1. For general accounts of German colonial history during the years 1884–1919, see Smith, Woodruff, The German Colonial Empire (Chapel Hill, 1978)Google Scholar; Gründer, Horst, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 3rd ed. (Paderborn, 1995)Google Scholar. For accounts of the colonial movement and Bismarck's role in the founding of the German colonial empire, see Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, Bismarck und der Imperialisms, 4th ed. (Munich, 1976)Google Scholar; Bade, Klaus J., Friedrich Fabri und der Imperialisms in der Bismarckzeit: Revolution — Depression — Expansion (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1975).Google Scholar

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5. Dernburg's biographer, Werner Schiefel, provides the most detailed account of Dernburg's rise to power in the involvement in German domestic and colonial politics. See Schiefel, , Bernhard Dernburg, 1865–1937: Kolonialpolitiker und Bankier im wilhelminischen Deutschland (Zürich, 1994).Google Scholar

6. Accounts of the East African study trip and its importance for Dernburg's colonial policies can be found in Iliffe, John, The German Administration in Tanganyika, 1906–1911: The Governorship of Freiherr von Rechenberg (Cambridge, 1967), 160–64Google Scholar, expanded in idem, , Tanganyika under German Rule, 1905–1912 (London, 1969), 77–81Google Scholar; Koponen, Juhani, Development for Exploitation: German Colonial Policies in Mainland Tanzania, 1884–2914 (Helsinki, 1995), 266–72Google Scholar; Tetzlaff, Rainer, Kolonial Entwicklung und Ausbeutung: Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte Deutsch-Ostafrikas, 1885–1914 (Berlin, 1970), 223–32Google Scholar; Austen, Ralph A., Northwest Tanzania under German and British Rule: Colonial Policy and Tribal Politics, 1889–1939 (New Haven, 1968)Google Scholar; Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 192–97Google Scholar; and Schiefel, , Dernburg, 66–73.Google Scholar

7. Bernhard Dernburg, Bericht über eine vom 13.Juli bis 30. Oktober 1907 nach Ostafrika ausgeführte Dienstreise, Bundeshauptarchiv Berlin (BHA), R 43 Rk 924 Bl. 99, 1–39. Dernburg's reform program was based in many respects on that of Albrecht Freiherr von Rechenberg, Götzen's successor as governor of German East Africa (1906–1912). Rechenberg sought to promote indigenous production in the interior rather than forcibly relocate thousands of African workers as wage laborers for the ill-managed German coastal plantations. He also sought to minimize the expansion of German settlement, believing the emigrants to be political liabilities in the maintenance of peace and inimical to the goals of sustained economic growth. As both Iliffe and, more recently, Koponen, have noted, Rechenberg's unwillingness to accede to the repeated demands for an increased German presence in the colony led to a polarization in the debate over East African development between those who wanted a “white man's colony” and the governor's efforts to create a “free land of Negro peasants.” See Koponen, , Development, 241–320.Google Scholar

8. In addition to Schiefel's and Koponen's excellent accounts, other secondary works that discuss Dernburg's reform policies during the years 1906–10 include Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 192–209Google Scholar; Pierard, Richard V., “The Dernburg Reform Policy and German East Africa,” Tanzania Notes and Records 67 (06 1967): 31–38Google Scholar; Schulte, Dieter, “Die Monopolpolitik des Reichskolonialamts in der ‘Ära Dernburg’ 1906–1910,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte 24 (1981): 7–39Google Scholar. On German colonial reform in a broader context, see Schulte-Althoff, Franz-Josef, “Koloniale Reformpolitik und Partikularinteressen,” Saeculum 32 (1981): 146–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, , “Koloniale Krise und Reformprojekte: Zur Diskussion über eine Kurskorrektur in der deutschen Kolonialpolitik nach der Jahrhundertwende,” in Weltpolitik, Europagedanke, Regionalismus, ed. Heinz, Dollinger et al. (Münster, 1981).Google Scholar

9. Woodruff Smith's studies of ideological formations in German colonial discourse remain the definitive accounts. See Smith, , “The Ideology of German Colonialism, 1840–1914,” Journal of Modern History 46 (1974): 641–62CrossRefGoogle Scholaridem, ., The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism (New York, 1986), esp. 124–29Google Scholar. For a useful discussion and modification of Smith's models in regard to colonial development in East Africa, see Koponen, , Development, 87–94.Google Scholar

10. Iliffe's models of “a white man's country” and “a land of free Negro peasants” effectively highlights the economic and racial dimensions of the debate but fails to link the localized power struggles in the colony with the larger debates in Germany. Smith argues for an enduring divide between “settlement colonialism” (Lebensraum) and “economic colonialism” (Weltpolitik), ideologies that characterized German colonial debate from the 1850s until the rise of Nazism. His overarching theoretical framework remains too homogenous a model for understanding the complexity of issues introduced during 1906–1910 that distinguished them from the previous and post-1919 debates over German colonialism. Koponen, varying Smith's models, describes the opposing camps as “nationalist” and “capitalist.” These terms, however, obscure the fact that Dernburg and Rechenberg also pursued nationalist aims and tend to conflate under the category “capitalist” groups with very different notions of German colonial identity. Renate Nestvogel has suggested two dominant colonial models based on the “English” system of passive rule exemplified in British India and the more confrontational “Boer” model adopted in Southwest Africa. While Nestvogel rightly emphasizes the degree to which Germany policymakers relied upon the programs of more experienced colonizing states, her comparative terminology obscures the procedural and conceptual differences between German, British, and Boer strategies of colonization. See Nestvogel, and Rainer, Tetzlaff, eds., Afrika und der deutsche Kolonialismus: Zivilisierung zwischen Schnapshandel und Bibeltunde (Berlin, 1987)Google Scholar. Other historians, like Schiefel, rely upon accepted colonial typologies used in Wilhelmian Germany of “trading colony,” “settler colony,” and “plantation colony.” The limitations of such economically-oriented categories in expressing the complex nexus of national, imperial, and racial issues that characterized colonial discourse, however, were evident even to contemporaries.

11. Bald, Detlef, Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1900–1914: Eine Studie über Verwaltung, Interessengruppen und wirtschaftliche Erschliessung (Munich, 1970), 123–26Google Scholar; Ida Pipping-van, Hulten, An Episode of Colonial History: The German Press in Tanzania 1901–1914 (Uppsala, 1974)Google Scholar, and the older studies by Dietrich, Redeker, Journalismus in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1899–1916: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Presse in den früheren deutschen Kolonien (Frankfurt am Main, 1937)Google Scholar; Dressier, Adolf, Die deutschen Kolonien und die Presse (Würzburg, 1942).Google Scholar

12. For an instructive way in which the visual experience of empire (of the metropolis, not the colony) can be discussed within the historical context of identity formation, see Burton, Antoinette, At the Heart of Empire: Indians and the Colonial Encounter in late-Victorian Britain (Berkeley, 1998)Google Scholar. See also Pratt, Mary Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. My notion of the process by which Dernburg constructed images of East Africa as an oriental periphery is derived from Said's, Edward W. concept of “manifest Orientalism” as described in Orientalism, 2nd ed. (New York, 1994), 206–7Google Scholar. My interest, however, in distinguishing between Dernburg's understanding of Africa prior to his colonial experiences and the effect that his subjective observations had upon altering his previous knowledge of Africa and the colonial “other” is not a part of Said's two forms of Orientalism, latent, and manifest, and thus suggests, I would argue, a third form of Orientalist knowledge production, “experienced Orientalism.”

13. This shift in colonial policy from violent forms of extraction of raw materials and exploitation of indigenous inhabitants to a more moderate course of infrastructural improvements, technological advance, and encouragement of local forms of production is part of what Koponen has called “the developmental imperative.” Although such a shift in policy led to some improvements in colonial East Africa, he argues, the goal of German developmental initiatives was ultimately a more sophisticated and efficient form of exploitation, one which provided a basic model for development after 1919 for the British and later the postindependence Tanzanian state. See Koponen, , Development, 168–77.Google Scholar

14. For a discussion of the scientific aspects of Dernburg's understanding of colonialism, see Smith, , The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, 195ff.Google Scholar

15. Markmiller, Anton, “Die Erziehung des Negers zur Arbeit”: Wie die koloniale Pädagogik afrikanische Gesellhchaften in die Abhängigkeit führte (Berlin, 1995)Google Scholar; Cynthia, Cohen,” ‘The Natives Must First Become Good Workmen’: Formal Educational Provisions in German South West and East Africa Compared,” Journal of Southern African Studies 19, no. 1 (03 1993): 128–34.Google Scholar

16. The phrase “evidence of experience” is from Scott's, Joan W. article, “The Evidence of Experience,” Critical Inquiry 17 (Summer 1991): 773–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Scott focuses on the ways in which experience is often treated uncritically as an essential foundation of thought by historians because of its illusory “uncontested” and “objective” nature. My attempt here is to apply these epistemological considerations to the case of Dernburg and his reliance upon colonial experience as objective evidence for defending his reform policies.

17. Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 183–86Google Scholar; Reuss, Martin, “The Disgrace and Fall of Carl Peters: Morality, Politics, and Staatsräson in the Time of Wilhelm II,” Central European History 14, no. 2 (1981): 110–38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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19. Harden, Maximilian, Die Zukunft 56 (1906): 393–406Google Scholar; idem, 57 (106): 377–80; idem, , 58 (1907): 374–86Google Scholar. For a discussion of Dernburg's status as a individual of Jewish origin in a high official position in Wilhelmian Germany, see Schiefel, , Dernburg, 42–45.Google Scholar

20. Die Stenographischen Berichte zu den Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 5,128. Sitzung, 28 November 1906, 3961–62.

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23. Dernburg, , Zielpunkte des deutschen Kolonialwesens (Berlin, 1907), 8Google Scholar. Also reprinted in the Deutsches Kolonialblatt (DKB) 24 (15 December 1907), 51–74.

24. Dernburg, , Zielpunkte, 11–13Google Scholar. Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 195Google Scholar; idem, , The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, 150Google Scholar. For specifics, see “Die finanzielle Entwicklung der deutschen Schutzgebiete (ohne Kiatschou), Graphische Darstellungen der Aufwände des Reiches mit Ausnahme der Militärlasten für die Schutzgebiete und der eigenen Einnahmen der Schutzgebiete; Vergleich mit der finanziellen Entwicklung Algiers,” Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Anlageband 8 (1905–6), 563; “Die deutschen Kapitalinteressen in den deutschen Schutzgebieten (ohne Kiatschou); Grösse, Stand und Rentabilität,” ibid., 564.

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26. Dernburg, , Koloniale Lehrjahre (Stuttgart, 1907), 7.Google Scholar

27. Dernburg, , “Die Koloniale Aufklärungsarbeit,” DKB (1907), 106–7.Google Scholar

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29. Dernburg, , Koloniale Lehrjahre, 8–10, 15–16Google Scholar; Zielpunkte, 35; “Die Koloniale Aufläarungsarbeit,” 107–8; Koloniale Finanzprobleme (Berlin, 1907), 12–16.Google Scholar

30. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 5, 128. Sitzung, 28 November 1906, 3958.

31. Ibid., 3960.

32. Schiefel, , Dernburg, 65–66Google Scholar; Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 193–94.Google Scholar

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34. Dernburg, , Koloniale Lehrjahre, 12.Google Scholar

35. Dernburg, , Zielpunkte, 10Google Scholar. The italics are my own.

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37. Dernburg, , “Die Koloniale Aufkläarungsarbeit,” 108.Google Scholar

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43. Glassman, Bald, and Koponen all provide detailed information on the structural weaknesses of German colonial rule in East Africa. On the formation of the colonial state in East Africa, see esp. Koponen, , Development, 94–143.Google Scholar

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47. A close but highly competitive friend of Dernburg, Rathenau also accompanied him on his tour of German Southwest Africa in 1908. See Bongard, , Staatssekretär Dernburg in British- und Deutsch-Süd-Afrika (Berlin, 1908)Google Scholar. His tendency to upstage Dernburg during the trips earned him the title, the “Colonial Undersecretary. See Wilderotter, Hans, “Die Neue Ära: Walther Rathenau im Umkreis der ‘Weltpolitik,’” in: Die Extreme berühren sich: Walther Rathenau, 1867–1922, ed. idem, (Berlin, 1993).Google Scholar

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68. Dernburg to Voith, BHA R 1001 RKA 120, 10–17.

69. As they had done during the scandal-plagued years of the 1890s, German newspapers played an essential role in increasing the general level of awareness of the affairs in the colonies after the massive uprisings in East and Southwest Africa. Telegraphed reports of Dernburg's journey were printed several times a week in many newspapers, and longer accounts, printed approximately every two to three weeks, often appeared on the front page in the Berliner Morgenpost, Tägliche Rundschau, Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, Kölnische Zeitung, Leipziger Neueste Nachrichten, and Generalanzeiger Düsseldorf und Elberfeld. The reports of Zimmermann, who worked for the Wolff Telegraph Bureau, were published in a variety of newspapers, including the Hamburger Nachrichten and the Deutsche Kolonialzeitung. To my knowledge, there exist no recent studies of the role of the media as a popularizer of empire in Germany comparable to John MacKenzie's groundbreaking work for the British Empire. See MacKenzie, , Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion 1880–1960 (Manchester, 1984)Google Scholaridem, , Imperialism and Popular Culture (Manchester, 1993).Google Scholar

70. On the role of the colonial traveler as narrator, see Pratt, , Imperial Eyes, chap. 5.Google Scholar

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88. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231, 124. Sitzung, 4027–30. Additional details can be found in Schiefel, , Dernburg, 92–99Google Scholar; Koponen, , Development, 297–314.Google Scholar

89. Otto, Jöhlinger, “Dernburg im Lichte der Presse,” Koloniale Rundschau: Monatsheft für die Interessen unserer Schutzgebiete und ihrer Bewohner 1 (1910): 444–53Google Scholar. The Koloniale Rundschau was one of the few colonial journals to support Dernburg on a regular basis. The Deutsche Kolonialzeitung's stance was more ambiguous, publishing articles in support of and against Dernburg with relative frequency. One of the most extreme cases in which a former supporter of Dernburg became his bitter enemy after the Studienreise is Maximilian Harden's. Compare his early, flowing praise of Dernburg in Die Zukunft 56, 57, and 58 (see n. 19) with his harsh, sarcastic assessment of Dernburg's Studienreise, ibid., 62 (1908): 410–14. Among the few pamphlets in support of Dernburg's reforms published anonymously, perhaps an indication of the personal dangers of allying too closely with Dernburg: Africanus, Minor, Dernburg's Programm: Ein Wendepunkt im Schicksal Deutsch-Ostafrikas oder ein Negerland unter deutscher Flagge? (Berlin, 1908).Google Scholar

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