The social construction of anti-tourism protest in tourist cities: a case study of Barcelona

2.1 The social context of the anti-tourism protest

At the macro-level, the social context of discourse formation focuses on understanding why the anti-tourist protest discourse emerges. According to Merkl-Davies and Koller (2012), the social context is defined as the existing conditions, in a broad social sense, from which the discourse is constructed. It pertains to the combination of social, economic, political and cultural factors that give rise to the protest discourse, as well as how it is transformed when these initial conditions change.

Three structural elements have been influential in the emergence of a critical discourse on tourism. On the one hand, the tourism protest emerged in a broader context of urban activism where activism has gained weight in response to the neoliberal urbanisation model. This model is based on capital regulation, increased instability, uneven development and the promotion of legitimising regulatory strategies (Brenner & Theodore, 2002). From the 1990s onwards, cities were characterised by the impetus given to market and privatisation mechanisms, in which the tourism sector takes a preponderant role. Consequently, new voices of protest include tourism in the agenda, in a phenomenon that has been coined as the repolitisation of tourism (Novy, 2016) and in parallel to the emergence of the so-called new social urban movements (Buechler, 1995). On the other hand, specific conditions of the local context have a clear impact on the emergence of anti-tourism protests as people associate tourism with a decrease in well-being and quality of life standards. For example, in Barcelona, the touristification process developed in parallel with rising housing costs, gentrification issues (Cocola & López, 2020), overtourism (Milano, Novelli & Cheer, 2019) and resident displacement (Cocola-Gant & Pardo, 2017). A third structural element influencing the formation of protest discourse is adaptation to change. Previous existent discourses may be modified because of sudden changes in the environment. As the COVID-19 pandemic illustrates, this transformative role is considered a pivotal moment in tourist protest, as new discursive elements are proposed to face the increasing complexity into local systems (Bui, Chen & Wickens, 2020) and new strategies are included to redirect their social action (Pinckney & Rivers, 2020; Rohlinger & Meyer, 2022).

2.2 Anti-tourist discourse as a social practice

The meso-level analysis examines, through discourse analysis, how the different motivations that each group initially constructs from the social context become a practice of protest (Merkl-Davies & Koller, 2012). That is, how groups actually propose and express their agency through discourse. For the purpose of our research, the concept of agency is defined as the capacity of individuals to have the power and resources to fulfil their potential, the ability to act as one’s will and their capacity to shape the circumstances in which they live (Littlejohn & Foss, 2009). Weber’s Theory of Social Action (TSA) constitutes a suitable framework for the analysis of motivations that guide the protest practice. In this theory, Weber emphasises how human action can impact others and how it can modify others’ actions with negative consequences (Runciman, 1991). In essence, the theory examines how individuals carry out actions that are meaningful to them and how these actions ultimately affect society and its norms. It seeks to understand what motivates a particular action and the implications of the interactions resulting from that action with other individuals and society as a whole (Westwood, 2002).

In our research, we define social action as collective actions where a group of individuals come together and organise for a social cause that concerns them. It is adopted here in the Weberian sense, that is, as the actions that individuals or social groups take to exercise agency. According to Weber, people who are not conformed with the prevailing social structure make conscious choices based on their motivations and interests while being influenced by contemporary cultural, social and historical contexts (Haralambos & Holborn, 2014). TSA challenges the structuralist idea that societies are organised from top to bottom and proposes that they result from the everyday interactions among the people who live within them. In other words, people do not merely conform to and accept what society dictates; they have agency in shaping their lives through social action. To the extent that individuals are not passive beings but make decisions to create their own history, it is essential to understand the motivations behind their actions (Tuomela, 1991).

TSA delves into the motivations behind specific actions, positing that a social action exists only when backed by a meaningful motive. Weber categorises social actions into four types based on their meaning and impelling motive. Firstly, rationally purposeful actions are goal-oriented, involving a calculated analysis of costs and benefits. They seek to prevent undesirable outcomes or enhance societal aspects. Secondly, value-rational actions stem from personal commitment to values, ideals or moral obligations. Thirdly, affective actions arise from spontaneous emotional responses. Finally, traditional actions follow established customs, norms and rituals, contributing to internal group dynamics and social cohesion, and promoting a shared way of life. In essence, TSA explores the multifaceted nature of actions, emphasising the importance of motives in shaping individual and collective behaviours within society.

In anti-tourism protest groups, motivations exhibit a transformative nature, establishing an intimate link between narratives and action. Analysing discourse through the lens of social action provides insight into the specific motivations that drive the discourse about the tourism model pursued by each activist group.

2.3 The social legitimation of the anti-tourist discourse

The anti-tourist activist groups can be considered as representative actors of the local community, capable of influencing social opinion and generating relevant knowledge through their discourse, and consequently exercising social influences. Thus, from a discourse analysis perspective, they can be viewed as power groups, akin to the role played by the media, seeking social influence and representation through discourse. Micro-level text analysis focuses on linguistic features crucial for discourse and its targeted audience (Merkl-Davies & Koller, 2012). In anti-tourist protest discourse, both written and spoken documents incorporate cognitive elements (informing and explaining based on data or events) and conative elements (emphasising connection and persuading audiences), using rational and emotional arguments to legitimise their protest (Altamirano, 2022). These strategies aim not only to position messages as socially accepted truths but also to perpetuate collective protest (Millward & Takhar, 2019). Consequently, strategies to legitimate discourse are used as a means of naturalising specific social actions, through which each institution seeks to present responses and proposals with maximum social acceptance (Reisigl & Wodak, 2001). According to van Leeuwen, four different dimensions are central to the discourse analysis method for critically analysing the way discourses construct legitimation for social practices:

1. authorisation (legitimation by reference to the authority of tradition, custom and law and by persons in whom institutional authority is vested);

2. moral evaluation (legitimation by reference to discourses of value);

3. rationalisation (legitimation by reference to the goals and uses of institutionalised social action, and to the social knowledges that endow them with cognitive validity); and

4. mythopoesis (legitimation conveyed through stories whose outcomes reward legitimate actions and punish non-legitimate actions) (van Leeuwen, 2007; van Leeuwen & Wodak, 1999).

In summary, examining how discourse is justified facilitates the interpretation of ideological differences and the way in which anti-tourism protest groups act, according to the way they see the world. Therefore, identifying strategies of discourse legitimisation proves highly valuable in gaining a better understanding of the motivation and agency behind their protest actions.

3.1 Design and research setting

We selected Barcelona as our focal point for analysing anti-tourism protests because of its status as a pioneer city in this domain, with a continuous and active protest movement currently underway, making it an excellent observatory for our study (see Table 1). As a result, different actors converge currently within this city with different approaches to social action and very contrasting positions: radical and anti-system groups, community-based groups, non-governmental organisations, professional tourism associations that exercise moderate criticism, etc. (see Table 1). A case study research approach fits well in this context, as this method allows for a detailed analysis of each position and a comparison of them in a specific context (Yin, 1994). Questions about a contemporary situation over which the researcher has little control, such as anti-tourism protest goals and motivations, are likely to support the use of case studies (Yin, 1994). Furthermore, the case study method allows contextualised research, collecting data from different sources and permitting cross-case comparisons (Yin, 1994) integrating stakeholder opinions, from the inside, with more “neutral” secondary sources of information.

The unit of analysis were currently active groups of anti-tourism protest located in Barcelona. A broad view of activism was taken when selecting the four groups. The aim was to overcome the ambiguities that using this category implies as a social movement (Pickvance, 2003), but expressly giving a voice to groups which, while not activists, may play a relevant role in protest (Colomb & Novy, 2017). In this regard, we embraced a “broad” view of activism, rather than a “restricted” one (Castells, 1977), referring to a system of participatory and protest practices that are applied to the structural transformation of the urban system, although remaining only at the level of social awareness and sensitisation. Cases were selected based on criteria such as social prominence and the relevance of their protest activity in the city (representativeness, membership size or media coverage), resulting in a sample of four cases that allow for comparison.

In qualitative research, trustworthiness of the data should be established to fulfil quality standards (Robson & McCartan, 2016). This study has supported credibility (internal validity), transferability (external validity), dependability (reliability) and reflexivity through the use of some of the methods suggested in the literature (Malterud, 2001; Petty, Thomson & Stew, 2012). The study ensures credibility through two methods: peer debriefing and triangulation. Peer debriefing involves regular discussions among researchers and interactions with external research group members. Triangulation combines interview data with information from external sources, such as documents on research group websites and social media. Besides, interviews with tourism and social movement experts validate findings from multiple perspectives. Purposeful sampling is used for transferability, limiting interviewees to anti-tourism protest group members with expertise and first-hand knowledge. To assess the researchers’ impact on each phase of the process, the data were examined through an ongoing dialogue where, as thematic elements emerged, each researcher expressed their individual judgements. The authors have extensive experience in the analysis of urban tourism development, believing that anti-tourism protest is inherent to this process. Nevertheless, the authors do not hold preconceived notions about the primary motives and reasons that drive each group to engage in their protest actions, all of which are considered to be of legitimate nature.

3.2 Data sources

To analyse the anti-tourism protest discourse, we used qualitative primary sources (in-depth interviews) and secondary sources, including documents and content taken from the activist groups’ websites, press releases and reported anti-tourism campaigns. The in-depth interviews allow us to gather qualitative data on the groups’ particular ways they use speech and language to legitimate their discourse. The use of multiple sources provided multiple measures of the same phenomenon, and permits to contrast participants’ opinions (see Table 2). Multiple data collection methods were adopted to gain a better understanding of the approaches to anti-tourism protests, aimed at increasing the sources of information and diversifying data to reduce bias (Patton, 2002). To substantiate the participants’ views on tourism-related protest actions and social transformation and check for potential biases, secondary sources and social media content were used and triangulated. With triangulation, the potential problems of construct validity can be addressed. Further retrospective analysis and discussions among the researchers about the results sought to corroborate findings from the data and develop converging lines of inquiry (Yin, 1994).

3.3 Data collection and data analysis

To gain insight into the groups’ different approaches to the anti-tourism protest and to mitigate informant bias, we designed a semi-structured interview script with 21 questions, divided into eight blocks:

1. historical background and particular mission and objectives;

2. perceived importance of activism;

3. real capacity for mobilisation;

4. representativeness and social scope of activism;

5. strategic positioning;

6. transformation capacity;

7. type of actions taken; and

8. state of activism in times of pandemic.

The in-depth interviews provided relevant information on the vision and mission of the protest.

The fieldwork (including interviews and multisource data collection) was carried out between January 2021 and February 2022. A total of 14 interviews were conducted to members, managers or board members of the four activist groups (see Table 3). The interviews were conducted online, for health and safety reasons. The interviews ranged from 40 min to 1 h in length and were conducted in Spanish or Catalan. They were audio-recorded, transcribed and coded according to discourse analysis methods to identify legitimation strategies (van Leeuwen, 1995). A member and a manager or board representative were interviewed for each case study. As for Federació d’Associacions Veïnals de Barcelona (FAVB) [Federation of Barcelona Neighborhood Associations], apart from the president, seven members were selected to represent the different microcosmos of neighbourhood associations represented in this association. The reason for this overrepresentation is that FAVB includes a lot of autonomous neighbourhood associations, which may have particular visions of specific areas of the city with different socioeconomic and demographic patterns.

Descriptive statements expressed by the participants were analysed using a discourse analysis method. Critical discourse analysis is one of the most widely used methodologies for studying and interpreting discourses (Hannan & Knox, 2005). This method adopts an interdisciplinary perspective to assess, based on a set of statements, the arguments that expose or justify how a particular topic is perceived and considered by a social actor or institution. Discourse analysis is commonly used to examine and interpret the structure of language in discourse and how its oral or textual expression is socially determined. This method is useful for exploring the discursive practices that allow for decoding the relationships between language, ideology and power (Reyes, 2011).

Some information was excluded for the analysis, mainly those sentences referring to routine activity and descriptions of day-to-day procedure and other purely informative in nature text. Instead, efforts were focused on the personal opinions, feelings and reactions expressed regarding tourism, the justification of protest actions and the argumentation for alternative tourism models. Therefore, the analysis focused on how activist groups provide a recontextualised version of the anti-tourist protest and which arguments, following a particular use of language, are used to legitimate discourse. Statements that subtly or explicitly answered the questions “Why do we protest?” “Why is protest necessary?” or “Why do we protest in the way we do?” were included.

The identification of categories of discourse legitimation is based on previous works that apply discourse analysis as a methodological approach. According to van Leeuwen (2007), authorisation involves addressing questions about why and how individuals engage in a topic. Typical responses to these questions often involve the consideration of some form of authority or status that justifies the manner in which things are done. Unlike legitimacy, which relies on imposed authority, moral evaluation is grounded in universal moral values inherent to human nature. This evaluation encompasses three elements: naturalising actions in line with moral principles, imbuing practices with abstract moral significance, and associating actions with positive or negative values for comparison. Rationalisation, closely linked to moral evaluation, is more explicit and uses moral justifications. Two types of rational legitimacy exist: instrumental rationalisation focuses on goals, uses and effects and the means necessary to achieve something, whereas theoretical rationalisation is based on how things should be done, irrespective of moral justifications or its utility to achieve a morally justified goal. Despite the proximity between moral evaluation and rationalisation, the latter is distinguishable by its utilitarian, strategic and explicit nature, contrasting with the abstract and subtle perspective of moral evaluation (van Leeuwen, 2007). This nuanced exploration of authorisation and rationalisation sheds light on the complex interplay of moral values and justifications in shaping protest behaviours.

4.1 Four case studies

The Assemblea de Barris per al Decreixement Turístic (ABDT) [Neighbourhoods Assembly for Tourism Degrowth] emerged in the mid-2010s as a response to the perceived unsustainable nature of tourism in Barcelona. Inspired by the 15-M movement, ABDT opposes the prevailing growth model in tourism management and advocates for limits on tourist expansion. Their protest actions, from hotel occupations to campaigns against Airbnb and the defence of public spaces, reflect a commitment to an alternative economic and social development model for the city. In 2018, ABDT expanded its impact by contributing to the creation of the network of Mediterranean cities against touristification (SET). The FAVB, established in 1972, integrates tourism into its mission of enhancing residents’ quality of life. FAVB serves as a unifying force for diverse neighbourhood associations, exercising historical leadership through protest actions and fostering collective debate. Territorial identity and the local scale in which they operate are two fundamental features. FAVB’s main reason to exist is to collect in a single organism the different neighbourhood pre-occupations. In this sense, they understand tourist protest as a “service” to the residents.

Las Kellys, a workers’ association, emerged in 2016 as a response to gender segregation in the hotel sector, highlighting poorly paid jobs and limited opportunities for promotion. Despite operating independently from traditional trade unions, Las Kellys identifies itself as a workers’ association. The movement’s spontaneous nature and resistance practices stem from internal factors, including shared concerns revealed through social media conversations.

The Associació de Guies de Catalunya (AGUICAT) [Catalonia Tourist Guides Association], established in 2016, represents the interests of official tour guides in Catalonia. With nearly 400 members, AGUICAT protests against unfair competition from free tour guides and professional intrusion in the sector, responding to the disappearance of official tour guide certification. The association plays a crucial role in defending the professional standards and integrity of the tourist guide sector in Catalonia.

4.2 The influence of the social formation on anti-tourism discourse construction

All groups agree in highlighting that their protest responds to the previously dominant model of continuous tourism growth, arguing the negative impacts on the local community. Recent changes in the social context justify the emergence of new voices questioning tourism since the mid-2000s (in Spain, 2008 marked the peak of the global financial crisis). Despite commencing from this reactive foundation, pronounced differentiations manifest in the politicisation of tourism and its incorporation into respective agendas.

An integral component of the social context contributing to nuanced protest dynamics is the advent of contemporary urban social movements in Spain, epitomised by the 15-M “indignados” [outraged] movement. Groups, such as ABDT, inspired by this movement, discern tourism not merely as an isolated agent but as a systemic element perpetuating socio-economic inequalities inherent in the capitalist model and exacerbating global environmental degradation. The subjective and emotional components of the protest, the use of social networks as alternative means of transmission and the interest in capturing media attention are influences drawn from the new urban social movements (Scott, 1990; Buechler, 1995). The protests of Las Kellys and AGUICAT also incorporate elements from new social movements. Both are characterised by a problem-posing nature (addressing lesser-recognised issues, questioning the existing order or dealing with fundamental issues from a transformative perspective) rather than a problem-solving one (addressing widely recognised and defined problems from a compromising or reformist perspective), and by focusing on a single problem (working conditions). In the case of FAVB, in addition to the aforementioned elements, its own historical evolution must be considered. Its protest style is influenced by the legacy of years of neighbourhood claims and anti-Francoism that neighbourhood associations have historically carried out. Taking this background into account, in the early 2000s, FAVB created a section dedicated to tourist protest addressed to defend the well-being of residents in touristified neighbourhoods.

A final aspect of the social context explaining differences relates to structural changes in tourism because of the COVID-19 pandemic (Hall, Scott & Gössling, 2020) and the need to adapt the protest to the new context. The four case study analysis carried out shows that protest groups adapt to the pandemic in two different ways. Firstly, there is a tactical adaptation to the new circumstances. Most groups acknowledge that they had to adjust its pattern of protest, resulting in a reduction in the intensity of protest compared with the previous months, similar as suggested in other studies (Rohlinger & Meyer, 2022). ABDT and FAVB agree that digital protest has disadvantages in consolidating their social action. It affects the psychological inclination to participate in protest due to the perception of contagion risk, reduces face-to-face interaction, making it difficult for social contact to generate spontaneous and social contact effects, and can hinder activists’ long-term commitment to protest due to social isolation, except for individuals with higher self-motivation. A second tactical adaptation strategy detected is related to a temporal shift in the focus of the mission of anti-tourism protest groups. This is the case with Las Kellys, who during the pandemics redirect their efforts towards assisting their members, or with FAVB, where protest activities were reoriented towards neighbourhood solidarity and emergency tasks.

4.3 The transformative purpose of activist anti-tourism groups: discursive practice and discourse legitimisation

This study delves into the discourse transmission for social legitimation, assigning value and meaning to protest actions. Legitimisation coherence and agency are achieved through the construction of protest narratives. Linguistic and semiotic text analysis of anti-tourism discourse results in the identification of different narratives and discursive strategies that highlight their main features. Aimed to align legitimation with protest goals, each narrative comprises three elements. Firstly, anti-tourism protests are justified based on arguments of rationalisation. Secondly, moral evaluation criteria express the direction and purpose of the desired tourism transformation. Finally, a semiotic or symbolic structure is constructed using elements of mythopoesis, assimilating the protest logic into a recognisable cultural myth or metaphor for enhanced audience identification.

In accordance with the CDA, three protest narrative paradigms have been identified corresponding to three logics of protest:

1. scepticism;

2. non-interventionist transformation; and

3. direct transformation (see Tables 4 and 5).

The discourse of the ABDT aligns well with the scepticism narrative and value-rational actions. The protest rationalisation holds tourism accountable for global environmental deterioration, particularly global warming and increased tourists’ ecological footprint. From this rationalisation stems a moral evaluation advocating for limiting tourist activity and proposing degrowth as a social and economic model favouring ecological transition (Valdivieso & Moranta, 2019), and sharing similarities with the environmental justice movement discourse Camacho, 1998). This narrative elucidates the complexity of power relations in the field of the anti-tourism protest (Russo & Scarnato, 2018). Advocating for anti-tourism within the local ecosystem involves direct confrontation with the tourism sector and sometimes, with local administration, especially concerning ecological transition and degrowth issues. Finally, the narrative suggests a myth where tourism is portrayed as the Armageddon of evil forces leading to an environmental collapse, aligning with environmentalist perspectives of “save the planet” and echoing neo-Malthusian point of view (i.e. a pessimistic view of the process of human development, based on Thomas Malthus’ work, who states that high demographic growth ends up in scarcity of resources and global environmental collapse) widely used by the environmentalist movements. There is also a resemblance with a Hobbesian character (i.e. a philosophical point of view derived from the work of Thomas Hobbes stemming from pessimism about the human predatory nature, and highlighting the negative consideration of social interactions).

The discourse of the FAVB aligns with the narrative of non-interventionism transformation and rationally purposeful action. The protest is rationalised by denouncing tourism as responsible for the deterioration of neighbourhoods and the loss of residents’ well-being and quality of life. Their moral assessment of the negative externalities of tourism, including housing scarcity, residential displacement, nighttime noise, dirtiness and mobility issues, leads them to propose measures to ensure that the residents’ right to the city takes precedence over the leisure rights of visitors (Mayer, 2009). In comparison with the ABDT, tourism is not automatically excluded in their proposals for social transformation, and the FAVB’s stance is more reformist and collaborative with local authorities. The group achieves coherence in their discourse through storytelling, often likening tourism to neocolonialism, using implicit or explicit references. The neocolonial narrative includes linguistic oppositions and dialectical dualities such as references to “us” (members of the local community whose resources are exploited) and “them”, the tourist industry and tourists (seen as exploiters and resource predators).

The discourse of Las Kellys and AGUICAT fits into the narrative of direct transformation and value-rational actions. While the central theme of the protest differs between the two groups (gender and ethnic labour inequality in Las Kellys and labour intrusion in the case of AGUICAT), they essentially rationalise the protest in the same way: tourism generates inacceptable situations of labour and social inequality. The arguments used for moral evaluation of the protest are the denunciation of unscrupulous employers, the demand for better working conditions and the local administration’s recognition of their problems. Essentially, the protest aims to fight against their social invisibility and for their essential rights. Accordingly, they build a highly symbolic storytelling, invoking the idea of guaranteeing fundamental rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Therefore, the agency motivating their protest is not solely related to labour or union demands but to the need to be socially recognised for their work and, above all, to ensure their dignity as individuals. At this point, there is a strong connection with feminist protest movements, as they specifically address the situation of women workers and promote their dignification (Valenzuela, Gálvez & Alcalde, 2022).