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Hostiensis and Some Embrun Provincial Councils

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 August 2017

Richard Kay*
Affiliation:
University of Kentucky

Extract

In 1262 Henry of Susa, archbishop of Embrun, became cardinal-bishop of Ostia, the see with which he became synonymous to later generations who knew him simply as Hostiensis. And yet the statutes of Henry, archbishop of Embrun, published in a provincial council at Seyne-les-Alpes in the diocese of Embrun, appear in the conciliar collections under the year 1267, the date given in their preface.

Type
Institute of Medieval Canon Law: Bulletin for 1964
Copyright
Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

1 Jordan, E., ‘Les promotions de cardinaux sous Urbain IV,’ Revue d'histoire et de littérature religieuses 5 (1900) 325–27, 331-32, proves that he was elevated in the second pronotion in May 1262 and not in the first one on 24 Dec. 1261 as stated by Eubel and Masatrie, much less in 1263 as still earlier writers had held. On 21 October 1262, Urban still. Addressed Henry as archbishop of Embrun, but by 10 January 1263 he was installed in the cardinal see: Les Registres d'Urbain IV, tome II: Registre ordinaire I, ed. Guiraud, J. Paris 1901) nos. 147 and 216.Google Scholar

2 The Sedena referred to in the statutes is clearly Seyne-les-Alpes (Basses-Alpes), located lidway between Embrun and Digne in the diocese and province of Embrun, not La Seyne-ur-Mer (Var), which is on the Baie de la Seyne, in the diocese of nearby Toulon in Arles rovince. Perhaps Labbe and Cossart had the second Seyne in mind when they entitled ***he council: ‘Concilium Sedenense a praesulibus Arelatensis provinciae celebratum anno Dom. M. CC. LXVII.’ (Sacrosancta concilia 11 [Paris 1671] App. 2368-69—hereafter ited as Labbe-Cossart), although the substitution of Arles for Embrun is more likely to have been nothing more than a repetition drawn from the Arles council immediately preceding that of Seyne in their Appendix. Cossart regarded it as a misprint which he noted ub an. 1267 in the ‘Collectionis conciliorum synopsis historica’ included in the Apparatus volume (unnumbered, this section unpaged, dated 1672): ‘Sedenense [sc. concilium] a praesubus provinciae Alpium maritimarum (non Arelatensis, , quod mendum in editionem nostram nrepsit) praeside Henrico Ebredunensi archiepiscopo celebratum.’ That by the province of the Maritime Alps Embrun is meant is clear from Labbe's ‘Geographiae episcopalis peviarium’ § 10, printed in the Apparatus, col. 10: ‘Ebredunensi archiepiscopo, Ambrun, pium maritimarum metropolitano.’ Despite Cossart's correction, the eighteenth-century conciliar collectors — Hardouin, Coleti, and Mansi — all characteristically reprinted he error uncorrected. — In the second half of the thirteenth century, one of the three fficiales of the archbishop of Embrun was located at Seyne, a fact which may have influenced he choice of this city as the site of the council: see Chevalier, U., Regeste dauphinois II Valence 1913) no. 11152. — Recently, Gaillard, L., ‘Digne,’ DHGE 14 (1960) 461, has tated without documentation that Boniface, bishop of Digne 1248-78, ‘assiste au concile rovincial d'Embrun tenu à Senez en oct. 1267 …’ From the date he clearly has our council ***n mind, but I have found no evidence either for Boniface's presence or for locating the ouncil in the cathedral city of Senez (Basses-Alpes, arr. Digne). Neither the Latin placetames nor their derivative adjectives are easily confused: Seyne, Sedena, Sedenensis vs. enez, Sanitium, Senecensis. The title of the statutes clearly states that the council was pud Sedenam celebrato. Google Scholar

3 Labbe-Cossart, , Apparatus 95 is mistaken in placing Seyne in the diocese of Digne. The correct location, in the diocese of Embrun, is given on the map of the province by J. B. Nolin in Gallia Christiana 3 (1876) facing p. 1 and is confirmed by Prou, M. and Clouzot, É., ouillés des provinces d'Aix, d'Arles et d'Embrun (Recueil des historiens de la France publié par l'Acad. des Inscr., Pouillés 8; Paris 1923) 244, 245, 253, dated respectively 1351, 1376, and 1382-83.Google Scholar

4 Labbe, Ph., Conciliorum generalium, nation, provinc. dioeces. historica synopsis (Paris 1661) p. 216: ‘1267. Sedunense concilium, mense Nouembri, praeside Iacobo archiepiscopo Ebredunensi, Henrici cardinalis Ostiensis successore.’ An asterisk marks this as a new addition to the conciliar corpus, and although the source to be used is not given, it undoubtedly was Gassendi, who was expressly cited as Labbe's source for Embrun 1290 (p. 221) and is the only source cited in the subsequent edition (Labbe-Cossart 11.2368). Although Gassendi states that the date was ‘vii kal. Novembris’ (26 Oct.), Labbe places it in the month of November and completes his critique by altering the place from Sedena to Sedunum, which he identified in the appended ‘Geographica Tabula’ (p. 359) as the see of Sionen-Valais, a suffragan of Tarentaise. Fortunately these errors were not repeated in Labbe-Cossart.Google Scholar

5 Gallia Christiana 3 (1876) 1080: ‘Nec sic tamen deseruit regimen Ebredunensis ecclesiae, anno si quidem 1267. concilium provinciale apud Sedenam celebravit …,’ citing both Gassendi and Martène.Google Scholar

6 Lajard, Félix, ‘Henri de Suze,’ Histoire littéraire de la France 19 (1838) 429. B. Hauréau acknowledged the inadequacy of this notice: ibid. 28 (1881) 498.Google Scholar

7 On 8 February 1263, the election of an unnamed successor was confirmed by Urban IV: Reg. ord. Urb. IV, no. 206. On 13 February, a letter addressed to the archbishop-elect refers to ‘venerabilis frater Henricus, Ostiensis episcopus, tunc [1251] archiepiscopus Ebredunensis, antecessor tuus.’ (ibid. no. 334). The acts of the pontificate of Jacques Serène (1263-86) are calendared by Chevalier, , Regeste dauphinois IIIII (Valence 1913-14) but the council in question is omitted.Google Scholar

8 Lefebvre, Ch., ‘Hostiensis,’ DDC 5 (1953) 1214–15: ‘Il ne semble pas que l'Hostiensis ait gardé l'archevêché d'Embrun, quoiqu'il soit présenté comme présidant un concile provincial en oct. 1267 ***.; en effet Jacques de Sorèze [sic] lui succède à Embrun au moins dès 1263. ***’ The two letters described in n. 7 above are both cited.Google Scholar

9 Hefele, C. J., Histoire des conciles, tr. and rev. by Leclercq, H., 6 (Paris 1914) 141: ‘Un autre concile provincial français, célébré à Seyne dans le diocèse de Digne [sic; see n. 3 above], sous la présidence d'Henri, archevêque d'Embrun, promulgua le 26 octobre 1267 douze canons.’ Finke, H., whose Konzilienstudien zur Geschichte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Münster 1891) so often corrects such oversights in Knöpfler's revision of Hefele, in this instance passed it by in silence.Google Scholar

10 Didier, N., ‘Henri de Suse, prieur d'Antibes, prévôt de Grasse (1235?-1245),’ SG 2 Bologna 1954) 595-617; ‘Henri de Suse en Angleterre (1236?-1244),’ Studi in onore di incenzo Arangio-Ruiz II (Naples 1953) 333–51; ‘Henri de Suse, évêque de Sisteron (1244-250),’ RHD4 31 (1953) 244-70, 409-29.Google Scholar

11 Mansi 23 (1779) 1179. On the editor's title, see n. 2 above.Google Scholar

12 The necessity of this elementary precaution, too often neglected, is abundantly demnstrated by Quentin, Dom Henry, Jean-Dominique Mansi et les grandes collections coniliaires (Paris 1900), for once one realizes the circumstances under which the conciliar orpus was formed, it is clear that every text in it must be controlled by its ultimate source.Google Scholar

13 Notitia ecclesiae Diniensis, authore Petro Gassendo S. Theologiae Doctore, eius Ecclesiae raeposito. Accessit Concilium Avenionense, Anni M. CCC. XXVI. Ex Manu-Scripto odice Statutorum eiusdem Ecclesiae (Paris 1654). The text here quoted from the first dition is accurately reproduced in Gassendi's Opera omnia V (Lyon 1658) 711 and also *** the second separate edition of the Notitia (Digne 1844) 147, which was translated by Guichard, ***, Notice sur l'église de Digne (Digne 1845) 171: ‘On peut observer ici, que penant son épiscopat, en 1267 et le 7 des calendes de novembre, fut célébré le Concile provinial de Seyne, sous l'Archevêque d'Embrun Henri, qui est devenu célèbre sous le nom de ardinal d'Ostie.’ Guichard prefixes a new list of Digne's bishops, where we learn of Boniace that in ‘1267, il assiste au Concile de Seyne, présidé par l'Archevêque d'Embrun, aimond de Meuillion.’ The gratuitous substitution for Henry of Raymond, archbishop 289-94, has far less justification than Labbe's conjecture (see n. 4 above). The only coneivable connection is that Raymond confirmed the statutes at his council of 1290 (see ext at n. 16 below).Google Scholar

14 Labbe-Cossart 11.2368-69.Google Scholar

15 Reprinted from Labbe-Cossart by Hardouin, J., Acta conciliorum 7 (Paris 1714/1722) 577–78, and by Coleti, N., Sacrosancta concilia 14 (Venice 1731) 369. Mansi 23 (Venice 1779) 1179 reproduces Coleti. These four reprints offer insignificant variants in orthography, capitalization, and abbreviation, but only their various styles of printing the date are worth noting: Hardouin ‘M C C L X V I I. vii. Kal. Nouembris,’ Coleti ‘MCCLXVII. vii. Kal. Nouembr.,’ and Mansi follows Coleti but has ‘Nouemb.’ Google Scholar

16 Martènc, E. and Durand, U., Thesaurus novus anecdotorum 4 (Paris 1717) 185–90, 209-10.Google Scholar

17 Voyage littéraire de deux religieux Bénédictins de la Congregation de Saint Maur I-i (Paris 1717) 270–71. Since they assisted at Vespers there on St. Jerome's day, the day was September 30. That the year was 1710 may be determined by following the journey from its start on 11 June 1708 (p. 2) to the end of that year (p. 63) and the next (p. 179), and the third (p. 312). When they arrived, the bishop of Digne had not yet returned from the assemblée du clergé (p. 270), which must have been the petite assemblée or assemblée des comptes that met in years ending in zero (DDC 1.1120). Some days later, while at Carpentras, Dom Martène found that see still awaiting the arrival of its new bishop (p. 288-89), who had been transferred from Rieti on 10 April 1710, according to Gams, B., Series episcoporum Ecclesiae catholicae I (Regensburg 1873) 530, 721.Google Scholar

18 As far as I can ascertain, there is no published description of this MS. Digne, A.D. des Basses-Alpes 1 G 467 is a copy of diplomatic accuracy made by Canon Bondil of Digne (1790-1870). I must record my thanks to Mlle J. Vielliard, directrix of the Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes (Paris), Mmes Pontal and Vernet, and to the director of the departmental archives of the Basses-Alpes, for without their assistance the MS would ever have been located and microfilmed.Google Scholar

19 Writing of Jean Peisson in Notitia c. 24 s. v. ‘J. Piscis’ (Opera V 714): ‘Huius habemus tatuta varia, partim in libro Statutorum, partim in iam dicto Chartulario, illiusve coninuatione, ab anno M. CCC. XLI. in annum M. CCC. LVI.’ In the preface to the statutes of the Council of Avignon (Opera V 725), the two MSS bound as one codex are again menoned, although somewhat obscurely: ‘ac illud [concilium] tamen inter Statuta Dinienis nostrae Ecclesiae asseruatum etiam-num exstat (quippe exaratum pridem in membraneo, oque gemino Codice).’ Google Scholar

20 A study of the items that comprise the Liber s. e. D. suggests that the nucleus of Peisson's collection may have been an earlier collection made c. 1324 (fols. 1r-25r) to which were added the statutes of Avignon 1326 (fols. 25r-44v) and the few subsequent statutes of bishops of Digne (fols. 45v-46v).Google Scholar

21 Raymond de Mévouillon, Jr., O.P., was in a position to speak here from personal knowledge, for he was active in Embrun province in the early 1260's — he first appears as lector of theology in the Dominican convent at Sisteron in 1262 — and probably was in fact an intimate of Hostiensis, since the cardinal remembered Raymond in his will, printed in Gallia christiana 3 (1876) Instr. 180-82; see Chevalier, , Regeste dauphinois, nos. 10960 and 10993. During the years of Henry's archiepiscopate, Raymond was active in the area, as his numerous acts recorded by Chevalier testify: see especially no. 9883, citing Douais, C., Les Frères prêcheurs en Gascogne au XIIIe et au XIVe siècle (Paris-Auch 1885) 477, for his curriculum vitae. Google Scholar

22 Mansi, in his edition of the Annales ecclesiastici of C. Baronius and O. Raynaldus ***d an. 1267, no. 1 (ed. A. Theiner, 22 [Bar-le-Duc 1870] 188 n. 1) expended some ingenuity ***o reconcile the dates 26 October and 1 November as given respectively by Gassendi and Martène. Appended to D is a printed ‘Table chronologique des statuts de l'église cathedrale le Digne’ dating from the 17th or 18th century. Although it is nothing more than a ist of the contents of D, it inexplicably assigns Nov. 3 as the day, leaving the year as 1267.Google Scholar

23 Mansi 25.1085.Google Scholar

24 Summa aurea ad X 1.23 (ed. Basel, 1573, col. 214, no 5). This passage came to my ttention through the kindness of Prof. Gaines Post.Google Scholar

25 de Lacger, L., ‘La primatie et le pouvoir métropolitain de l'archevêque de Bourges au xiiie siècle,’ RHE 26 (1930) 295.Google Scholar

26 DDC 5.1213-16 and Didier, , ‘Évêque de Sisteron,’ RHD4 31 (1953) 416. In passing e may note that Martène, , Thesaurus novus anecdotorum 4.1079-98, printed the ‘Manuale Henrici [de Segusio] Sistaricensis episcopi in synodo Sistaricensi approbatum’ dated 1249 and discussed by Didier 414-16.Google Scholar

27 E. g. Mansi 23 Syllabus viii, and again in the Conspectus of J. B. Martin in Mansi 36a2 (Paris 1911) 158.Google Scholar

28 Gallia Christiana 3 (1725) 1080-81, to which Piolin, Dom P., ibid. 3 (1876) 1081, added a reference to the notice by Daunou, P. C. F. on ‘Jacques Serène’ in the Histoire littéraire de la France 21 (1847) 634-35, which in turn is based on that of 1725, a summary of the contents having been added.Google Scholar

29 Gassendi, , Notitia, preface to ‘Concilium Avenionense’ (Opera V 726): ‘cum & acta quaedam ipsius Iacobi superius citaverimus, ad annum hisce interceptum M. CC. LXXVIII***’ Reference is to c. 24 s.v. ‘Bonifacius’ (Opera V 710-11); cf. c. 13 (p. 686) and c. 16 (p. 691).Google Scholar

30 This accounts for Martin's proposed addition to Mansi (Conspectus in Mansi 36a2 [Paris 1911] 160): ‘Datum 1278. — Concilium Ebredunense in Gallia.’ Google Scholar

31 Chevalier, , Regeste dauphinois, no. 11490. No. 9955 is Urban IV's confirmation of James' election (8 February 1263); see n. 7 above. The interpolation of an Archbishop Melchior between Hostiensis and James is seemingly based on a forged letter dated 1258 from the cardinal-bishop of Ostia to Melchior, archbishop of Embrun (ibid. no. 9439). Cf. Gallia christiana 3 (1876) 1080 and Didier, , ‘Évêque de Sisteron,’ RHD4 31 (1953) 251 n. 43.Google Scholar

32 Chevalier, , Regeste dauphinois, no. 12291. This document is printed by Faillon, E. M., Monuments inédits sur l'apostolat de Sainte Marie-Madeleine en Provence II (Paris 1865) 03-6, pièce justificative no. 85. Various prelates assembled to witness other events concerning the Magdalen's relics (ibid. nos. 80-85) but the three archbishops appear together only on nos. 82 and 85.Google Scholar

33 Chevalier, , Regeste dauphinois, no. 12554; Faillon, , Monuments, no. 82. The document as been dated 1283 without reason. My terminus post quem is the date 5 May 1280 menioned in the text; the terminus ante quem is supplied by a reference to Charles of Salerno is prince (he became king in 1285) and as present (he was absent from Provence throughout 283-84). Perhaps it is to be identified with the ‘synodus’ at St-Maximin in 1281 which lecreed (‘decretum solemne condiderunt’) the authenticity of the relics, according to the Marseille office for the Invention of the saint: Faillon, , Monuments II 907.Google Scholar

34 Registrum Clementis papae V. *** studio monachorum Ordinis S. Benedicti (Rome 1884-1888) no. 1777. The text printed by Baronius-Raynaldus, , Annales ecclesiastici ad ***n. 1307, no. 22 (ed. Theiner, 23.398), omits the address and arenga, misprints ‘R[ostagni]. quensis’ as ‘P. Aquensis,’ and supplies the datum — ‘Pictavis iii non. Augusti anno ecundo’ (3 Aug. 1307) — from the preceding letter in the register although the letter concludes ‘Dat.’ rather than Datum ut supra. Since the copy in the register (volumen II regesti 54, cap. 282, fol. 54v) is undated, the letter can only be dated 1307, probably July or August, from which months most of the surrounding letters in the register date. The relevant passages read: ‘ nuper ad nos venerabilium fratrum nostrorum P[etri] Arelatensis, G[uillelmi] Ebredunensis et R[ostagni] Aquensis archiepiscoporum et suffraganeorum suorum ac dilectorum filiorum universitatis hominum Massilien. fide digna relatione pervenit (p. 61). Et quamvis pro parte archiepiscoporum, suffraganeorum et universitatis eorundem felicis recordationis Bonifacio Pape VIII predecessori nostro hiis semel et iterum reverenter expositis et cum instantia multa petito, ut super premissis inquiri faceret … [but he died before he could]. Quare archiepiscopi, suffraganei et universitas supradicti nobis per eorum patentes litteras supplicarunt *** (p. 62).’ Google Scholar

35 The contemporary Vita Seduliana of St. Louis, written after his canonization by John XXII in 1316, says (c. 8 no. 69) that Boniface was petitioned by ‘Tolosani et vicini’ and ‘Clemens V, in ejus locum suffectus sollicitatur a variis nuntiis ecclesiarum Galliae Narbonensis, quae nunc Provinciae dicitur, ad rem agrediendam,’ with the result that the commission of two bishops was appointed in 1307. See AS 36.821 and cf. 797 (19 August).Google Scholar

36 Mansi 36a2 (Paris 1911) 163, 178.Google Scholar

37 Les registres d'Honorius IV, ed. Prou, M. (Paris 1888) no. 582.Google Scholar

38 Gassendi, , Notitia c. 24 s. v. Bertrandus Rudolphus (Opera V 715). Martin, , Conspectus in Mansi 36a2 (Paris 1911) 184: ‘Data 1414, iulio. — Concilium provinciale Diniae in Gallia.’ Meyer, Paul, Documents linguistiques du Midi de la France *** [tom. I] Ain, Basses-Alpes, Hautes-Alpes, Alpes Maritimes (Paris 1909) 245-46, reported that the earliest Latin register of Digne municipal deliberations is Digne, A. D. des Basses-Alpes BB 1 but this this begins only in 1415 and so is a year too late to have been Gassendi's source. The fragnentary municipal cartulary called the Livre noir, preserved in the same depositary, in ***ts present form runs from 1388 to at least 1407, although there may be still later entries mentioned by Meyer, including the ordinances of 1414. The series of municipal accounts now in the Digne archives begins in 1414, but judging from the content of the later Provencal deliberations and accounts printed by Meyer, Gassendi's source was, as he stated, the egister of deliberations that contained the ordinances of the syndics, while the accounts may be expected to record the expenditures made in execution of the ordinances.Google Scholar