Additive negation

Additive negation is, according to Lindström (2009:168), more stylistically neutral than the other two, and it is common in both Swedish and Norwegian, but not in Danish (Lindström 2009:165f, quoting Hulthén 1947 and Christensen 2005). Clause-initial additive negation is according to Teleman et al. (1999:4:175 ff) stressed (unlike e.g. the clause-initial responsive negation). The propositions that are compared can be either explicit, as illustrated in (4), or implicit, as shown in (5).


Introduction
An additive negation (1) is typically used when two or more negative propositions are compared with each other, and it often occurs in clause-initial position. It is one of three functions of clause-initial negation that Lindström (2009:168) identifies. The other two are responsive (2) and interrogative negation (3).
( Additive negation is, according to Lindström (2009:168), more stylistically neutral than the other two, and it is common in both Swedish and Norwegian, but not in Danish (Lindström 2009:165f, quoting Hulthén 1947and Christensen 2005.
Clause-initial additive negation is according to Teleman et al. (1999:4:175 ff) stressed (unlike e.g. the clause-initial responsive negation). The propositions that are compared can be either explicit, as illustrated in (4), or implicit, as shown in (5).

Nordic Syntax Database (NSD)
Additive negation has been tested in two sentences in the NSD, for both Swedish and Norwegian. In the first of the sentences, the negation is placed clause-initially in both conjuncts (6); in the second the negation is clause initial only in the second conjunct (7).
(6) a. Inte har han tvättat och inte har han varit i affären. The sentences in (6)  The test sentence (7) is also generally accepted in both Sweden in Norway, and only rejected in a few places: in the provinces of Vestfold (Larvik), Vest-Agder (Vennesla), Telemark (Hjartdal), Rogaland (Hjelmeland), Sogn og Fjordane (Stryn) and Hedmark (Alvdal). I addition, (7) is judged as questionable in some locations, mostly in Southwestern Norway and in Northeastern Norway, but also in some Swedish locations. This is shown on Map 2. The results from the NSD show clearly that the additive negation is a widely accepted phenomenon in most of Swedish and Norwegian dialects, being rejected only in a couple of places.

Nordic Dialect Corpus (NDC)
In the NDC, the both types of the additive negation, cf. (6) and (7) Ekerot (1988:28) states that clause-initial negation cannot be followed by the particle så, whereas the complex phrase inte heller ('not either') in clause-initial position can be followed by så (Ekerot 1988:191).
not either SÅ Have I claimed that your son secret.smokes 'I have not claimed that your son smokes in secret, either' (Ekerot 1988:191) In (11a) the clause-initial negation does not have an additive function, and the particle så cannot intervene between the fronted negation and the finite verb. The presence of the adverb heller 'either' in (11b) favors an interpretation of the sentence as a part in an additive sequence, where the first conjunct is implicitly, and not explicitly expressed. It seems therefore that the particle så can appear with additive negation. This hypothesis can however be falsified. First, compare the additive sequences in (12) In (12a) the additive negations appear alone in clause-initial position, whereas in the second conjunct in (12b), the negation is fronted together with the adverb heller 'either'. The meaning of the two clauses is almost identical, although the fact of not having cleaned is emphasized in (12b). This quite small syntactic difference has interesting syntactic implications.
Some speakers of Swedish and Norwegian can modify (12b), by inserting the particle så between heller 'either' and the finite verb har 'have' in the second conjunct, the string being grammatical, cf.
(13a). The same modification of (12a), i.e. insertion of the particle så in the second conjunt is however impossible, cf. (13b). Moreover, even for those speakers that do not accept the structure shown in (11b) above, the contrast between (11b) and (13a) is apparent. Structurally speaking, the contrast between (11b) and (13a) implies that the displacement of the complex phrase inte heller ('not either') is of another type than the displacement of the bare additive negation. The bare additive clause-initial negation thus patterns with the non-additive clause-initial negation in this respect. In a cartographic approach, the phrase inte heller ('not either') targets a higher position in the tree structure than the bare additive negation (cf. Østbø to appear; Eide 2011;Østbø 2006), such that inte heller can be located higher in the tree than the position for så, and inte is located in a position below så. The displacement of the constituent inte heller thus patterns with displacement of other adverbial constituents that can be followed by så as exemplified in (14).