Sustainability dichotomies of used clothes supply chains: a critical review of key concerns and strategic resources

2.1 Material selection

Given the industry-specific purpose of this review, and based on the coverage and disciplinary focuses of the databases (Gusenbauer, 2022), dedicated searches were employed on four academic databases: Scopus, Web of Science (WoS), EBSCO (Business Source Premier, Textile Technology Complete, and World Textiles) and ABI/INFORM. Relevant keywords combinations were initially employed before the final search criterion was broadened. For instance, Boolean word strings [“used cloth*” OR “secondhand cloth*” AND “supply chain”] and [“used cloth*” OR “secondhand cloth*” OR “used textile” AND “sustainab*”] yielded only 11 and 42 articles, respectively, in Scopus, proving that the subject of sustainability impact of the used clothes SC has received very little attention in scientific research so far. Finally, a broader scope of search string was used [“used cloth*” OR “secondhand cloth*” OR “used textile”], which yielded 495 articles in Scopus, 285 articles in WoS, 48 articles in ABI/INFORM and 27 articles in EBSCO. The searches were restricted to the title, abstract and keywords; year-wise between 1990 and 2022; peer-reviewed; and to only English language publications. After removing 297 duplications, the remaining 557 articles were first screened by reading their abstracts to exclude the articles that do not cover the topic of used clothes SC's sustainability impact, thus defining the unit of analysis. For example, most of the excluded papers focused on technical aspects of textile recycling or consumer attitudes towards used clothes. Finally, the first screened 108 articles were subjected to full-text reading to analyse their relevance to the TBL sustainability impacts, resulting in the exclusion of further 81 articles. For example, Sandberg et al. (2018) discussed the used clothes reverse supply chain, but without an explicit discussion on its TBL sustainability aspects, and thus was excluded. The inclusion and exclusion criteria are summarised in Table 1. Overall, the SLR protocol prescribed by Tranfield et al. (2003) was used to ensure the objectivity of the study and methodological rigors.

Stage 2 included cross-referring to the 27 articles from stage 1, and hand-picking a set of articles deemed topically relevant (e.g. Imo and Maiyo, 2012). First, references of 27 articles were screened, and potentially relevant articles were selected according to their title match. Secondly, full-text reading was carried out, following the same inclusion/exclusion criteria described in stage 1, and thus final selection included 7 articles. Some of the possible reasons for these articles not featuring in stage 1 search was that these were not published in the listed journals of the selected databases or did not meet the keyword search criteria.

As a final stage, grey literature comprising of used clothes trade-, industry- and supply chain-specific practitioner-oriented reports, newsletters, blogs and other informal communications was reviewed. Grey literature search is a commonly used approach in management studies, and is increasingly recognised as an appropriate method to broaden the evidence beyond scholarly conversation (Adams et al., 2017). As commonly used engine for grey literature search, Google was used by following the procedure explained by Godin et al. (2015). Unlike in SLR strategy, Google search requires combining several search strategies, using multiple search terms (Godin et al., 2015), and therefore, different combinations of keywords indicated in SLR have been used in three search rounds [(1) used or secondhand clothing supply chain, (2) used or secondhand clothing sustainability, (3) used textile supply chain and sustainability]. The search was conducted on specific dates in April 2022. Due to the large yield in Google searches, it is suggested to rely on the power of relevancy ranking in Google search engines and to set the number of pages to be screened in advance (Godin et al., 2015). Therefore, the retrieval was limited to the first 10 search pages, and the retrieved sources were scrutinised to judge their relevancy in two steps: first by screening the document title, and, secondly, by reading the full texts and reflecting on their appropriateness. This search resulted in another 21 documents, which included 12 industry and research reports and 9 web articles.

The overall PRISMA flow diagram is demonstrated in Figure 1.

2.2 Analysis

The data analysis framework consists of two stages. In the first stage, qualitative content analysis of the selected articles was carried out to code and categorise data (Dresch et al., 2015). Contents of the 55 articles were initially aggregated into categories based on three priori coding derived from the research question (Stuckey, 2015), which are environmental, economic and social impacts. Initial coding was done by cutting and sorting relevant texts (environmental, social and economic impacts), and searching for repetitions under each category (Ryan and Bernard, 2003). Initial codes were further expanded by re-reading texts, searching for similarities and differences across units of data and sub-categorising based on their pros and cons with respect to GN and GS. Coded excerpts under each subcategory were summarised using an excel spreadsheet and further evaluated to identify patterns and emerging themes. Secondly, by following an abductive approach (Kovács and Spens, 2005), thematic outputs of the first stage concerning cons were analysed with respect to an existing theory, NRBV, in order to identify and map possible future directions for improving TBL sustainability of the used clothes SC.

A summary of the review process is shown in Figure 2.

2.3 Descriptive statistics

Out of the final set of 55 documents, 47 focused on country-specific studies, while the remaining ones provided general overview of TBL sustainability impacts of used clothes SC (see Table 2). Majority focused on the used clothes SC in GS and specifically the African countries, a reason for which is Africa being a major destination market for used clothes exports from GN. For instance, according to Oxfam, 70% of donated clothing in Europe is estimated to end in Africa (Baraka, 2021). Historically used clothes donations has been targeted to least developed countries, and this trend continues even today when it has grown into a profitable business. Beyond Africa, other destination markets are little studied so far.

Figure 3 presents the year-wise distribution of all the publications over the years. Very little theoretical and empirical research has been carried out on the used clothes trade and its TBL sustainability impacts. While the highest number of publications were recorded in 2012, the topic looks almost neglected in the recent peer-reviewed literature. Out of 34 peer-reviewed articles selected for the study, Textiles: The Journal of Clothes and Culture has the highest number of represented papers (4), followed by Geoforum (2) while the other 28 articles represented one source each. The main reason for the spike in the publication of the topic in 2012 was due to a couple of special issues published in journals such as Textile: The Journal of Clothes and Culture and the Journal of Critical Arts. Other than the spike in 2012, this topic remained stagnant in the literature; this may be mainly due to the fact that used clothes supply chains are less transparent, operate on a global scale underpinned by complex, informal relationships and are mostly considered as an unorganised sector in the GS, and, therefore, there are difficulties in accessing empirical data. As Kinyua (2018) stated, stakeholders are not willing to disclose information due to feelings of contempt, insecurity and suspicion. These facts might possibly have affected the scholarly investigations.

Table 3 highlights the number of papers for each TBL sustainability pillar and primary research method followed by each of the article. Economic aspects are mostly discussed, while environmental concerns of glocal used clothes SCs are least highlighted. Regarding primary research methods, field studies and interviews are the mostly used methods to collect data, which are qualitative in nature. However, 5 studies drew secondary data from industry and government reports to provide a quantitative analysis of the trade statistics.

3.1 Diverting wastes from landfills in GN

The fashion industry is driven by consumerism, which is excess spending and accumulation of goods, and clothes are often bought and discarded before reaching their lifetime (Hur, 2020). Clothing consumption is steadily increasing, for example, the amount of clothes bought per person in the EU has increased by 40% in the last few decades (Šajn, 2019); however, if the producer is not responsible for the end-of-use products, their destination would be landfills or incineration (Abraham, 2011). As such, the used clothes SC provides a market-based solution for the management of post-consumer “wastes”, which diverts reusable clothes from landfills and delivers clear environmental benefits (Norris, 2012), according to waste hierarchy model. The glocal SC starts with the consumers donating their unwanted clothes to charities or commercial collectors, which are then sorted; best-quality items are locally resold, and the rest are shipped to the GS, intending to be reused (Farrant et al., 2010). For instance, over 100,000 tonnes of used textiles are collected in the Nordic countries annually and 71% of them are reused both locally and overseas (Watson and Palm, 2016). WRAP (2012) report estimates 540,000 million tonnes of unwanted clothing being collected annually in the UK for reuse, around 70% of which goes overseas. This way, extending the garment lifetime is much desirable as it contributes to sustainable and socially responsible fashion.

3.2 Resource conservation and emission reduction in GN and GS

Reusing discarded clothes displaces the purchase of new clothes to some extent, and thus reduces the requirement of virgin materials, energy, harmful chemicals and emissions that result from producing a new garment. Farrant et al. (2010) calculated that the purchase of 100 used clothes would save between 60 and 85 new clothes, a displacement factor between 0.6 and 0.85, resulting in a 14% reduction in carbon footprints from producing a new cotton T-shirt and 45% reduction in human toxicity for the polyester/cotton trousers. WRAP (2012) reported that by extending the lifetime of clothes by an extra nine months would reduce carbon-, waste- and water-footprints by about 20–30% each, and the resource cost by 20%. Exports of Nordic used textiles are estimated to give an annual net saving of 193,000 tonnes of CO_2equiv and 72 million cubic metres of water use (Watson and Palm, 2016). The carbon emission due to transportation of used clothes is found to be less compared to the carbon emitted during production of new clothes (IEA and MCAK, 2021).

3.3 Waste colonisation of GS by GN

Regardless of the well-documented environmental benefits of glocal used clothes SC, it is increasingly argued to be prompting environmental hazard in GS. Even though used clothes are shipped to be reused, there is limited transparency of their fate in GS (Norris, 2015). Today, the supply of used clothes between GN-GS is not driven by demand, but by the unsustainable consumption of fast fashion (Lampel, 2020), resulting vast quantities of fast fashion “waste” making its way to GS (Cobbing et al., 2022). Wetengere (2018) argues that East African countries are becoming a dumping ground for used clothes because of the oversupply of out-grown, fast fashion clothes. The bales contain poor-quality, unsellable items that end up as “waste” in GS without being reused (Chalhoub, 2012). Such “waste” trading is increasing between GN and GS to avoid the responsibility and cost of dealing with it in the GN (Cobbing et al., 2022). This means used clothes that should have been disposed of in the GN now end up in the dumpsites of the GS, referred to as “waste colonisation”, where high-income nations use their power and privilege to exploit the least developed countries by overflowing the used clothes markets with cheap and poor-quality fashion items (Huang, 2022).

3.4 Unregulated dumping in GS

When used clothes are not saleable in GS due to unsuitable styles, quality or size, and with no viable option for re-export, importers and traders are required to manage the disposal of excess clothing (Lewis, 2015). In absence of proper textile waste management system or infrastructure to dispose the massive “waste”, these clothes are dumped everywhere (Cobbing et al., 2022). Such clothes include toxic chemicals and microfibres that are released from polyester, causing soil and water pollution, and finally entering the human food chain (Cobbing et al., 2022; Kaledzi, 2022). It is estimated that nearly half of the exported used clothes end up in dumpsites or are burnt in the open (Cobbing et al., 2022). For instance, Ghana receives 15 million items of used clothes every week, but 40% is discarded in landfills due to poor quality (Kaledzi, 2022). On the outskirt of Accra, there is a 30 feet mountain of rotting discarded clothes that were once sold in high street shops in GN (Davis, 2020). Furthermore, it was found that more clothes bales go to landfills directly from ports than from markets (Baraka, 2021). To control excess waste, such landfills are lit on fire, which can last up to 11 months, releasing dark smoke and toxic emission into the air (Huang, 2022).

3.5 Encouraging wasteful consumption in GS

With the exponentially increasing flow of used clothes in GS, overconsumption is often encouraged as used clothes are widely available cheaply (Isla, 2013). Affordability provokes GS consumers to frequently purchase used fast fashion items, thus emulating Western consumer culture and style. Young consumers often search for used clothes due to the designer labels and brand names associated with them (Imo and Maiyo, 2012), while wealthy consumers often shop for branded used clothes and unique styles; for example, in the Philippines, upscale boutiques carry branded and vintage items for higher-class consumers (Isla, 2013). Overall, this implies that the used clothes SC has gone beyond supplying basic needs to promoting fast fashion and wasteful consumption.

4.1 Source of revenue tariffs and jobs in GS and GN

Used clothes trade plays a vital role in bottom of the pyramid (BoP) employment generation and contribution to national GDP (Watson and Palm, 2016). The trade provides government revenues in GS (IEA and MCAK, 2021) and funds for local city councils by issuing trading licenses and renting stalls for the traders (Fields, 2005). For instance, the government income of East African countries from the used clothes trade is estimated at US$ 140 million per year (USAID, 2017). Trading licenses in Nairobi provide the second-highest income for the city treasury (Fields, 2005), import taxes in Kenya added up to US$ 15,000 per 40 ft container and the turnover tax is 3% of gross sales (IEA and MCAK, 2021).

Employment opportunities are created, both in GN and GS, along various used clothes reverse logistics processes, such as collection, sorting, packaging, transportation and trading. For instance, used clothes trade in the USA accounts for an estimated 150,000 jobs in the charity sector (Katende-Magezi, 2017). In the GS, used clothes SC employs nearly 5 million people (Fields, 2005), while East African Community partner state alone provides 355,000 jobs, which sustain 1.4 million households (USAID, 2017). Khurana and Tadesse (2019) provide an account of how used clothes SC in GS creates an estimated 87,000 jobs in Tanzania, 87,000 jobs in Uganda, 24,000 jobs in Senegal and 22,000 jobs in Rwanda. In Kenya, the used clothes industry employs more people than domestic manufacturers (Wolff, 2021). However, it has been highlighted that the used clothing trade adversely affected the local apparel production in GN and related employment opportunities; for example, between 1981–2000, Africa reported 50% decline in apparel manufacturing-related job opportunities (Brooks, 2013). The literature does not provide sufficient statistics to compare whether the loss of job opportunities due to the decline of local apparel production was reinstated by the opportunities created by the used clothing trade or not.

4.2 BoP business opportunities in GS

New business opportunities are created around the used clothes SC in GS, for instance, when used clothes traders employ tailors to repair, restyle or remake them (Abraham, 2011). Literature highlights that in many countries in GS, for example Philippines (Hansen, 2004), Kenya (IEA and MCAK, 2021) and India (Abraham, 2011), imported used clothes with a high potential sales value are remade into new clothes (e.g. dresses, shorts), packed and sold with fake brand labels. In Zambia, such refashioned clothes are produced by young, creative entrepreneurs in specific commercial spaces (Hansen, 2014). Repurposed clothes are either sold locally or exported back to GN. Mima-te, a Mozambican upcycling fashion brand, takes dresses from the Xipamanine market and remakes them into unique fashion clothes to have them re-exported to Germany (Brooks, 2015). Another start-up based in Haiti redesigns used clothes sourced from the local market and exports them to Canada (Lewis, 2015). Such small-scale initiatives show the potential for developing new BoP business opportunities that bring back remanufactured used clothes into the original markets.

4.3 Operational inefficiencies and inadequacies in GN and GS

Often used clothes SC traders in the GS face uncertainties related to quality and quantity of the bales, which lead to low-profit margins. Due to lack of standardisation in the reverse logistics processes such as sorting in the GN, there is high-level of subjectivity, and hence variability, in the quality of used clothes (Brooks, 2015). For instance, used clothes categorised as “grade A” quality by one sorter can be categorised as poor grade by another (Abimbola, 2012), and therefore, the level of quality is highly unpredictable (Abraham, 2011). Due to lack of procumbent information, importers do not get an opportunity to know what is inside the bale (Abimbola, 2012); thus, purchasing of a bale does not always lead to recovery of incurred costs (Brooks, 2012; Huang, 2022). Moreover, clothes are often found to be ripped, stained and dirty (Chalhoub, 2012); a study of Kenyan used clothes SC suggests that up to a quarter of clothes may be unsaleable (Baden and Barber, 2005). Importers most often hedge this risk by selling the bales to the local traders unopened (Hansen, 1994).

Additionally, lack of proper reverse logistics and waste management infrastructure in the GS often affects the business activities. Used clothes markets are less developed in terms of logistics infrastructure and consist of narrow roads and limited space for storage and trading. Chalhoub (2012) depicts the condition in the Gikomba market, the largest used clothes market in Kenya, undermined by unpaved roads, which becomes an unsuitable place to carry out the business, especially in bad weather conditions. Absence of proper drainage system causes mud and overflow of water. There are still limited efforts from the local governments to support related infrastructure development due to the perception that used clothes trade in the long run undermines the local manufacturing industry.

4.4 Disrupted indigenous industry in GS

Used clothes imports have been argued by several authors to be undermining the local apparel manufacturing industry in GS (Baden and Barber, 2005; Velia et al., 2006; Wetengere, 2018). Used clothes are considerably cheaper than locally manufactured clothes, which has led to closure of several garment factories in African countries (Brooks and Simon, 2012; Imo and Maiyo, 2012). Once used clothes gain the market share, it is impossible for local industry to emerge, thus disrupting the GS economy (Wetengere, 2018). In 1981–2000, Africa reported around a 40% decline in apparel production (Brooks, 2013), while in Kenya the number of large garment manufacturers has dropped from 110 to 55 between 1990 and 2006 (Goldberg, 2016). Another study highlighted that generalist tailors in Senegal had been wiped out by the imports of used clothes (Baden and Barber, 2005). However, Wetengere (2018) argues that sometimes used clothes can be as expensive as new ones, yet consumers tend to buy them due to the quality, fashion and brand image, an opportunity not offered by indigenously produced clothes (Calabrese et al., 2017). The vast amount of used clothes supply can devastate the local industry in that case (Wetengere, 2018).

4.5 Fraudulent trade practices in GN and GS

Custom fraud is a common affair many times in glocal used clothes SCs that are less regulated. Often new textile and apparel items are passed as used clothes which can reduce government revenue and increased competition for low-cost new clothes (Baden and Barber, 2005). Poor regulation allows exporters to ship “waste”, or undesirable items for African or Asian climate (e.g. heavy coats), which reduce profits of the retailers in GS (Brooks, 2015). Apart from that, smuggling of used clothes to officially banned destinations is evident, such as to Nigeria and South Africa (Brooks and Simon, 2012), Mexico (Gauthier, 2007) or Iran (Bazzi, 2012). These imports are not usually recorded in official statistics, but it is estimated that around 75–80% of used clothes imported to West Africa end up in Nigeria, while there is an unauthorised flow from the USA to Mexico, and nearly half of the total imports in Ghana and Senegal are undeclared (Baden and Barber, 2005). Re-exportation in GS is also observed, for instance, Mozambique to South Africa and Zimbabwe, regardless of the trade restrictions (Brooks and Simon, 2012). Individual “suitcase traders” are seen to be operating in GS, who transfer used clothes as their own garments across the border to large-scale traders who take advantage of corrupted custom officers (Brooks and Simon, 2012).

Because the used clothes business is profitable in GN, there are fraudulent practices associated with collection schemes such as fake charity bins, claiming that they are for the humanitarian relief or to protect the environment (Isla, 2013). In the UK, fake bins are kept in public places to collect used clothes that are later sold in second-hand stores or exported at a profit (Hall, 2016). The number of fake bins in New York City increased from 91 to more than 2,000 between the years 2010 and2014 (Nuwer, 2014). It is hard to trace the legitimacy of many collectors because the used clothes collection schemes have grown substantially over the years, and various organisations have entered the business.

5.1 Basic need fulfilment in GS

Used clothes play a vital role in satisfying a basic need of low-income consumers, mainly in the least developed countries. Affordability is the main reason for used clothes purchase, as they are sold for around 10–20% of the original price (Baden and Barber, 2005). Data from Maputo demonstrate that the price of used clothes is 37.7% of new clothes (Brooks and Simon, 2012), and a used pair of jeans can be bought at as little as US$ 1.5 in Kenya (Goldberg, 2016). By 2017, two-thirds of the East African population purchased at least a portion of their clothing from used clothes markets (USAID, 2017), and in some countries such as in Ghana even more (closed to 90%) (Baden and Barber, 2005). It is estimated that total clothes consumption in Tanzania is 720 million per year, out of which 540 million pieces are used clothes (Calabrese et al., 2017), while it accounts for 65% of all clothing purchased in Rwanda (Haggblade, 1990). Used clothes SCs provide these low-income consumers an opportunity to buy better-quality clothing at an affordable price (Hansen, 2004).

5.2 Social entrepreneurship at BoP in GN and GS

In GN, used clothes sorting facilities employ immigrant workers, thus being a source of sustenance. In the UK, for example, women working in sorting facilities often come from Eastern Europe (Lithuania, Bulgaria, Russia), West Africa and Pakistan (Gregson et al., 2016). Sorting facilities in USA employ immigrants from GS (Hansen, 2000). Apart from that, many wholesale exporters of used clothes in GN are immigrants from Africa, India and Pakistan (Brooks, 2013). Used clothes SCs in GS engage a number of micro-entrepreneurs along various reverse value chain processes, such as in trading, distributing, repairing and remaking, thus allowing them to generate income and support their families financially at BoP (Abimbola, 2012; Khurana and Tadesse, 2019). Other indirect engagements are also evident, such as many people earning their living by preparing meals and tea for the traders in the used clothes markets (IEA and MCAK, 2021). This trade in GS also provides opportunities for women; in particular, nearly 60% of the traders of used clothes are women in several African nations mainly because the trade is accessible to anyone without formal training or initial capital, and thus entry barriers are low (Chalhoub, 2012; Fields, 2005; Milgram, 2008). This provides way for women to support their family income as well as to become self-reliant (Fields, 2005; Imo and Maiyo, 2012).

5.3 Growing consciousness of used clothes purchase in GN and GS

Consumer attitudes towards purchasing used clothes have changed considerably during the recent years, from being worn by poor to that of showing environmental responsibility and social accountability. Traditionally, the main reason for purchasing used clothes was low price point, but there is an increasing demand for quality, fashion and trend underlying used clothes (Chalhoub, 2012; Hansen, 2008), together showcasing environmental and social consciousness. For instance, two-third of consumers in the UK wear used clothes, which shows a significant willingness to reuse (WRAP, 2012). Even in GS, white-collar workers often spend time visiting used clothes stores and making purchases. This has also resulted in growing collaborative consumption in GN as product-service business models led by retailers and brands, such as leasing, renting, and swapping, are increasingly becoming popular among wearers.

5.4 Hygiene and health concerns in GN and GS

There is a concern in general that used clothes are unhygienic as these are often donated without being cleaned, and thus associated with skin diseases, especially undergarments and shoes (Bazzi, 2012). Some countries have banned the import of used clothes due to such hygiene and health concerns, for example, Philippines (Hansen, 2004). In early-2020, Kenya also banned used clothes imports to prevent the potential spread of coronavirus (Kaledzi, 2022). Doctors warn that there are potential dermatological health risks associated with used clothes, such as skin candidiasis, scabies, body lice and ringworm (Kuwonu, 2018).

In addition, the physical well-being of the people engaged with used clothes SC operations is also a concern. Huang (2022) reported that when used clothes' bales arrive in Ghana, these are transported on foot between importers and retailers, particularly by women and girls as young as 14 years old. As a result, many suffer from chronic injuries in their back and neck in the long-term and risk their lives for a low wage without any social protection. In the GN's sorting facilities, workers often experience allergies to dust, skin problems, sneezing and running noses, because of handling dirty and soiled clothes (Gregson et al., 2016). Sorting is a physically demanding job leading to fatigue as it demands workers standing in the same place for 8–11 h continuously for handling, inspecting and classifying items (Gregson et al., 2016).

5.5 Workers' rights violation in GS and GN

Used clothes SCs face several labour-related issues including long working hours, poor working conditions and lack of support from the government. Employees in the GS are excluded from the mainstream economy and thus unsecured as they have little or no access to credit facilities, basic worker rights, training or government protection (Lampel, 2020). Due to the decline in the quality of bales, many traders face high amounts of debt over time (Huang, 2022). The sector is also hindered from reaching its maximum potential due to harassment from local authorities, and misconception regarding the importance of the sector (Chalhoub, 2012).

Similarly, in GN's sorting facilities, workers are paid less than the standard average. For example, sorters in the UK sorting facilities are paid £ 5.73 per hour, resulting in a take-home salary of less than two-thirds of the UK median average (Gregson et al., 2016). Sorting facilities in the USA are equipped with poor working conditions and low wages as well, with the majority of the sorters being recent immigrants from GS (Hansen, 2000; Norris, 2015).

Figure 4 presents a summary of the TBL impacts of the glocal NS used clothes SC, and the key sustainability concerns that emerge.

7.1 Theoretical and managerial implications

By presenting a comprehensive analysis of TBL sustainability of used clothes SCs, our study is not only summarising the key sustainability concerns in a structured way, that is across contrasting economic geographies (GN and GS), but also illuminating the spillover effects of GN occupation on GS. In addition, the paper also proposes a set of possible actions to mitigate such sustainability concerns, which have not been distinctly identified in previous literature, by drawing upon NRBV theory.

From a SC management perspective, our findings provide a means to understand the different levels of strategic resources required to mitigate the sustainability concerns, and design and manage more sustainable SCs, through the lens of NRBV. We thus shed light on how SC management literature can gain from operationalising NRBV strategies. By applying NRBV theory to examination of a complex reverse supply chain, as studied here, we broaden its scope and applicability in reverse SC operations and its sustainability domain.

From a practitioner's perspective, our study is particularly important because clothing waste is growing in the GN with a significant spillover effect on the environment in the GS. Thus, the paper provides meaningful insights to actors engaged with the used clothes SC. First, we provide a concise understanding of all TBL sustainability concerns emanating from activities of the used clothes SC actors, and what strategic resources are crucial to mitigate these in order to improve sustainability performance. Second, through our developed propositions, we prescribe a set of actions by which the actors can create sustainable SC practices by enabling higher degrees of collaboration within and beyond the system boundaries to achieve system-level gains, balancing power struggles between upstream and downstream players, deciding on investment portfolio in environmentally sustainable practices in developing and developed economies and so forth. Finally, the paper also highlights the necessary interventions required by governments and inter-governmental organisations in playing a regulatory role in controlling the exploitation of sustainability of used clothing SCs, and PPP that can help to work synergistically to achieve better sustainability performance.

7.2 Limitations and future research

This study entails a few limitations. Both theoretical and practical contributions are limited by the conceptual nature of the study. Importantly, this study does not seek to provide a framework for competitive SC strategies; rather, it defines the capabilities required to execute pollution prevention, product stewardship and sustainable development. The propositions emanating from our study are not empirically verified yet serve as a first step of a broader research agenda for the NRBV in used clothes SCs. SLR findings are more biased towards African countries as peer-reviewed articles on this topic coving various geographical regions are limited, and therefore, results may show a bias view. More empirical studies are required to provide wider scope of insights and knowledge that supports better understanding of the topic and categorisation of data. LCA studies can be carried out to determine environmental impacts, and case studies can be a valuable data source to understand social concerns. Future research should also include multiple stakeholders and various geographical locations. While this study is built on NRBV theory, other useful theories can be explored to bring new insights into the used clothes SC.