1. See O. I. Shkaratan, “Material'noe blagosostoianie rabochego klassa SSSR v perekhodnyi period ot kapitalizma k sotsializmu,” lstoriia SSSR, 1964, no. 3, pp. 17–44. See also Carr, E. H. and Davies, R. W., Foundations of a Planned Economy, 1926–1929, vol. 1, pt. 2 (London, 1969)Google Scholar, chap. 27,and Barber, John, “The Standard of Living of Soviet Industrial Workers, 1928–1941,” in L'industrialisation de l'URSS dans les années trente (Paris, 1982), pp. 109–22Google Scholar.

2. Stalin, Iosif, Sochineniia, vol. 9 (Moscow, 1948), pp. 10–11.Google Scholar

3. See historiographical discussion by Cohen, Stephen, “Bolshevism and Stalinism,” in Tucker, Robert, ed., Stalinism. Essays in Historical Interpretation (New York, 1977)Google Scholar and Hough, Jerry, “The Cultural Revolution and Western Understanding of the Soviet System,” in Fitzpatrick, Sheila, ed.,Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1928–1931 (Bloomington, Ind., 1978)Google Scholar. For new trends emphasizing social aspects, see Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Education and Social Mobility in the Soviet Union, 1921–1934(Cambridge, England, 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bailes, Kendall, Technology and Society under Lenin and Stalin (Princeton,N.J., 1978)Google Scholar; Lampert, Nicholas, The Technical Intelligentsia and the Soviet State (London, 1979)Google Scholar;and Gert Meyer, Sozialstruktur sowjetischer Industriearbeiter Ende der zwanziger Jahre. Ergebnisse der Gewerkschaftsumfrage unter Metall-, Textil-und Bergarbeitern 1929 (Marburg, W Germany,1981).

4. Kaganovich, Lazar’, “O zadachakh Komsomola,” Molodaia gvardiia, 1929, no. 4, p. 54.Google Scholar

5. Malenkov, Grigorii, “Vovlechenie rabochikh v partiiu,” Bolshevik, 1926, nos. 21–22, p. 48 Google Scholar; M. Pitkovskii, “Vovlechenie promyshlennykh rabochikh v profsoiuzy,” ibid., 1926, nos. 23–24,pp. 38–39.

6. M. Brudnyi, “Nashi raznoglasiia i neodnorodnost’ proletariata,” Bolshevik, 1927, nos. 19–20, p. 64.

7. Ibid. Mikhail Tomskii described this as “elementary class justice.” VIIs “ezdprofessionalnykh soiuzov SSSR, 6–18 dek. 1926 g. Plenumy i sektsii. Polnyi sten. otchet (Moscow, 1927), p. 51.

8. This was evident among Stalin's allies and “Rightists” alike. See the speeches by Viacheslav Molotov, Nikolai Uglanov, Kaganovich, and Aleksei Rykov at the July 1928 plenum of the Central Committee of the party in the Trotskii archive, T 1833 and 1835 (used by permission of the Houghton Library of Harvard University). Note also Stalin's talk with a delegation of Donbas miners held on May 4, 1929 in Iurii Zhukov, Liudi 30-kh godov (Moscow, 1966), pp. 98–104.

9. Note that the April 1928 plenum of the Central Control Commission of the party (TsKK)was concerned about workers’ demands for free elections, a “Menshevik claim.” l plenum TsKK sozyva XV s “ezda VKP(b), 2–5 aprelia 1928 g. (Moscow, 1928; marked “Na pravakh rukopisi “),pp. 109–10 (V. P. Zatonskii). See also Rabochaia gazeta, April 13, 1928 (Zatonskii) and Materialy k XVIII chrezvychainoi Smolenskoi gubernskoi konferentsii VKP(b), iiun’ 1928 g. (Smolensk, 1928),p. 21.

10. I. Zlatopol's'kyi, “Pro pravu nebezpeku v profrusi,” Visnyk profrukhu Ukrainy, 1929,no. 12 (June), p. 6.

11. Notable exceptions are Fitzpatrick, Education, and Fitzpatrick, “Stalin and the Making of a New Elite, 1928–1939,” Slavic Review, 38, no. 3 (September 1979): 377–402.

12. Trud v SSSR. Ekonomiko-statisticheskiispravochnik (Moscow, 1932), p. 61 (average annual number of workers including factory apprentices in “census industry,” or large-scale industry). For the definition of census industry, see Carr and Davies, Foundations, note D.

13. VII s “ezd professional'nykh soiuzov SSSR, pp. 38–39, 184, 236, 719, 766; VIII s “ezdprofessional'nykhsoiuzov SSSR. 18–24 dek. 1928 g. Plenumy i sektsii. Polnyi sten. otchet (Moscow, 1929),pp. 28, 31–32, 83–84, 186, 514, 532, 567; XVI konferentsiia VKP(b), aprel’ 1929 g. Sten. otchet(Moscow, 1962), pp. 72, 145; VIII vsesoiuznyi s “ezd VLKSM. 5–16 maia 1928 g. Sten. otchet (Moscow,1928), pp. 22–29.

14. See G. D. Veinberg, secretary of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions (VTsSPS)and member of TsKK, in Trud, September 27, 1929 and Torgovo-promyshlennaia gazeta, September 1, 1929.

15. Khain, A. and Khandros, V, Kto oni—novye liudi na proizvodstve? (Moscow, 1930), p. 4 Google Scholar.See also Kommunisticheskaia revoliutsiia, 1929, no. 8, pp. 31–32.

16. XV konferentsiia VKP(b), oktiabr'-noiabr’ 1926 g. (Moscow, 1927), p. 288.

17. Trud, April 5, 1929; V Burdov, Profsoiuzy i industrializatsiia (Moscow, 1929), p. 28;N. Semenov, Litso fabrichnykh rabochikh prozhivaiushchikh v derevniakh i politprosvetrabota sredi nikh (Moscow, 1929), p. 62.

18. See V. Molotov, Pravda, December 4, 1928 and his report to the November 1928 plenum of the Central Committee of the party quoted in A. Rashin, Sostav fabrichno-zavodskogo proletariata SSSR (Moscow, 1930), pp. iii and 125.

19. Trud v SSSR. Spravochnik, 1926–1930 (Moscow, 1930), pp. xii–xiii, 26, 28–29. The average age of the metal workers of this older generation was 37.9 years. My calculation based on Perepis'rabochikh i sluzhashchikh 1929 g., t. 1: Metallisty SSSR (Moscow, 1930), pp. 9, 51.

20. Perepis', p. 62.

21. Rashin, Sostav, pp. 75–79, 84, and Perepis', p. 52.

22. See Rashin, Sostav, pp. 74–85 and Perepis', pp. 57–58. The classification by skill is based on the wage rank tables in force at that time.

23. 16.2, 15.1, 11.8, and 9.5 percent of the highly skilled, skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled workers respectively were party members. Meyer, Sozialstruktur, p. 175. For social activity, see Rashin, Sostav, pp. 145–46.

24. See, for example, Rabochaia Moskva, January 30, 1929.

25. Rashin, Sostav, pp. 110–24.

26. Pitkovskii, “Vovlechenie promyshlennykh rabochikh,” p. 39, and Malenkov, “Vovlechenie rabochikh,” p. 48. Some of them were not union members. The party's Central Committee complained in late 1926 that party “saturation” was “insufficient” among the highly skilled. Izvestiia TsK VKP(b), no. 1 (74), January 10, 1927, p. 2.

27. Malenkov, “Vovlechenie rabochikh,” p. 48. Contemporary Soviet historians usually do not discuss this issue. See for example Vdovin, A. I. and Drobizhev, V. Z., Rost rabochego klassa SSSR.1917–1940 gg. (Moscow, 1976), p. 175 Google Scholar, where it is stated that after the October Revolution, the “stratum of ‘labor aristocracy’ ceased to exist.” “Aristocrats” were not entirely confined to the older generations, however. For highly skilled “young aristocrats,” see Potakov, N., “Aristokraty ot stanka, “Molodaia gvardiia, 1929, no. 15 (August), pp. 172–75Google Scholar. 12.9 percent of the highly skilled metal workers were less than 30 years old. Perepis', p. 51.

28. Meyer, Sozialstruktur, p. 175 and Rashin, Sostav, pp. 145–46.

29. Note particularly that in April 1926 N. Uglanov, then head of the Moscow Committee of the party, firmly defended the skilled workers from grassroots accusations against their “aristocratic “and “reformist” tendencies. Pravda, April 25, 1926.

30. See the resolution of the presidium of VTsSPS quoted in Meyer, Sozialstruktur, pp. 22–23,and N. Evreinov's introduction to Rashin, Sostav, p. v as well as Rashin's conclusion (p. 169). For a very positive view of the composition of the working class in 1929, see also Shkaratan, O. I., Problemy sotsial'noi struktury rabochego klassa SSSR. Istoriko-sotsiologicheskoe issledovanie (Moscow,1970), pp. 257–58.Google Scholar

31. Trud v SSSR. 1926–1930, pp. xiii, 28–29. In the Ukrainian metallurgical industry and the Donbas coal mines, children of peasants were predominant among this new cohort, accounting for 61.2 and 68 percent respectively. See Meyer, Sozialstruktur, p. 134. Many peasant workers indeed lived in the countryside and commuted to the factories. For this, see Semenov, Litso fabrichnykh rabochikh.

32. For instance, more than half of those in the engineering industry who had first entered industrial work between 1926 and 1929 were younger than 23 years (Perepis1, p. 51). In the late 1920s, the sexual composition of new workers was rather stable, males accounting for 71–72 percent.(Vdovin and Drobizhev, Rost, p. 130). According to one analysis, of the new workers in the metalworking industry who had first entered industrial work in 1928–29 only 1.3 percent in Moscow and 1.1 percent in Leningrad were highly skilled or skilled (N. Gumilevskii, “Kharakteristika sostava rabochei sily v metallopromyshlennosti,” Metall, 1930, no. 2, p. 20). The new recruits could not fully compensate for even the natural “attrition” of skilled workers (Statistika truda, 1929, nos. 2–3,p. 18).

33. See n. 22.

34. Rashin, Sostav, pp. 47–63, 76–85, and Perepis', pp. 65–72.

35. See n. 23 and Meyer, Sozialstruktur, pp. 171–73.

36. Korotkov, I., “K proverke i chistke proizvodstvennykh iacheek,” in Iaroslavskii, Emel'ian,ed., Kak provodit’ chistku partii (Moscow-Leningrad, 1929), p. 84.Google Scholar

37. VIII s “ezd professionalnykh soiuzov, p. 122. See also Sputnik agitatora dlia goroda, 1929,no. 8, pp. 37–38. Among the new workers were peasants, former officers of the Imperial Army,hereditary nobles, and others. Shkaratan, Problemy, pp. 244–45.

38. Vestnik truda, 1927, no. 12, p. 97.

39. Izvestiia TsIK SSSR, April 26, 1929.

40. Ibid, and Statisticheskoe obozrenie, 1929, no. 2, p. 50. See also S. Dukel'skii, Za sotsialisticheskuiu trudovuiu distsiplinu, 2nd ed. (Moscow, 1930), pp. 18–19, and VI Vsesoiuznaia konferentsiia VLKSM,17–24 iiunia 1929 g. Sten. otchet (Moscow, 1929), p. 384.

41. Ekonomicheskoe obozrenie, 1929, no. 3, p. 7 and Zlatopol's'kyi, “Pro pravu nebezpeku v profrusi,” p. 6. This was made clear by a special investigation of new workers conducted nationwide in the fall of 1928 by the metal workers’ union.

42. See, for example, the case of Krasnyi Putilovets in Trud, April 20, 1929.

43. Pravda, April 9, 1929.

44. Sputnik kommunista, 1928, no. 17, p. 69.

45. Rabochaia gazeta, December 12, 1929; Vestnik truda, 1927, no. 12, p. 100; Molodaia gvardiia, 1929, no. 14, pp. 58–68, no. 16, p. 53. See also Nikolai Bukharin's speech in VIII Vsesoiuznyis “ezd VLKSM, p. 29, and Tomskii's in VIII s “ezd professional'nykh soiuzov, p. 32.

46. For instance, in the Ukrainian metallurgical industry, where the influx of new peasant workers was very rapid, the number of labor accidents increased by 24.4 percent in 1927–28, whereas it dropped by 2.2 percent in the Russian Republic. Dukel'skii, Za sotsialisticheskuiu trudovuiu distsiplinu, p. 64, and Trud, July 17, September 18, 1929.

47. Novye kadry promyshlennykh rabochikh i rabota sredi nikh (po materialam obsledovaniia Severo-Kavkazskogo kraikoma VKP(b) i kraisovprofa) (Rostov on the Don, 1927), p. 10.

48. Pravda, April 9, 1929.

49. Ibid., December 25, 1928. This pastime apparently survived the October Revolution. For an interesting account of this in the nineteenth century, see Daniel Brower, “Labor Violence in Russia in the Late Nineteenth Century,” Slavic Review, 41, no. 3 (Fall 1982): 417–31.

50. Izvestiia TsK VKP(b), 1929, nos. 14–15, p. 16. It should be noted, however, that the increase in the number of penalties reflected the collapse of managerial authority as a result of the Shakhty affair: the factory directors often responded to this crisis simply by imposing more penalties than before. Bogushevskii, V., “Kanun piatiletki,” God vosemnadtsatyi. Al'manakh vos'moi (Moscow, 1935), pp. 509–10Google Scholar and XI z'izd KP(b)U, 5–75 chervnia 1930 r. Sten. zvit (Kharkov, 1930),p. 672.

51. Statisticheskoe obozrenie, 1929, no. 2, p. 51 (based on the material of five factories).

52. Kommunisticheskaia revoliutsiia, 1929, no. 6, p. 5.

53. Gornorabochii, 1929, no. 2, p. 2, no. 3, p. 18 and Pravda, February 16, 1929. See alsoRabochaia gazeta, March 1, 1929, and Predpriiatie, 1928, no. 12, pp. 11–12.

54. Burdov, Profsoiuzy, pp. 29, 63. See also Izvestiia TsIK SSSR, April 26, 1929.

55. Novye kadry, p. 10.

56. Z. Gurina, “Proizvodstvennoe vospitanie novykh kadrov,” Sputnik agitatora dlia goroda, 1929, no. 8 (April), p. 39.

57. Ibid.

58. Biulleten’ Ural'skogo oblastnogo komiteta VKP(b), 1929, no. 5, p. 1.

59. Metallist, 1928, no. 40, p. 29, and Golos tekstilei, June 12, 1929. See also Korotkov, “K proverke,” p. 84 and Murashov, D., Profsoiuzy i sotsialisticheskoe stroitelstvo (Moscow-Leningrad, 1927), p. 32 Google Scholar.

60. Novye kadry, p. 13.

61. Pitkovskii, “Vovlechenie promyshlennykh rabochikh,” p. 47.

62. Ibid.

63. Golos tekstilei, November 17, 1928 (my emphasis). Some 4,000 out of 14,000 workers were said to be “new workers. “

64. Korotkov, “K proverke,” p. 83.

65. It is symbolic of the Stalin leadership's distrust of new workers that in 1928, in order to help “fight against Trotskiism,” the Central Committee of the party sent out to the obkoms and raikomsI. Zhiga's book Novye rabochie (Moscow, 1928). Zhiga described new workers in a Leningrad factory as susceptible to the influence of enemies of labor policy in the factory. Ivan Zhiga, Ocherki, stat'i i vospominaniia (Moscow, 1958), pp. 8, 180–288.

66. Pravda, June 24, 1928.

67. See K. E. Voroshilov's speech in Leningradskaia pravda, March 10, 1929.

68. “Pis'mo TsK VKP(b) vsem partiinym organizatsiiam o podniatii trudovoi distsipliny,” inKPSS v rezoliutsiiakh i resheniiakh s “ezdov, konferentsii i plenumov TsK, vol. 4 (Moscow, 1970),p. 170.

69. VI Vsesoiuznaia konferentsiia VLKSM, pp. 353–54. My emphasis.

70. See, for example, Zlatopol's'kyi, “Pro pravu nebezpeku v profrusi,” pp. 8–10; Molodaia gvardiia, 1929, no. 14, pp. 60–61; Bolshevik, 1929, no. 22, p. 38.

71. See the case of Moscow in N. Davydova and A. Ponomarev, Velikii podvig. Bor'ba moskovskikh bol'shevikov za osushchestvlenie leninskogo plana sotsialisticheskoi industrializatsii (Moscow,1970), p. 239.

72. Semenov, Litso fabrichnykh rabochikh, p. 58. My emphasis.

73. Stalin, Sochineniia, vol. 9, pp. 197–98.

74. Ibid.

75. For the resistance of skilled workers to the drive, see, for example, la. Bineman, “Trudovye konflikty v promyshlennosti v svete ratsionalizatsii,” Khoziaistvo i upravknie, 1927, nos. 4–5, p. 29.

76. Lebedev, G., “Vziat’ novyi kurs,” Molodaia gvardiia, 1929, no. 16, p. 52.Google Scholar

77. For these movements, see Carr and Davies, Foundations, chap. 18.

78. Lebedev, “Vziat’ novyi kurs,” pp. 52–53, and Torgovo-promyshlennaia gazeta, May 26,1929.

79. Pravda, August 19, 1929, and Paramonov, P., Proizvodstvennye soveshchaniia i sotssorevnovaniena Urale (Sverdlovsk, 1930), p. 91.Google Scholar

80. See, for example, 4 sessiia Ts.I.K. Soiuza SSR 4 sozyva. Sten. otchet (Moscow, 1928),bulletins no. 4, pp. 3–4, no. 6, pp. 6–7; Ratsionalizatsiia promyshlennosti SSSR. Rabota komissii prezidiuma VSNKh SSSR (Moscow-Leningrad, 1928), pp. 333–34; and Bystritskii, M. G. and Serebriannikov, G. N., Novaia bronia podrostkov (Moscow, 1928), p. 39.Google Scholar

81. Gastev, Aleksei, Trudovye ustanovki (Moscow, 1973), p. 300.Google Scholar

82. Ibid., p. 214. First emphasis added.

83. Ustanovki rabochei sily, 1928, nos. 1–2, p. 68, nos. 3–4, p. 18.

84. See, for example, Predpriiatie, 1926, no. 3, p. 81, and Vestnik Donuglia, no. 64 (July 15,1929), p. 13, no. 65 (August 10, 1929), p. 12.

85. See, for example, Ratsionalizatsiia, p. 148. For the practice of the new organization of labor,see, for example, Trud, June 29, 1928.

86. See the resolution of March 25, 1929 of the Central Committee of the party, “O rabote na tekstil'nykh predpriiatiiakh,” Izvestiia TsK VKP(b), 1929, no. 10 (April 12), pp. 13–15, and A. Grinevich, “Osnovnye voprosy raboty na tekstil'nykh predpriiatiiakh,” Bolshevik, 1929, no. 11,pp. 46–56. At the textile factory Krasnaia Presnia, resistance to the rationalization drive came “mainly from the most skilled and best-paid workers.” Sputnik kommunista, 1928, no. 7, p. 61.

87. Meerzon, Zh., Za perestroiku partiinoi raboty (Moscow-Leningrad, 1929), p. 6.Google Scholar

88. Molodoi bolshevik, 1930, no. 3, p. 25, and Korotkov, “K proverke,” p. 87. (The dates and places were not revealed.) “Small strikes” occurred in Tver’ around this time. l plenum TsKK sozyva XV s “ezda VKP(b), p. 141. For an interesting case of worker resistance to the drive for productivity at the Iartsevo factory in Smolensk, see Merle Fainsod, Smolensk under Soviet Rule(Cambridge, Mass., 1958), pp. 51 and 311, and Golos tekstilei, April 17, June 26, July 18, August 11,1928.

89. Professionalnye soiuzy SSSR, 1926–1928. Otchet VTsSPS k Vlll s “ezdu professionalnykh soiuzov (Moscow, 1928), p. 329. For instance, more than 3 percent of the textile workers suffered pure, losses. More generally, in terms of decile ratio of upper-to-lower tenth wages, differentials steadily narrowed down from 4.47 (1924) to 3.33 (1930). N. E. Rabkina and N. M. Rimashevskaia, “Raspredelitel'nye otnosheniia i sotsial'noe razvitie,” in Ekonomika i organizatsiia promyshlennogo proizvodstva, 1978, no. 5, pp. 20–21, and Michael Ellman, “A Note on the Distribution of Earnings in the USSR under Brezhnev,” Slavic Review, 39, no. 4 (Winter 1980): 670.

90. See, for example, N. D. Uglanov's speech in Rabochaia Moskva, April 26, 1928, and VIII s “ezd metallistov, 15–28 fevralia 1928 g. Sten. otchet (Moscow, 1928), pp. 58–59, 153, 562, 570. The situation appears to have been most serious in the textile industry, where the influx of new, unskilled workers also contributed to the narrowing of wage differentials, mainly at the expense of older,highly-skilled workers. la. Kvasha and F. Shofman, Semichasovoi rabochii den’ v tekstil noi promyshlennosti(Moscow, 1930), pp. 104–14. In 1928–29 Sotsialisticheskii vestnik, a Menshevik journal then published in Berlin, reported strikes caused by the wage-scale reform and the deterioration of working conditions in Moscow at the Liuberetskii, Mytishchenskii, and Krasnyi fakel factories, in Leningrad at the Putilov and an unnamed textile factory, in the Donbas at the Enakievskii factory, and at some factories in Sormovo and Orekhovo-Zuevo. See Sotsialisticheskii vestnik, nos. 2–3 (168–69),February 6, 1928, p. 20; no. 4 (170), February 21, 1928, p. 14; no. 10 (176), May 18, 1928, p. 13;nos. 7–8 (197–98), April 12, 1929, p. 22; nos. 10–11 (200–201), May 25, 1929, pp. 20–21; no. 12(202), June 14, 1929, p. 14.

91. See, for example, D. Bentsman, “O nekotorykh korniakh i osobennostiakh profsoiuznogo opportunizma,” Trud, November 1, 1929, and N. Evreinov, “Protiv tred-iunionizma, protiv vsiakikh uklonov ot leninskoi linii o profrabote,” Pravda, October 26, 1929.

92. Ibid.

93. Although this needs a separate treatment, see E. H. Carr, Foundations of a Planned Economy, vol. 2 (London, 1971), pp. 175–76. Note also that the Sixth Komsomol Conference (June 1929)placed on its agenda the “reconstruction of trade unions,” an item very unusual for the Komsomol and a clear affront to the unions. VI Vsesoiuznaia konferentsiia VLKSM, pp. 343–426.

94. Stalin, , Sochineniia, vol. 12 (Moscow, 1949), p. 174.Google Scholar My emphasis.

95. See, for example, Bentsman, “O nekotorykh korniakh.” L. M. Kaganovich consistently emphasized this point. See n. 66 and his speeches in Pravda, January 21, 1930, and Rabochaia Moskva, March 1, 1931.

96. Korotkov, “K proverke,” p. 85. A member of TsKK, Korotkov sat on the commission established in early 1929 by the Politburo and the presidium of TsKK to deal with the Bukharin faction. F. M. Vaganov, Pravyi uklon v VKP(b) i ego razgrom, 1928–1930 (Moscow, 1970), p. 200.

97. Professional'nye soiuzy SSSR, p. 124.

98. Rashin, Sostav, pp. 135–37; Perepis', pp. 46, 103–104; Meyer, Sozialstruktur, pp. 171–72,174.

99. Rashin, Sostav, pp. 169–70.

100. Stalin, , Sochineniia, vol. 11 (Moscow, 1949), pp. 17–18, 269–70, 278–79.Google Scholar

101. 47.1 percent of the “25,000ers” sent in early 1930 to the countryside for its socialist transformation belonged to this age group 23–29, whereas it accounted for 28.6 percent of the industrial work force. (Politicheskii i trudovoi pod'em rabochego klassa SSSR, 1928–1929 gg. [Moscow, 1956],p. 545, and Meyer, Sozialstruktur, p. 139.1 owe this reference to Lynne Viola.) The majority of the “thousanders” sent in 1928–1931 to higher education by special recruitment campaigns appear to have been in their mid- to late twenties and early thirties (Fitzpatrick, Education and Social Mobility, pp. 184–86, and Fitzpatrick, “Stalin and the Making of a New Elite,” pp. 384–86). In 1929–30, 50percent of the university students belonged to the age group 23–29. (Narodnoe khoziaistvo. Statisticheskii spravochnik 1932 [Moscow-Leningrad, 1932], p. 531.)

102. Iu. V Arutiunian, “Kollektivizatsiia sel'skogo khoziaistva i vysvobozhdenie rabochei sily dlia promyshlennosti,” in Formirovanie i razvitiesovetskogo rabochego klassa (Moscow, 1964), p. 116.

103. XIz'izdKP(b)U, p. 251 (S. Kosior).

104. See n. 8 and Mikoian, Anastas, Problema snabzheniia strany i rekonstruktsiia narodnogo khoziaistva (Moscow-Leningrad, 1929), pp. 22–24.Google Scholar

105. See Sotsialisticheskoe sorevnovanie v promyshlennosti SSSR (Moscow, 1930), and Iu. Kalistratov, Za udarnyi proizvodstvennyi kollektiv, 2nd ed. (Moscow, 1931).

106. Za tri mesiatsa. Deiatelnost’ SNK i STO. HI kvartal, aprel'-iiun’ 1929130 g. (Moscow,1930), p. 68.

107. This motive may have been suggested by a worker's testimony against Samoilov, a technician and defendant at the Shakhty trial, that Samoilov had “demoralized” workers by “giving more premiums to some than to others.” Izvestiia TsIK SSSR, May 25, 1928.

108. This interpretation fits by and large into Fitzpatrick's new interpretation of the “Great Retreat” in the 1930s as “the secondary consequence of a successful social revolution.” Fitzpatrick,Education and Social Mobility, p. 254. See also her The Russian Revolution (Oxford, 1982), chap. 6.For the “Great Retreat,” see Nicholas Timasheff, The Great Retreat. The Growth and Decline of Communism in Russia (New York, 1946).

109. Stalin, Sochineniia, vol. 9, pp. 10–11.