Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-hfldf Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-05-25T18:39:58.432Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Transacting Value on the Transatlantic Stage

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 December 2014

Extract

With the modesty then expected of a daughter of Britain's theatrical royalty, Fanny Kemble attributed the necessity of her 1829 stage debut to the hard circumstance of financial need. As she explained in her journal, hers was not an act of self-promotion; rather, she exposed herself to the scrutiny of London's critical establishment with the hope that interest in her performance might draw much-needed revenue into the cashbox of the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, a venue jointly managed by her father and uncle, Charles and John Philip Kemble. However rhetorically necessary the narrative was for preserving her respectability, Kemble's financial motivation was also very real. The theatre was fiscally impaired, never quite able to square itself in relation to the expensive footing upon which the new building was erected after the fire of 1808. With construction costs high and materials scarce in the midst of the Napoleonic Wars, Charles attempted to raise ticket prices in the new theatre to help cover his expenses, raising instead public ire, in the form of protracted demonstrations known as the Old Price Riots, which bullied him into restoring the original ticket prices.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © American Society for Theatre Research 2015 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Endnotes

1. Niall Ferguson's work on the history of the Bank of England emphasizes these three features of modern banking. Economic historian Richard Sylla, who compares late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century British and American economies, lists six key features, noting that the Bank of England's original charter limited its full development. To management of public debt, issuance of currency, and centralization of banking functions, Sylla adds the development of an integrated banking system, the development of a securities market, and the development of a corporate structure. See Ferguson, Niall, The Cash Nexus: Money and Power in the Modern World, 1700–2000 (New York: Basic Books, 2001)Google Scholar, 112; and Sylla, Richard, “Comparing the UK and US Financial Systems, 1790–1830,” in The Origins and Development of Financial Markets and Institutions: From the Seventeenth Century to the Present, ed. Atack, Jeremy and Neal, Larry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 209–40.Google Scholar

2. Davis, Tracy C., The Economics of the British Stage, 1800–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Michaels, Walter Benn, The Gold Standard and the Logic of Naturalism: American Literature at the Turn of the Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Poovey, Mary, Genres of the Credit Economy: Mediating Value in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lynch, Deidre Shauna, The Economy of Character: Novels, Market Culture, and the Business of Inner Meaning (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998).Google Scholar

3. See Valenze, Deborah, The Social Life of Money in the English Past (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 37–8Google Scholar, quote at 34.

4. Ibid., 37. Valenze notes that in 1660, no fewer than 3,543 tokeners in operation in London and the surrounding areas were issuing tokens of all shapes and sizes and of various materials (such as tin or leather); 37–8.

5. Technically, the term “free banking” applies to the United States beginning in 1838, when the National Bank Act officially adopted the model first developed in New York State. As Leonard Helderman notes, the period before this was marked by experimentation; each state devised its own banking models, with varying degrees of success. See Helderman, Leonard C., National and State Banks: A Study of Their Origins (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1931), 1114.Google Scholar

6. As historian Sean Wilentz notes, the restructuring that occurred in the wake of this Second Bank scandal resulted in drastic cuts in the country's armed forces. These eliminated the generalship awarded to Andrew Jackson for his service in the Indian campaigns of the War of 1812, perhaps prompting his lifelong enmity toward the institution. Wilentz, Sean, Andrew Jackson (New York: Henry Holt, 2005)Google Scholar, 40.

7. Cobbett opposed the government-imposed price controls of the British Corn Laws, embarking on his rural rides to report on actual farming conditions. In his stump speeches to rural audiences, he often drew on the argument made in his 1817 pamphlet Paper against Gold that the modern bank and “Paper-Money System” caused “pauperism, misery[,] and crimes” (1). See Cobbett's Paper against Gold (London: W. Cobbett Jr., [1817])Google Scholar, https://openlibrary.org/books/OL7026564M/Cobbett's_Paper_against_gold, accessed 25 August 2014.

8. Sylla demonstrates that the fledgling free-market economy of the new American nation outpaced the growth of the British economy in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Only with its move toward a free market in 1844 did Britain's economy begin to flourish and stoke the engines of the Industrial Revolution (Sylla, 227).

9. Henry Hart Milman, Fazio: A Tragedy, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Samuel Collingwood, 1816). Milman does not explicitly establish Bartolo as Jewish, yet he stamps him with all of the stereotypical characteristics of the (comic) stage Jew. He is described, for example, as “the grey lean usurer” (55).

10. Ibid., 12.

11. Watkins, Daniel, “‘In These Degenerate Days’: Henry Hart Milman's Fazio,” in A Materialist Critique of English Romantic Drama (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1993), 7793.Google Scholar

12. Milman, Fazio, 54.

13. Ibid., 35.

14. This and the following brief quotations: ibid., 13–14.

15. Ibid., 14.

16. Smith, Adam, The Wealth of Nations, vol. 2 ([1776]; London and New York: Everyman, 1966)Google Scholar. Smith argues that in a “rude state of society,” nations “hoard” their wealth (393), but in more advanced societies (he explicitly cites America), paper money—i.e., credit—circulates, allowing “for building and extending [the citizens'] settlements and plantations; in purchasing, not dead stock [i.e., specie], but active and productive stock” (423).

17. Quoted in Baker, Jennifer Jordan, Securing the Commonwealth: Debt, Speculation and Writing in the Making of Early America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005)Google Scholar, 13.

18. Milman, Fazio, 90.

19. Ibid., 91.

20. Ferguson, 147.

21. Reiman, Donald, “Introduction” to the facsimile of Henry Hart Milman's The Belvidere Apollo, Fazio and Samor (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1977), viviiGoogle Scholar. Milman's play and/or Eliza O'Neill's performance also likely inspired John Keats's poem “Isabella, or the Pot of Basil” (1818), which was published posthumously in the collection Lamia, Isabella, The Eve of St. Agnes, and Other Poems (London: Taylor & Hessey, 1820), 4780Google Scholar. My thanks to Bill McKelvy for this insight.

22. Quoted in Wister, Fanny Kemble, ed., Fanny, the American Kemble: Her Journals and Unpublished Letters (Tallahassee, FL: South Pass Press, 1972)Google Scholar, 116.

23. Walker, Julia A., Expressionism and Modernism in the American Theatre: Bodies, Voices, Words (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 1420.Google Scholar

24. In An Introduction to the Art of Reading with Energy and Propriety (1765), Rice cites, for example, the unexpected pause Garrick inserted in Richard's line from act V, scene iii, in Richard III. See Edwards, Paul, “Unstoried: Teaching Literature in the Age of Performance Studies,” Theatre Annual 52 (1999): 1147Google Scholar, at 123–4. For Sheridan, see Lectures on the Art of Reading (London: J. Dodsley, J. Wilkie, E. and C. Dily, T. Davies, 1775)Google Scholar, vol. 1, On the Art of Reading Prose, and vol. 2, On the Art of Reading Verse.

25. Roach, Joseph, The Player's Passion: Studies in the Science of Acting (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 100.

26. Roach cites John Hill's The Actor (1755) as an example of this paradigm's influence on acting, noting that Hill recommends that actors should train the pathways of their nerves by stimulating their sensibilities with poetic passages from the literary sublime (103).

27. Anonymous review, The Irish Shield: A Historical and Literary Weekly Paper (Philadelphia), 18 March 1831, 3.

28. Anonymous review, The New York Mirror 10.13 (29 September 1832), 102.

29. States argues that this mode of perception is transhistorical but concedes that during the period of the star system (i.e., the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when the “point” was a regular feature of theatrical performance), audiences may have been more consciously attuned to moments of virtuosity. See States, Bert O., “The Actor's Presence: Three Phenomenal Modes,” Theatre Journal 35.3 (1983): 359–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 375.

30. In this moment of early celebrity culture, the actor's virtuosity as an actor no doubt contributed to his or her star appeal. Nonetheless, as images of such virtuosity were reproduced as commodities, the line between the actor's fictional and public personae may have begun to blur, generating what film theorist Richard Dyer refers to as the actor's “star image.” See Stars (London: British Film Institute, 1998)Google Scholar, 68.

31. Jameson, Fredric, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981).Google Scholar

32. Bolla, Peter de, The Discourse of the Sublime: History, Aesthetics and the Subject (New York: Blackwell, 1989)Google Scholar, “excess” at 14. Focusing specifically on Britain during the Seven Years' War (1754–63), de Bolla notes growing public concern about the amount of paper money entering circulation and an expanding public debt, especially as specie that was flowing across England's borders was melted into bullion and was sold on the open market for more than its face value (111). His analysis can easily be extended into the period of the Napoleonic Wars, when Milman's play was written and when the British government finally staunched the flow of its specie reserves but perhaps not the anxieties still coursing through the body politic.

33. Milman, Arthur, Henry Hart Milman, D.D., Dean of St. Paul's, a Biographical Sketch by His Son (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1900)Google Scholar, 33.

34. Wood, Gillen D'Arcy, The Shock of the Real: Romanticism and Visual Culture, 1760–1860 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001)Google Scholar, 32.

35. Kemble, Frances Anne [Fanny], Journal of Frances Anne Butler, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea & Blanchard, 1835)Google Scholar, I:144.

36. Ibid., 145; italics in the original.

37. The London Times reviewer described Fazio as “a disagreeable, transparent, monotonous drama, but one that has been frequently selected by debutantes, and not without reason. The passions of love, grief, and rage are clearly and intelligibly set forth, the weight of the interest rests alone on the female character.” Anonymous review, Times (London), 14 February 1845, 6. Similarly, the Examiner's reviewer noted that Fazio was “in itself not a strong play, but not ill suited to display the powers of a strong actress.” Anonymous review, Examiner, 15 February 1845, 99.

38. The London Times reviewer asserted that “from the instant when she suspects that her husband's affection is wavering, and with a flash of horrible enlightenment exclaims ‘you have been with Aldabella,’ Miss Cushman's career was certain” (ibid.).

39. “To Charlotte Cushman, On Seeing Her Play ‘Bianca,’ in Milman's Tragedy of ‘Fazio.’” Reissue of Eliza Cook's Poems,” Eliza Cook's Journal 212 (21 May 1853): 57.Google Scholar

40. Anonymous review, Examiner, 28 January 1877, 118. The reviewer notes simply that a Miss Bateman cites Cushman's “point” but without equal effect. A writer for the 1854 Ladies' Cabinet of Fashion confesses, “We are old playgoers, as our readers will own, when we tell them that we witnessed the first representation of Milman's ‘Fazio’ at Covent Garden on the 29th March, 1818. Youth is a kindly critic; and what we then thought a faultless play, time and experience (sad magnifying glasses, which show the wrinkles on the fairest faces, imperceptible to the casual gaze) have taught us to consider a morbid and ill-constructed melodrama.” See “Amusements of the Month,” Ladies' Cabinet of Fashion, Music, and Romance, 1 March 1854, 164.

41. Anonymous review, Quarterly Review (April 1816): 69–85, at 77; Symons, Arthur, The Romantic Movement in English Poetry (London: Archibald Constable & Co., 1909)Google Scholar, 265.

42. Nicoll, Alardyce, Nineteenth Century Drama, vol. 1, 1800–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1930)Google Scholar, 166.

43. See Davis, Economics, 115–35. She notes that, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the Lord Chamberlain's office was being taught how to apply the economic principles of free trade to its responsibilities related to the regulation of public morals. During these years, strictures regulating costume and bodily display were relaxed such that erotic pleasure could emerge as a “service” product of theatrical exchange (quote p. 116).

44. See, for example, Gallagher, Catherine, “George Eliot and Daniel Deronda: The Prostitute and the Jewish Question,” in The New Historicism Reader, ed. Veeser, H. Aram (New York: Routledge, 1994), 124–40Google Scholar. Here, Gallagher examines the power of this metaphor when used to characterize female authors (127).

45. Davis, Tracy C., Actresses as Working Women: Their Social Identity in Victorian Culture (New York: Routledge, 1991), 7980Google Scholar, 127.

46. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London and New York, Verso, 1983; rev. 1991) 6–7.

47. Slezkine coins the term “Mercurian” (from the Roman god Mercury) to denominate a variety of internal others who occupy a liminal status vis-à-vis the host culture. His primary focus is on the Jew in modern Europe, but he extends his analysis to the Romani and Travelers in Europe, the Chinese in Malaysia and the Philippines, and the Jains and Parsis in India, to cite only a few (13). See Slezkine, Yuri, The Jewish Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004). My thanks to Jacob Labendz for this reference.Google Scholar

48. Ibid., 37.

49. Ferguson, 116; italics in original.

50. These graphs are meant to be suggestive of the “distant reading” model proposed by Franco Moretti in Graphs, Maps, Trees: Abstract Models for a Literary History (London: Verso, 2005)Google Scholar and Distant Reading (London: Verso, 2013)Google Scholar.

51. See, for example, The Diaries of William Charles Macready, 1833–1851, 2 vols., ed., Toynbee, William (London: Chapman & Hall, 1912)Google Scholar I:132, 218. Macready prefers the term “effects” to “points,” even though he describes a pause that is used to imbue the dramatic text with meaning.

52. In an 1867 review in the Atlantic Monthly, for example, L. Clarke Davis praises Joseph Jefferson's performance as Rip Van Winkle even as he disparages the terms of his own praise: “[His] impersonation is full of what are technically known as points; but the genius of Mr. Jefferson divests them of all ‘staginess.’” Quoted in Hewitt, Barnard, Theatre U.S.A.: 1665–1957 (New York: McGraw–Hill, 1959)Google Scholar, 200.

53. See, for example, J. Palgrave Simpson's review of Edwin Booth's performance as Hamlet in an 1880 Theatre review: “Instead of being the slave of ‘tradition’, I found him constantly neglecting old traditional points . . . for effects which commended themselves better to his true matured intelligence.” Quoted in Matthews, Brander and Hutton, Laurence, The Life and Art of Edwin Booth and His Contemporaries (1886; repr., Boston: L. C. Page & Co., 1906)Google Scholar, 72.