1. Mencius, . The Confucian Classics, Vol. II, translated by Legge, James (London: Trubner and Co. 1875). pp. 207–208.Google Scholar

2. Needham, Joseph, Science and Civilization in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954).Google Scholar

3. The absence of a tendency towards speculative thought in the social sciences can be illustrated most dramatically by the fact that no Chinese scholar conceived of a government without an emperor up to the 19th century, with the exception of Daoist notions of anarchy, an interesting contrast to the Utopias going back to Plato in western social thought.

4. Needham, Joseph, A Shorter Science and Civilization in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978).Google Scholar Chapter 8 discusses the importance of Daoism for Chinese scientific thought.

5. I am thinking of the Popperian definition of the growth of scientific knowledge by speculative conjecture and rigorous critical testing. Popper, Karl, Conjectures and Refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963).Google Scholar

6. Shiming, Hu and Seifman, Eli, Towards a New World Outlook (New York: Ams Press, 1976).Google Scholar This book contains an excellent selection of documents and commentary which illustrate the Cultural Revolution approach to modernizing Chinese scholarly culture.

7. Guenther, Isolde, “A study of the evolution of the German technische hochschule” (unpublished Ph.D. thesis. University of London Institute of Education, 1972).Google Scholar

8. McLelland, Charles, State, Society and University in Germany 1700–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980).Google ScholarRinger, Fritz, The Decline of the German Mandarinate (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969).Google Scholar

9. Kreissler, Françoise, “L'Action culturelle allemande en Chine de la fin du XIXè siècle à la Seconde Guerre Mondiale” (unpublished doctorat de 3è cycle, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, 1983), pp. 63–112.Google Scholar

10. While medicine was a high prestige area of traditional professional knowledge in Germany, in this German initiative in China it became linked to engineering as an applied science in an institution which was to remain up to this day closer to the technische hochschule than the university in character.

11. For a Chinese account of Tongji's development, see the article by Ding Wenyuan, the last president before Liberation, “Guoli Tongji daxue” (“National Tongji University” in Qiyun, Zhang (ed.), Zhonghua minguo daxue zhi (A Record of Universities in the Chinese Repuhlic (Taiwan: Zhonghua Wenhua Chuban Shiye Weiyuanhui, 1954), pp. 118–30.Google Scholar

12. This influence was no doubt increased by the return of Chinese students from study in Germany, many of them having been exposed to the technische hochschulen also. Hsi-Huey, Liang, The Sino-German Connection (Amsterdam: Van Gorcum, 1978), chapter 3Google Scholar, gives details on Chinese students in Berlin. Of 450 in Germany in 1931, 300 were in Berlin and the majority of these were in the Technische Hochschule. Berlin.

13. For the central values of this model, which has dominated modern German higher education, see Von Humboldt, Wilhelm, “On the spirit and organizational framework of intellectual institutions,” Minerva, Vol. 8 (04 1970), pp. 242–50.Google Scholar

14. One of Cai's first acts as chancellor of Beida was to remove the engineering school to Beiyang University in Tianjin on the grounds that the university should be dedicated to pure learning (xue) not technique (shu). His aims for the university, expressed in his inaugural address as chancellor in January 1917, and in the preface he wrote for Beida's first research journal in 1918, reflect a clear Humboldtian model of the university. See Cai Yuanpei Xuanji (Selections from Cai Yuanpei) (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1959), pp. 23–25, 66–68.Google Scholar For more general discussions of Cai's leadership of Beida, see Duiker, William, Ts'ai Yüan-p'ei: Educator of Modern China (University Park and London: Penn State University Press, 1977)Google Scholar and Lubot, Eugene, “Ts'ai Yüan-p'ei: From Confucian scholar to chancellor of Peking University” (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Ohio State University, 1970).Google Scholar

15. Chaoran, Xiao et al. , Beijing daxue xiaoshi (A History of Beijing University) (Shanghai: Shanghai Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 1981), pp. 43–44.Google Scholar In 1919 the credit system was introduced and courses in the core area of philosophy were required by all. This core was expanded to include courses in psychology and education in later years.

16. Pingshu, Gao, Cai Yuanpei nianpu (A Biography of Cai Yuanpei) (Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju, 1980), pp. 23–36.Google Scholar

17. An excellent contemporary account of what this reorganization involved is found in Shih, Chung, Higher Education in China (Hong Kong: Union Research Institute, 1953).Google Scholar See also Orleans, Leo A., Professional Manpower and Education in Communist China (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1960), pp. 176–203.Google Scholar This provides a list of all institutions by type as released by the Chinese Ministry of Education in 1957.

18. Duansheng, Qian, “Higher education takes a new path,” China Reconstructs (09–10 1953), p. 4.Google Scholar

19. Chen, Theodore, The Thought Reform of Chinese Intellectuals (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press and Oxford University Press, 1960).Google Scholar

20. In the Great Leap Forward, this organization of knowledge was challenged in two important ways. Certain applied fields were introduced into some of the comprehensive universities, and details on this can be found in the institutional histories given in Zhongguo gaodeng xuexiao jianjie (A Brief Introduction to Chinese Institutions of Higher Learning) (Beijing: Jiaoyu Kexue Chubanshe, 1981).Google Scholar Secondly, a new model was exemplified in the creation of two universities of science and technology along the lines of the MIT or Cal. Tech. pattern. Zhongguo Keji Daxue (The Chinese University of Science and Technology) in Beijing was moved to Hefei during the Cultural Revolution period and has developed a very high national profile, while Shanghai Keji Daxue has remained in Shanghai over the subsequent period and gained less national attention. See Chiu-sam, Tsang, Society, Schools and Progress in China (London: Pergamon Press, 1968), p. 208Google Scholar; for a discussion of this development.

21. People's University has always been included by the Chinese on their list of comprehensive universities, although its curriculum is even less comprehensive than that of such institutions as Beijing University, which included pure arts and sciences and excluded all applied fields. See Current Background, No. 462 (1 07 1957)Google Scholar for a translation of the Chinese Ministry of Education brochure “Guide to Institutions of Higher Education,” issued in March of 1957, where People's is clearly categorized as a comprehensive university. See also Fingar, Thomas, Higher Education and Research in the People's Republic of China: Institutional Profiles (Washington, D.C.: U.S. China Education Clearinghouse, Committee on Scholarly Communication with the People's Republic of China and National Association for Foreign Student Affairs, 1981), pp. 99, 264Google Scholar, for a translation of contemporary materials that still categorize People's as a comprehensive university.

22. This piece of information was provided by Mr Huang Shiqi, director of the information and documentation unit of the Chinese Ministry of Education. His paper. “On some vital issues in the development and reform of higher education in the P.R.C.,” presented at the 5th World Congress of Comparative Education (Paris, July 1984), gives a valuable assessment from a Chinese perspective of both the strengths and weaknesses of the Soviet model as applied to China, particularly in relation to the engineering sciences. The interpretation of the role of People's University here is of course entirely the author's.

23. The Collected Works of Liu Shaoqi, Vol. II, 1945–1955 (Hong Kong: Union Research Institute, 1969), pp. 35–54.Google Scholar

24. Ibid. p. 238. In his speech, Liu justified the separation of social and natural sciences and People's concentration on the social sciences by reference to an anecdote concerning Confucius and the competition for good students. People's need not compete for good students in the natural sciences, he argued, as “this way of dividing work is to the benefit of the country.”

25. The first eight departments of People's University were: economic planning, finance and credit, trade, co-operatives, factory management, law, diplomacy and Russian. See Hu, C. T.. “The Chinese People's University: bastion of Marxism-Leninism,” in Niblett, R. and Butts, R. (eds). Universities Facing the Future (London: Evans Brothers, 1972), pp. 65ffGoogle Scholar, for an account of People's University in its first decade.

26. Mengxiong, Xu, “A huge beehive of doctrinairism,” Guangming ribao (Light Daily), 25 05 1957.Google Scholar This and other articles expressing violent criticism of People's University and its authoritarian stance are translated in MacFarquar, Roderick, The Hundred Flowers Campaign and the Chinese Intellectuals (New York: Octagon Books, 1974).Google Scholar

27. The role of People's University as the arbiter of ideological orthodoxy has compelling parallels with that of the Hanlin Academy in traditional China.

28. Peking Review, Vol. 11, No. 20 (17 05 1968), p. 11.Google Scholar See also Vol 10, Nos. 47 and 48 (17, 24 November 1967).

29. Peking Review, Vol. 11, No. 31 (2 08 1968), p. 3.Google Scholar

30. “Tongji zhaosheng zhuanye jieshou” “An introduction to specializations at Tongji for student recruitment”), 1983.Google Scholar This brochure for students applying to Tongji introduces new departments in physics and chemistry, also in engineering management.

31. Hofstadter, R. and Smith, W., American Higher Education: Documentary History. Vol II (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1961), p. 568.Google Scholar

32. Ben-David, Joesph, American Higher Education: Directions Old and New (New York: McGraw Hill Book Co. 1972).Google Scholar Ben David suggests that integration of knowledge areas is the most important and distinctive characteristic of modern American higher education.

33. Hofstadter, R., R. and Metzger, W., The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1955).Google Scholar This book perceptively chronicles the move from the age of the college to that of the university and the struggle to introduce a ‘modern’ approach to knowledge with the American higher curriculum.

34. Qinghua daxue xiaoshigao (A Draft History of Qinghua University) (Beijing: Zonghua Shuju, 1981), p. 68.Google Scholar

35. Ibid. p. 8. Three of the most famous to become university presidents were Mei Yiqi (1909). Hu Shi (1910) and Zhu Kezheng (1910).

36. A valuable historiographical critique of Qinghua daxue xiaoshi gao, as well as a translation of parts of it, is provided by Israel, John in Chinese Education, Vol. XV, Nos. 3–4 (Fall-Winter 1982–1983).Google Scholar The other institutions which played a crucial role in introducing the American higher education ethos to China, largely the ethos of the college as against that of the university, were the 16 missionary colleges. See Lutz, Jessie, China and the Christian Colleges (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1971).Google Scholar

37. Qinghua daxue xiaoshi gao, pp. 45–53.Google Scholar

38. Xincheng, Shu, Jindai Zhongguo liuxueshi (The History of Recent Chinese Study Overseas) (Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju, 1927), pp. 78, 205.Google Scholar

39. Qinghua daxue xiaoshi gao, pp. 45–53.Google Scholar

40. Ibid. p. 150.

41. Ibid. pp. 108–110. This principle was stronger at Qinghua, which emulated the American university model and therefore was influenced by the German-derived notion of university autonomy, than at institutions patterned after the American college such as Fudan and the missionary colleges.

42. Ibid. p. 49.

43. Ibid. pp. 50–53.

44. Ibid. pp. 113–14.

45. Ibid. pp. 111–12.

46. Ibid. p. 112.

47. Ibid. pp. 113–14.

48. A less detailed account of Qinghua's pre-Liberation development is provided in Qiyun, Zhang (ed.), Zhonghua mingguo daxue zhi, pp. 75–80.Google Scholar

49. Qinghua tongxuehui zonghui xiaoyou tongxin (Newsletter of the Qinghua Alumni Association's Central Branch), Vol III, Nos. 1–5 (1966) pp. 1–5.Google Scholar These student numbers should be considered in light of the yearly income from Boxer indemnity funds of more than U.S. $700,000.00. It is pointed out in Qinghua daxue xiaoshi gao, p. 56Google Scholar, that this meant Qinghua students had four times the amount of money spent on them per year as students of Beijing University in 1925.

50. Qinghua xiaoyou tongxin (Qinghua Alumni Newsletter), Vol. 4, Nos. 6 and 7, pp. 4–6.Google Scholar

51. This point is emphasized in an editorial of the Qinghua zhoukan (Qinghua Weekly), Vol. 38, Nos. 7 and 8 (21 21 1932)Google Scholar, an issue explicitly dedicated to the social sciences.

52. Yuying, Li (ed.), Gaodeng xuexiao xuesheng de xuexi he shenghuo (The Study and Living Conditions of Students in Higher Learning Institutions) (Hong Kong: Shenghuo, Dushu, Xinzhi, 1955), p. 40.Google Scholar This post-Liberation account of Qinghua gives its aims as “to nurture high quality engineers, researchers in the engineering sciences and teachers for higher engineering institutes.” It had a five-year programme and its departments included machine building, power machinery, electrical engineering, radio engineering, water conservancy, civil engineering and construction.

53. A graphic account of this purification process is provided in Hinton, William, Hundred Day War (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972).Google Scholar One of the points on which Qinghua's president, Jiang Nanxiang, was violently criticized was the way in which he had acted on the principle of university autonomy or academic government by professors through recruiting top intellectuals into the Party and so assuring academic control of the university.

54. Strive to Build a Socialist University of Science and Engineering, issued by the workers and PLA Thought Propaganda team at Tsinghua University (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1972). Two qualities suggested are the courage to innovate and abolish misleading beliefs, and the ability to criticize, both of which fit the Popperian definition of the growth of scientific knowledge given above. (See footnote 5.) For a discussion of the process whereby new scientific knowledge was to be created, see pp. 24ff.

55. Goldman, Merle, China's Intellectuals Advise and Dissent (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980), pp. 214–31 offers a thoughtful discussion of the debates over science in this period.Google Scholar

56. Zhongguo gaodeng xuexiao jianjie, p. 9.Google Scholar

57. Chinese awareness of this is evidenced by the fact that the improvement of higher agricultural education and research has been a priority in the educational projects being funded by World Bank loans, and three of ten are related to this area. There is even a discussion going on about the possibility of creating a few leading institutions directly after the Land Grant model. See Farner, Frank, “World Bank Group education projects in China,” paper presented at the 5th World Congress of Comparative Education (Paris, 07 1984)Google Scholar, for an overview of the ten World Bank projects in Chinese education.

58. Barnard, H. C., Education and the French Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), p. 150.Google Scholar

59. Ibid. pp. 138ff. Artz, F., The Development of Technical Education in France (Cambridge, Mass, and London, England: The Society for the History of Technology and MIT Press, 1966).Google Scholar Artz makes the point that “by the early 19th century France was the only country in the world where engineering was clearly and definitely established as a learned profession” (p. 161).Google Scholar

60. Durkheim, E., The Evolution of Educational Thought (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977), p. 308.Google ScholarProst, Antoine, L'Enseignement en France (Paris: Armand Colin, 1968), p. 23.Google Scholar

61. One of the leading personalities, Li Yuying or Li Shizeng. and his role in Sino-French educational co-operation has been sensitively portrayed by Bastid, Marianne, “Li Shizeng and Chinese non-proletarian internationalism,”Google Scholar annual lecture for the Contemporary China Institute. School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 11 June 1984.

62. The logistics, particularly the French side of the operation, relating to the Institut Franco-chinois of Lyons are fascinatingly detailed in Bouchez, D., “Un défricheur méconnudes études extrême-orientales: Maurice Courant (1865–1935),” Journal Asiatique, Tome CCLXXI, Nos. 1–2 (1983), pp. 43–150.Google Scholar

63. Zhongfa daxue banyuekan (Bimonthly Journal of Universite Franco-chinoise), Vol. I, No. 1 (1925). p. 1.Google Scholar

64. Zhongfu jiaoyu jie (Sino-French Educational Circles), No. 1 (10 1926), pp. 1–4.Google Scholar Of course I am here simply reporting the views of these Chinese, not making a judgement on the relative strengths of American vs. French cultural imperialism!

65. Marianne Bastid makes the point that Li Shizeng was clearly committed to internationalism, while Cai Yuanpei may have been more concerned about the need to indicate a spirit of nationalism, though he sought to avoid political or ideological misuse of the schooling system by the government. See footnote 61 for the source.

66. Shizeng, Li, “Zhongfa jiaoyu wenti” (“Sino-French educational problems”), Zhongfa daxue banyuekan. Vol. 1, No. 1 (1925), pp. 5–6.Google Scholar

67. The founding and development of all these activities are detailed in a contemporary account. Lü ou jiaoya yundong (The Educational Movement of the Sojourn in Europe) (Paris: Shijieshe, Autumn 1916).Google Scholar

68. Ibid. p. 109.

69. It was to be a continuing struggle, with the French side determined only to finance activities under their control and the Chinese side equally determined to maintain the upper hand over Sino-French co-operative projects.

70. Shizeng, Li, “Zhongfa daxue gaifang” (“The situation of Zhongfa University”), Zhongfa daxue banyuekan. Vol. 1, No. 1 (1925)Google Scholar. This at least is how Li viewed its founding, and this first issue of the journal gives photos and a detailed account of each of the colleges in Beijing and the suburban areas in 1925. While the lower schools had been in operation for some time, and in many cases had opened as preparatory schools for young people going to France, the higher institutes apparently only began accepting students in 1925, and were registered with the Ministry of Education as a university in 1926.

71. “L'Université Franco-chinoise et les oeuvres scolaires Sino-Belges,” Zhongfa jiaoyujie. No. 12 (01 1928), pp. 21–22Google Scholar. Destree, Jules, “La Chine et nous,” Zhongfa jiaoyu jie, No. 12 (01 1928), pp. 37–41.Google Scholar

72. Zhongfa banyuekan. Vol. 1, No. 1 (1925), p. 2.Google Scholar

73. Université Franco-chinoise de Pékin (Nan-che-pao, 1926).Google Scholar

74. Most of its property and buildings, valued at around U.S. $430,000.00 in 1943, were already in place in 1925 before any Boxer indemnity funds were available, and had probably been purchased with funds donated from the Chinese community. For the value of the property, see Charles Grosbois, Notes sur la Culture Française en Chine, cyclostyled text, 1943.Google Scholar

75. Boxer indemnity funds only became available in 1926, and the allocation made to Zhongfa University in 1927 was U.S. $75,000.00, one tenth of the yearly sum available to Qinghua. See Bouchez, , “Maurice Courant,” p. 133.Google Scholar

76. Cai Yuanpei's reasons for regarding the French pattern of the university as suited to China's needs are expounded in two articles which appeared in Xin Jiaoyu (The New Education) in 1922: “Jiaoyu Duli Yi” (“The principle of educational autonomy”) in Vol. 4, No. 3 (03 1922). pp. 317–19Google Scholar and “Hunan Zixiu Daxue de jieshou yu shuoming” (“An introduction to and explication of the Hunan self-cultivation university”) in Vol. 5, Nos. 1–2 (08 1922), pp. 81–89.Google Scholar

77. Linden, Allen, “Politics and education in Nationalist China: the case of the university council 1927–1928,” Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 27, No. 4 (08 1968) pp. 763–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

78. Prost, , L'Enseignement en France, p. 199.Google Scholar

79. Ibid. p. 150. Prost describes the French university as I'etat enseignant, which claimed the right to regulate all aspects of education not in subservience to successive governments but in loyalty to the higher moral and intellectual interests of the state, particularly to the values of liberty and truth. It is not difficult to understand the appeal of this ethos to Chinese scholars steeped in the best aspects of the Confucian tradition.

80. Beijing zhongfa daxue kongde xueyuanji Beijing kongde xuexiao gallon (An Introduction to Comte College and Comte Secondary Schools, Beijing) (09 1926)Google Scholar provides details on the curriculum.

81. Zhongfa jiaoyu jie. No. 32 (1929)Google Scholar gives details of the university preparatory courses offered at that time.

82. Bastid, M., “Li Shizeng and Chinese non-proletarian internationalism.”Google Scholar A detailed list of students and graduates published in 1934 in the Sili Zhongfa daxue ji fushu gebu tongxuelu zongmu (A General Index of the Students at Zhongfa University and Associated Institutions) (01 1934)Google Scholar lists 93 current students of Voltaire College, 29 of Curie College, 17 in Curie's department of biology and 48 in the medical preparatory school which Lamarck had become by that time, a total of 187. It also lists the names of 111 graduates of Voltaire College, 16 of Curie College, 69 of Lamarck College and 12 of Comte College, a total of 208 graduates up to that time.

83. Beijing Zhongfa daxue kongde xueyuan ji Beijing kongde xuexiao gailan, pp. 14–16.Google Scholar

84. Zhongguo jiaoyu nianjian (The Chinese Education Yearbook) (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1948), p. 654.Google Scholar

85. This institute received favourable comment in the rather cynical account by Grosbois, , Notes sur la Culture Française en Chine, p. 138Google Scholar. Of the 491 students at the university in 1947, 91 were reported to be at this institute. See Zhongguo jiaoyu nianjian (1948), p. 654.Google Scholar

86. Zhongguo jiaoyu nianjian, p. 654.Google Scholar

87. Zhongfa jiaoyu jie. No. 32 (01 1930), pp. 33–36.Google Scholar

88. It is difficult to find out how far Lamarck students were actively involved in scientific activity or labour on the experimental farms as part of their formation.

89. Marianne Bastid links Li Shizeng's concern with the agricultural sciences and determination to promote them in China with his roots in a scholar–gentry intelligentsia that were still strongly attached to the land in the late 19th century.

90. All volumes of both journals as well as some of their precedents are to be found in the Bibliotèque Municipale in Lyons, as well as in the library of the Institute of Oriental Languages, Rue de Lille, Paris. The archives of the Institut Franco-chinois of Lyons are held in the Department of Chinese of the University of Lyons III. Also a valuable collection of materials from the library of the Institut is held in the Bibliotèque Municipale of Lyons. I am particularly grateful to Professor Danielle Li Lusheng of the Department of Chinese, University of Lyons III, and M. Jean-Louis Boully, librarian in charge of the Chinese collection at the Bibliotèque Municipale, for the assistance they gave me in consulting these materials when I visited Lyons in May 1984.

91. Zhongfa jiaoyu jie. No. 44 (06 1931), pp. 20–42.Google Scholar

92. Li'ang Zhongfa daxue guanli xuesheng chengjiang (Regulations for the Management of Students at Zhongfa University, Lyons) (Lyons, 04 1928)Google Scholar. This document is among the archival material at University of Lyons III.

93. Zhongfa daxue banyuekan. Vol. 1, No. 3 (1925), pp. 20–23.Google Scholar

94. Bouchez, , “Maurice Courant.”Google Scholar

95. Lusheng, Li, “1921–1946 nian li'ang zhongfa daxue haiwaibu tongxuelu” (A list of students in the overseas section of the Université Franco-chinoise at Lyons between 1921 and 1946”), Ouhua xuebao (Journal of the Association of Chinese Scholars in Europe), No. 1 (05 1983). pp. 127–50.Google Scholar

96. These figures were taken from the following issues of the journal: Zhongfa jiaoyu jie, No. 5 (1926–1927)Google Scholar, No. 11 (1927–28), No. 22 (1928–29), No. 34 (1929–30), No. 38 (1930–31), No. 45 (1931–32); Zhongfa daxue yuekan. Vol. 1, No. 4 (1932–33), Vol. 3, No. 1 (1933–34), Vol. 7, No. 2 (1934–35), Vol 8, No. 4 (1935–36).

97. Zhongfa jiaoyu jie. No. 1 (10 1926), pp. 16–18.Google Scholar

98. Zhongfa jiaoyu jie. No. 34 (08 1930), pp. 58–52.Google Scholar

99. This theme is explored in a fascinating way from a Chinese perspective in “Academic freedom and political democracy: a discussion on academic research sponsored by the Beijing Guangming Daily,” Eastern Horizon, Vol. XVIII, No. 1 (1979), pp. 6–14.Google Scholar

100. “Sixth Five-Year Plan,” Beijing Review, No. 22 (30 05 1983), p. 11Google Scholar. See also Hayhoe, R., “A comparative analysis of Chinese-western academic exchange,” Comparative Education, Vol. 20, No. 1 (03 1984), pp. 39–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

101. For information on American, Canadian and German management education programmes, see Fischer, William, “The management center in Dalian,” China Exchange News, Vol. II, No. 2 (06 1983), pp. 12–14Google Scholar, Canada-China Management News (Ottawa: International Development Office, Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada), Nos. 1, 2, 3Google Scholar, and Xinhua News Agency (London, 22 08 1984), p. 28.Google Scholar

102. For a French view, see Domenach, Jean-Luc, “Sino-French relations: a French view.”Google Scholar in Chun-tu, Hsüeh. China's Foreign Relations (New York: Praeger, 1982), pp. 96–97.Google Scholar