Abstract
This paper will start by focusing on the morphosemantics of a Latin verb lūgeō ‘mourn’, which represents an emotion felt by people mentally excruciated by their loved one’s death. Traditionally, it has been believed that the Proto-Indo-European verbal root *leu̯g- ‘break’ underlies lūgeō, but recently this etymology has been challenged. However, I will support the traditional ‘break’ hypothesis through a novel semantic comparison to doleō ‘feel pain’, a verb also expressing a type of sensation humans often experience. Since its underlying root *delh 1 - means ‘hew, split’, similar to ‘break’, the semantic development of doleō would provide a neat parallel for lūgeō. Having salvaged the connection with *leu̯g-, I will advocate a stative formation (with *-eh 1 -i̯é-) for lūgeō instead of the more commonly presumed iterative reconstruction (with *-éi̯e-). The analysis conducted for lūgeō turns out to be useful for doleō, too; I will propose that the latter verb’s wider semantic range is best explained as the result of the convergence of two formations, a stative form meaning ‘feel pain’ (with *-eh 1 -i̯é-) and an iterative form meaning ‘habitually give pain to’ (with *-éi̯e-, as previously assumed for this verb).
Acknowledgments
I owe a great debt of gratitude to Ronald Kim, Yoko Yamazaki, Anthony Yates, and two anonymous reviewers for their useful comments and suggestions. All remaining errors are of course my own. The production of this paper was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number JP20K00608.
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