promote environmental education centered on the garden. Additionally, there are two annual events jointly organized by the three parties to engage with the surrounding communities.

4.2.4. Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic

Unfortunately, the initiation and development of the JCG coincided with the COVID-19 pandemic, posing significant challenges for this initiative. The Taiwan Ministry of Health and Welfare, through its Centers for Disease Control, mandated that schools implement measures such as temperature checks, maintaining social distancing, and wearing masks during gatherings. The requirement of social distancing significantly affected the frequency of interaction and communication among members. The mask mandate also led to facial visual anonymity, making it difficult for members to recognize each other. At the peak of the COVID-19 cases, the CDC further mandated that all courses be conducted online, and outdoor gatherings should not exceed 10 people, among other restrictions. A strong quarantine policy was implemented until mid-2022, with quarantine periods lasting up to two weeks for confirmed individuals, their co-workers, and co-living families, resulting in unstable garden participation, particularly for families with children. After the government relaxed regulations in mid-2022, the rapid increase in confirmed cases again led to unstable attendance of garden volunteers.

Despite these circumstances, the garden project members successfully overcame the obstacles through various flexible approaches. Finally, in March 2023, the NGCC established an organization for the JCG, solidifying long-term operation with stable internal financial resources and manpower. Additionally, after three years of accumulated knowledge, two long-term volunteer leaders have become instructors in this organization, indicating its internal capacity for knowledge generation, going beyond the “knowledge-practice divide” [12]. Meanwhile, the NTUBP team has concluded its involvement in the JCG project but continues to collaborate with the NGCC and the JCO on developing local renewable energy projects in the Satoyama region.

5. Project Challenges and Outcomes

5.1. Linking Community with Social Infrastructure

In most of Taipei City’s community gardens, the main participants are retirees. However, the JCG project consciously recruits diverse members from various backgrounds, giving it a nature that can respond to different participation motivations. For newly relocated residents in Nangang, mostly young workers, the garden provides a channel for acquainting themselves with the local society. Retirees, on the other hand, consider gardening as a means to contribute to active aging. Here, people’s motivation for participation is often not solely focused on cultivation itself but rather on the idea of expanding social networks through collective learning. Through activities around gardening, volunteers are able to transcend their original social circles and gain various interesting cultural experiences.

In other community gardens, the course of organic gardening is not necessarily incorporated. However, in the case of the JCG, the common motivation for coming to the garden is to learn skills in organic gardening through the courses. For example, there are middle-aged individuals preparing for retirement life. Among the young participants, some aspire to develop careers related to ecological knowledge in the city, while others dream of moving to rural areas. The JCG serves as a place for them to cultivate and test themselves in developing these long-term interests. In this sense, the JCG acts as a gateway to new knowledge and possible lifestyles.

However, participants with knowledge or skill-oriented purposes tend to engage only in short-term involvement, making it challenging to maintain network stability. In this regard, the NGCC plays a crucial role in facilitating community formation and stability. Of the volunteers at the JCG, nearly half come from the combination of two networks: neighbors and the NGCC. They have often formed connections through participating in cultural tours, sports, and other gardening courses offered by the NGCC. These volunteers maintain an active lifestyle and possess a high level of health consciousness. They actively engage in public affairs, and advocate for friends, neighbors, or family members to together join the garden project. Moreover, due to their close proximity to the JCG, they can take on more regular responsibilities in garden care.

In addition to the weekly Sunday classes, volunteers were also responsible for routine garden management. The regular work of tending the garden increased people’s connection to nature. Among the volunteers, a sense of community is developed through sharing agricultural products or joining together in activities in the surrounding areas. Those who are interested in networking are more likely to engage in long-term participation. Likewise, they have a more tolerant view towards the limitations of the site and resource conditions and instead emphasize the social and health benefits they can gain within the community.

During the pandemic, the JCG project played a crucial role in nurturing community resilience. Despite the limitations on gathering during the peak of the pandemic, it remained open and thus became a rare outdoor space in the community, particularly valued by older adults and parents with young children. As a result, in 2022, the number of families with children grew to occupy more than one-third of the volunteer group.

The decision to keep the JCG open was made collectively, as it is believed that continuing the courses could reduce the sense of isolation experienced by the members during the pandemic. The facilitating members adopted flexible approaches to comply with relevant regulations, such as organizing separated group visits to the garden or utilizing a mix of online and onsite formats. To assist older adult volunteers in overcoming the digital divide, facilitating members provided one-on-one guidance for navigating the internet without significantly changing their familiar social media platforms. The focus of online courses also shifted from plant cultivation to cooking and related applications, strengthening online sharing and interaction. Methods of applying herbs to boost immunity were also introduced online to help volunteers navigate the crisis of the pandemic.

To conclude, during the pandemic, the JCG exhibits characteristics of social infrastructure, capable of responding to the diverse motivations of urban residents. By supporting an active, collective, and engaged lifestyle, it contributes to community cohesion. Overcoming difficulties together helps to increase volunteers’ sense of community. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the space and activities provided by the JCG contributed to creating community resilience in the face of crises.

5.2. Local Environmental Knowledge Mediated by Social Interactions

During the focus group discussions, the neighborhood chief identified two major constraints that the garden project had overcome: administrative difficulties in acquiring land from the district office and limited resources for developing infrastructure at various stages. Furthermore, she emphasized that the primary purpose of this initiative was not cultivation, but, rather, environmental education. Several other interviewees expressed similar views. Based on their feedback, this study has synthesized several types of knowledge as follows:

Firstly, the offered organic gardening course provides effective hands-on knowledge. Many members mentioned that the economic benefits of food were not their primary motivation for volunteering. Instead, they hoped the garden could expand, not to increase production, but to experiment with different cultivation methods, develop a more comprehensive understanding of organic gardening, and promote healthier eating habits for themselves and their families. Many members were particularly impressed by the content related to soil and microorganisms in organic gardening. The curriculum provided them with new knowledge, guided them through practical implementation repeatedly, and enabled them to apply what they learned in their daily lives. Instructors also invited members to demonstrate their practices during community events, which enhanced the experiential aspect of knowledge acquisition.

Secondly, the community garden serves as a hub for disseminating knowledge about organic gardening. Many members, after participating in the garden curriculum, start or expand cultivation in spaces like yards, rooftops, and balconies, and exchange knowledge and share produce with other members. Some volunteers come to the garden with a mission to learn and aim to establish other public gardens. For example, the rooftop garden in the Dongming Social Housing in the Nangang District and the school garden at the Jiuzhuang Elementary School were developed in such a context. These cases above reflects the diffusion and exchange of knowledge networks among different types of gardens in the Taipei City Garden City Initiative.

In addition, through the development and management of the garden, volunteers gradually acquire an ecological perspective in understanding the relationship between humans and the environment. With the diversification of plant species in the garden, they observed an increase in biodiversity, created by birds and insects. The volunteers also become more sensitive to the garden’s microclimate, water sources, and gradually expand their understanding of the characteristics of the surrounding area. In interviews, many members proactively mentioned the concept of “Satoyama” and recognized it as a feature of the garden project.

Through observations and interviews, it is interesting to note how acquiring ecological knowledge is mediated by social interactions. For instance, female volunteers frequently raise questions about plant types and cooking methods on the internal social media platform, as they are often responsible for providing food for their households. The enthusiastic responses from other members serve to reinforce their interests and lead to collective discussions. In the garden, children show a greater interest in insects and other organisms, while adults are more focused on plant growth. However, adults also make a point to draw children’s attention to earthworms, beetles, butterflies, and other creatures in the garden, encouraging them to observe. Parents also mentioned that engaging in physically demanding tasks like soil turning and weeding can help cultivate children’s concentration. As Figure 5 shows, these activities often require teamwork, offering children opportunities to interact with peers of various ages, which is a rare socialization experience for urban children.

The above analysis demonstrates how social interactions shape the ways of creating, interpreting, and sharing ecological knowledge. This socially mediated knowledge fosters a non-Euclidean and transactive way of learning among individuals, contributing to our understanding of human–nature co-benefit relationships [12].

5.3. Mapping Health

In terms of health, the interviewees have raised various aspects that relate to the three main themes of the garden’s course: edible landscapes, healing, and the concept of “Satoyama”. Many volunteers mentioned that the harvest from the garden has added diversity and enjoyment to their daily meals, while their participation in garden activities has increased their awareness of food safety. Parents also reported that their children’s picky eating habits decreased, and the children became more focused during mealtime after engaging in garden work.

When asked about the connection between garden activities and health, the interviewees mentioned several points. Firstly, they emphasized the direct health benefits of sun exposure and physical activity. Secondly, contact with nature, including soil and plants, was found to have healing effects. Additionally, expanding social networks emerged as a motivation for many members to participate in the garden. They aspired to meet new friends, engage in interesting activities with acquaintances and neighbors, and thereby expand their social circle. Some interviewees also highlighted the positive impact of social activities, such as chatting and conversations in the garden, on improved mental health, especially for women. Lastly, for retirees or older adults, taking care of the garden stimulated their motivation to go outside and keep their bodies and minds active.

From the findings of the interviews, it is evident that the concept of “Satoyama” has significantly strengthened the members’ local identity and sense of belonging. As participants engage in the creation and management of the garden, they gradually adopt the “Satoyama” initiative as a framework for comprehending their surrounding environment, subsequently influencing their daily actions. Initially, some participants regarded Nangang, in comparison to other parts of Taipei City, as lacking distinct environmental characteristics. However, through active involvement in garden activities and “Satoyama” guided tours, their perspectives have shifted, and they now display a heightened motivation to explore the surrounding areas. Key members, in particular, have come to realize that through exploration and cultivation, they can actively contribute to the construction of a distinctive local identity, which serves as a driving force for their sustained engagement.

6. Syntheses

The functions performed by the JCG during the COVID-19 pandemic can be outlined as follows:

• Networking and participation: Through collective garden management, garden volunteers actively engage with one another, enhancing a sense of community and belonging while reducing isolation;
• Collaborative construction: The activities in the garden promote physical fitness and cultivate positive thinking and happiness. Co-creation through joint construction provides participants with a sense of accomplishment, transforming the site into a unique and character-filled space;
• Ecological education: Participants’ awareness expands beyond the garden’s agricultural produce and species to encompass the broader natural and cultural environment of the region. This growing concern for local ecosystems and heritage fosters a deeper connection with nature;
• Adaptive capacity: Confronted with the constraints imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic, individuals harnessed their agency and responded with innovative ideas. Despite institutional and resource limitations, the garden project successfully transformed the original neighborhood eyesore into a pleasant space. This experience empowers participants, fostering a sense of accomplishment and self-efficacy.

Expanding upon the framework developed by Lawrence et al. [42], this study incorporates numerous key factors (Figure 6) that constitute a health and well-being model centered around a place-based lifestyle. As the locality serves as a “structured or mediated environment of social relationships”, behaviors or activities addressing locality often involve an awareness of the dialectical connection between individuals and others or the environment [52]. In this study, both the concept of social infrastructure and the stewardship of “Satoyama” transcend the dichotomy between physical and social spaces, as well as urban and natural ecosystems, leading to a mutually reinforcing feedback loop in terms of their impact on health and well-being.

7. Conclusions

Human habitation is intricately intertwined with both local and global ecological processes, and the built environment forms an integral component of the human living environment. Therefore, land-use planning plays a pivotal role in enhancing urban health and well-being. The built environment represents a complex knowledge domain that often requires interdisciplinary collaboration and knowledge innovation. In this study, JCG represents a conscious urban initiative proposed by diverse stakeholders with shared interests. Satoyama, as a human-ecological framework, demonstrated that the interdependence exists between human activities and the multi-scalar natural world. Moreover, the community garden action serves as an integral part of understanding and restoring the relationship between humans and nature.

This study demonstrates the potential of community gardens as a social infrastructure, particularly during the outbreak of the pandemic, where they have played a crucial role in maintaining and supporting urban health. Community gardens provide participants and organizations with opportunities for social interaction and public engagement, thereby enhancing their adaptive capacity. The active lifestyle promoted through garden management also contributes to the improvement of individuals’ physical and mental well-being.

These findings serve as a valuable reference for SDG3 (Good Health and Well-being), prompting a consideration of the impact of lifestyle, community, and social capital on urban health. Furthermore, SDG11 (Sustainable City and Community) encompasses targets related to urban green space provision, heritage preservation, and citizen involvement in management. In this case, the community garden initiative under the Satoyama movement connects these various dimensions, showcasing the co-benefits it brings forth. Therefore, this study recommends that policymakers take into account the diverse forms of urban green spaces and recognize their potential in fostering urban health. This requires collaboration between urban planning and public health, highlighting the importance of interdisciplinary cooperation.