The Slovak Republic 1939–1945. The Nature and Major Milestones of the Regime

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Th e unbiassed evaluation of the period of the Slovak Republic existence is also prevented by its obvious contradictory moments. Its own statehood is defi nitely a positive aspect but the practical realization of the statehood at that diffi cult time was showing many undemocratical signs which cannot be positively asssessed. On the one hand, the Slovak fi ght for the statehood was fi nished with the establishment of the Slovak Republic, on the other hand, Slovakia, having on mind the Central European spheres of infl uence (if it wanted to survive), could not withstand the undisputable pressure of Nazi Germany -all this has disunited the interpretation of Slovak history during the years 1939-1945. Diff erent interpretations of the questions of the establishment of the Slovak state on 14th March 1939, "the solution of the Jewish question" or collaboration with Nazi can be found in diff erent works. Th is is the reason why one group of historians or laymen perceives the Slovak Republic as the fi rst state formation of Slovaks in modern history and they point out to the end of the struggle for the statehood or relatively good economic situation in comparison with the neighbouring countries, the opponents point out to the ties to the Nazi Th ird Reich, the tendency towards totality or mostly to the later radical "solution of the Jewish question". To prove their theses, both groups oft en choose selective arguments that are supposed to support the correctness of their respective theories and that is how they prevent the unbiased approach to the investigation. Th e Slovak Republic had its positive as well as negative aspects. It is necessary to realize that it existed only for slightly more than 5 years. During that short time it underwent a turbulent development and it still arouses passionate discussions in the society as well as in the community of historians.
Th e Slovak Republic and its regime underwent considerable internal development during its existence. For better know about its respective phases, it is essential to know the major milestones marking individual chronological phases of the development of the Slovak regime. It is necessary to take into account more levels when considering the political regime in Slovakia in [1939][1940][1941][1942][1943][1944][1945] and its support by people. Th e question is if positive aspects can counterbalance the tendency towards totality, the eff ort at "Gleichschaltung" of the society, the ties to Nazi Germany and mostly the radical "solution of the Jewish question". Historiography cannot present an unambiguous answer to this question. It stays more or less at the level of moral values. However, it is certain that Slovakia became an object of international law 4 for the fi rst time in its history, it was integrated into international relations, 5 its culture was on the rise, 6 its own statehood brought wide range of possibilities of the use of the mother tongue which had mostly been suppressed until then… First of all, many "defenders" of the Slovak Republic point out to the economy in that period that was in a relatively good condition compared to the neighbouring countries. Slovaks were relatively satisfi ed with the economic situation in Slovakia. In spite of the appearance of the predictions that Slovakia would not be able to fi nancially secure 7 its independence and the separation from the Czechs, but the reverse was true.
In spite of the raging war it was managed to keep the economy relatively steady, mostly because of the ties to the Nazi Germany. 8 Many new opportunities were opened for Slovak industry and agriculture in the fi eld of German economy and they grew alongside with the successes of the German army. 9 Sales increase caused by the military boom meant huge growth for Slovak economy. Besides, the government of Nazi Germany needed to create a positive picture of Slovak economy because Slovakia played the role of a "shopping window" of the German relations towards small nations. 10 Nazis were able to show that Central European states under their ideological leadership were able to secure their existence and relatively high economic standards for citizens. All above mentioned indicators contributed to the 5  fact that people were burdened neither with economic problems nor daily eff orts to provide their vital needs in the fi rst years of the existence of the republic which determined their attitude towards the regime. Building of infrastructure, electrifi cation of Slovakia 11 or relative availability of goods for everyday use can be perceived as positive.
As a result of the exploitation by German capital 12 and growing war requirements from the German side as well as other measures, the infl ation in Slovakia started to grow. Also tax burden grew, the state started to collect a so-called war tax and even other kinds of taxes were not unusual. 13 Mostly in the last phase of the regime, going hand in hand with the failures of Nazi Germany, the infl ation grew rapidly.
Until then almost unknown fi ghts had been relocated to the Slovak territory in 1944. Th e support of the regime from the side of Slovak people started to decline aft er their initial euphoria from their own statehood and economic successes of the young state.
Th e government used diff erent ways to achieve identifi cation of the people with the regime. One of the typical ways of authoritarian and totalitarian states is organizing mass marches, holding mass gatherings or creating national heroes. In the period of the Slovak Republic mostly the declaration of Slovak independence was commemorated, A. Hitler's birthday and other holidays were the centres of attention, too. Besides the above mentioned holidays that were used as the manifesting presentation of the unity between the people and the regime and the cohesion of regimistic units, a large number of religious holidays was celebrated. Public attendance at those holidays did not decrease, however, it is typical for the gradual degradation of the regime that for instance the commemoration of the establishment of the Slovak Republic 11 Sabol, Miroslav: Elektrifi kácia v poslednom období Slovenskej republiky (1939)(1940)(1941)(1942)(1943)(1944)(1945) (Electrifi cation of Slovakia in the last phase of the Slovak Republic (1939)(1940)(1941)(1942)(1943)(1944)(1945) abundantly attended in the early years were later compulsorily attended only by the members of army and the Hlinka Guard (Hlinkova garda -HG)a paramilitary unit that stylized itself in the role of the greatest supporters of the regime. 14 Th e support of the regime among the members of the Guard started to decline, too. Although there were almost more than 100,000 members in the Guard in 1939, gradually, considering its connection to the solution of the Jewish question when Guardists oft en dealt with Jews very cruelly, but also ist unfulfi lled political ambitions, the Guard started to wither away and for instance in 1942 there remained only slightly more than 50,000 members, most of whom stagnated in their jobs for HG. 15 Th e regime in Slovakia in 1939-1945 in spite of all its negative aspects cannot be labelled as a totalitarian one in the correct defi nition of this word. Mostly in the early phase, the attribute authoritative or authoritarian is more suitable. Although some authors label it as totalitarian, 16 it can be classifi ed as an authoritarian regime according to its numerous features. It did not gain those tendencies that would allow to call it a totalitarianism. In the phase of its gradual decline it tried to multiply totalitarian actions, mostly in the matters of establishing a unifi ed system of leadership on all state levels, however those were just last attempts to preserve the regime.
Democratic remains from the period of the Czechoslovak Republic (Československá republika -ČSR) are included in the Slovak Constitution, unfi nished unifi cation of parties in Slovakia, as well as seeming "details" such as not carrying out any death penalties or other-in comparison with other totalitarian states -mild methods, considerable independence of the justice from the regime and mild punishments for antiregimistic activists indicate that the regime cannot be labelled as totalitarian even though some authors point out that classifi cation into fi xed categories would be counterproductive and it might not show the dynamics of its internal development. 17 Th is need is even more obvious when examining the Slovak Republic, as its respective phases of existence are characterized by diff erent levels of infl uence by Nazi Germany and also implementation of national-socialist ideas in practice or eff orts of a certain political group to bring totalitarianism into regime and society.
Totalitarianism had diff erent forms and intesity during the brief period of the history of the Slovak Republic. Characteristical feature of the development of Slovakia at that time is more or less active struggle between moderate representatives of the political line represented by the President Jozef Tiso and radicals grouped around Vojtech Tuka and the head of HG Alexander Mach. Th e inner tension on the Slovak political scene, which Nazi took advantage of, served as accelerator for many crucial actions. Both groups in their eff ort to overtake power used the issue of the solution of the Jewish question and collaboration with Germany to push through their own agenda and that way they oft en artifi cially (in their eff ort to be distinguished from their political opponents) brought new-by the public not gladly accepted and acknowledged -matter of implementation of national-socialist ideas into practice. Alongside with that also the totalitarisation of the society had diff erent form in each political camp. While the group around Jozef Tiso struggled for an authoritarian state based on the religious and social principle, the radical group around V. Tuka and A. Mach spread the revolutionary way and their aim was to push through a stronger interference of the state with politics, implementation of national-socialist ideas and social policy in the spirit of Nazi Germany. 18 Both groups, but mostly the so-called radicals, 19 in their eff orts to gain the ruling power in Slovakia raised their requirements too strongly. However, they failed to attract masses. Power and status of the radicals was grounded in the German support and their confi dence grew alongside with the successes of Wehrmacht. Th eir supporters were found mostly among the handful of functionaries of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party (Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana -HSĽS), antiregimistic intellectuals and a part of HG. 20 It was the Hlinka Guard, a paramilitary armed organisation, established within HSĽS in the summer months in 1938, 21 that became the liaison in the relations between both groups.
Aft er the establishment of Slovak autonomy, HG made connection with the emerging regime and it gained increasingly growing infl uence. Th eir connection to the radicals, the growing discontent with implementation of their ideas into practice or their unsatisfi ed power ambitions -considered to be rightful regarding HG's role in the establishing of the Slovak state-turned HG into a liaison where both political camps met. Power status of the radicals and HG was changing a lot through the history of the Slovak Republic. Aft er being initially pushed into defence, aft er the Hitler's intervention they got to the top of the political scene; however they were not able to fulfi ll their own political ambitions. Until the outburst of the Uprising in August 1944, balance of power between the Guard and the Party had been changing. Since the end of the year 1942 or the beginning of 1943 it is possible to speak about the gradual decline of the regime. 22 Th e crucial change was caused by the events in August 1944 and the introduction of occupation regime in Slovakia. Th e existence of the Slovak Republic and its regime was ended in a not very standard way and under the burden of occupation of their own territory.
Considering all internal chronological and ideological indicators, the regime in Slovakia in the given period can be roughly defi ned by three stages refl ecting partly the inner tension between the radicals and the moderate group (conservatives), partly the most important milestones which had infl uenced Slovak political life to a large extent and changed it radically: 1st phase of the regime (October 1938-July 1940); 2nd phase of the regime (July 1940-end of August 1944); 3rd phase of the regime/occupation regime/ (end of August 1944-April 1945).

1st phase of the regime (October 1938-1940)
In spite of the fact that the Slovak Republic was established on 14th March 1939 23 the fi rst phase of the regime in Slovakia is not defi ned by its establishment but by the declaration of autonomous Slovak Country on 6th October 1938. March 1939 brought a change to the political system in Slovakia that had been a part of Czechoslovakia 24 until then but the regime had already developed its character during autumn 1938.
Th e establishment of the Slovak Republic was "only" a legal action that did not have any infl uence on the character of the regime even though it undoubtedly contributed to its stability and institutionalism. Th erefore this treatise is focused on the analysis of the regime not since the establishment of Slovak independence but since autumn 1938.
On 6th October 1938 Hlinka's Slovak People's Party gained practically political monopoly in the Slovak territory. 25 From among all parties, it had the best preconditions. In the struggle for Slovak autonomy, HSĽS played a major role during the whole existence of the Czechoslovak state. 26 It still remains a tragedy that the national-emancipative process which was represented by HSĽS 27 was culminating at the time of Nazi expansion in Europe which carried certain negative infl uences and consequenses for the future. On the other hand, the forming foreign policy orientation of HSĽS towards Nazi Germany was pragmatically justifi ed. Logically, Germany had been perceived as a power that was supposed to infl uence territorial changes in Central Europe which had been stated aft er the declaration of the autonomous Slovak Country in the Manifest of Slovak Nation. 28 24 Slovakia was a part of Czechoslovakia from its establishment on 28th October 1918 to the establishment of an independent state on 14th March 1939. On 6th October 1938 it gained certain competences as an autonomous country, it had even its own Government and Parliament but still it was a part of the common state with the Czechs. About Slovak Parliament see also Th e primary eff ort of Hlinka's Slovak People's Party was creation of a single state party. Other parties were either "optionally -compulsorily" merged into it 29 or their activities were banned as was the case of the Communist Party. 30 Mostly the monopoly of a single state party is the main indicator of an undemocratic regime. In spite of the fact that activities of just one party were allowed, numerous authors partly rightfully call the regime in Slovakia "holey totality". HSĽS (that later carried the attribute Party of Slovak National Unity -/Strana slovenskej národnej jednoty -SSNJ/) recruited into their ranks numerous prominent politicians from dissolved parties. However, their involvement in governing was gradually dropping. 31 Th at way many people who disagreed with the pragmatic policy of HSĽS got into the Slovak Government. It is a Slovak paradox that is, however, partly understandable. Slovakia used to be a part of Austria-Hungary until 1918 and later a part of Czechoslovakia. Slovaks usually did not have any important positions in the state administration, offi ces, police or army until 1938. Even in 1938 this issue became a bone of contention between Prague and Bratislava and a suitable area for gaining new voters for HSĽS. 32 Hlinka's Slovak People's Party overtook the power dominance in October 1938 but it was not possible to carry it out comletely because of the shortage 32 According to the results of the census from 1/12/1930, 230,556 Czech clerks, assistants and workers were working in the state administration in Slovakia. Most of them were in justice and state administration 9,814 (9,046 Slovaks), in the department of railway transport 5,247 (18,157  of experts. Th e lack of their own political experts made them to cooperate with other parties, that merged into HSĽS, and with their representatives. Th is problem was even more noticeable in the state administration, police, security and army, where the representatives of opposition outnumbered HSĽS. Mostly in lower ranks of the state administration, the representation by people faithful to the new political government was minimal. 33 Th is phenomenon, when on the one hand a single state party existed but it did not have unconditional support in the state administration, not even in their own security forces, eventually had a fatal impact on the Slovak Republic. Numerous high ranking army offi cers 34 and representatives of State Security Headquarters (Ústredňa štátnej bezpečnosti -ÚŠB), 35 a kind of secret police, together with some infl uential representatives of HSĽS 36 and Hlinka Guard 37 participated in the preparation of an armed action against Nazi and the regime that was launched in autumn 1944 and is known as the Slovak National Uprising. On the other hand, presence of non-ludaks (non-HSĽS) politicians in the governemnt, security and administrative was undermining the regime from within. Mostly the Hlinka Guard members were unsatisfi ed, they felt not fully appreciated for their alleged merits as protectors of Slovak possession and people's lives, they separated from the moderate group around Jozef Tiso, followed Nazi Germany and launched backstage fi ght against the President's supporters. Th ese aspects weakened the regime and contributed to its disintegration. Relative non-dealing with political opponents infl uenced by political conception of unifi cation by the President Jozef Tiso contributed to the fall of the regime, too. 33  Jozef Tiso's main idea was the quite diffi cultly applicable credo "one nation, one party, one leader". 38 He was behaving more as a priest than as a politician when implementing this idea into practice. His well-meant but politically not very elaborated idea became actually feasible to carry out because of its ideological incoherence with supporters of dismissed parties as well as diff erent opinions of two formed groups within HSĽS on the solution of the Jewish question, on social matters and on the connection to Germany. Two other national parties -the German one and the Hungarian one -were politically active in Slovakia besides HSĽS; however they did not participate in governing and their existence was allowed only because of the Nazi pressure, respectively with regard to the Slovaks living in Hungary. 39 In the spirit of words uttered by Jozef Tiso at the 7th HSĽS Assembly in Piešťany in 1936 that the party's eff ort was supposed to be achievement of leading position of the party as a single representative of the Slovak nation, the regime of autonomous Slovakia started to form. Th e motto "One nation, one party, one leader", uttered in 1936 became its basic idea. 40 Th e fi rst phase of the regime is characterized by the power struggle between radicals and the moderate group with the advantage of the moderate group around Jozef Tiso. Building up of the power monopol of HSĽS and the regime was supported by former non-ludaks. During the initial period, the clerical wing of the party 38  gathered around the Prime Minister and later President Jozef Tiso 41 had practically unlimited power. Th is group of so-called moderate politicians tried to turn Slovakia into a kind of authoritative state with the support of some non-ludak politicians, they wanted to accentuate its christian tendencies, social fairness with some applied pro-nazi aspects mostly in the matter of anti-Jewish legislation. 42 In the constitution from July 1939, 3 fundamental principles were accentuated-the national one, the christian one and the social one. 43 Th e evidence for the fact that the state cannot be labelled as standard totalitarianism but rather as an authoritative regime is for example that some democratic principles of the former Czechoslovakia had been preserved in the new constitution. -for example the Parliament (Snem) that Nazi called a democratic relic and together with the Hlinka Guard they took measures to eliminate it. 44 However, the Parliament was not of great importance and did not have the power to make decisions in practical political matters. Gradually it was losing its status and infl uence and in that way it partook in the forming of an authoritative regime. 45 Its tasks were overtaken by the government of the Slovak Republic, they were even able to pass decrees with legislative power which is inconcievable in democratic states. On the other hand, despite all authoritative signs, many positive social acts were anchored in the constitution -parents were obliged to take care of their children, people were obliged to pay taxes, also the protection of life, property and freedom were anchored in the constitution, however, these could have been restricted by the law which happened mostly during the Jewish persecution. 46 Th e anti-Jewish legislative noticeably restricting rights of individual group within population can be perceived as one of the greatest traumas that is connected with discussed time period and implicitly belongs to the evaluation of the regime in the Slovak Republic. Th e undemocratic regime in Slovakia was exponentiated by other measures -the freedom of the press was limited, Propaganda Bureau serving as a guide was modelled aft er German example, later internment and labour camps were opened. Unifi cation in the terms of the idea of the national unifi cation aff ected diff erent areas of life in Slovakia. Back in 1938 non-ludaks interest groups and sport organizations had been dissolved and replaced by ludak ones, mostly by Hlinka Guard. 47 In 1938 HG had overtaken possessions of dissolved sport and military groups and had become the only paramilitary organization in Slovakia. 48 Gradually it was gaining more competences and power and its existence aroused confl ict between the pro-nazi radicals and moderate ludaks, later known as the base of the president Tiso. Th e youth was supposed to be raised in the ludak spirit via the organization Hlinka Youth 49 and all citizens were supposed to be arranged into 6 groups that were to replace political parties. 50 Th is idea of unifi cation of life in Slovakia had never been put into action for numerous reasons.
According to the Constitution, the president of SR Jozef Tiso who remained in the function all six years of the existence of the republic held extensive powers. 51 In the later period (from 1942 onward) a new system of leadership modelled aft er Germany was being introduced and Tiso took the title vodca (leader). 52 Th is step ensured him great prestigiousness in the subsequent struggle with radicals-his competences as the party chairman strengthened and elements of democratic electoral system of electing party functionaries were removed. Th e authoritative system became even stronger this way. Th e State Council became a control and advisory body -this 46 Ibid. 47  The Slovak Republic 1939-1945. The Nature and Major Milestones of the Regime element was adopted from Fascist regimes, however it did not possess any direct political power. 53 Th e power was represented mostly by the president and the government. Th e State Council was a kind of "an association of wellmerited politicians" whose decisions had mostly only declarative character without any political importance. Th e character of the state was independent of its decisions, it changed according to the fact which of the two political groups had the predominance on the political scene at given time. Th e struggle for ruling posts and setting control over the character of the state between radicals and conservatives and the German intervention in summer 1940 marked the end of the fi rst phase of the regime. It was ushered in by the crisis of the regime which fully broke out at the beginning of 1940. Radicals grouped around the Hlinka Guard complained about too slow implementation of national-socialist ideas into practice, over-clericalism thus too many priests in politics 54 and not solving pressing social issues. Th ey also criticized slow solution of the Jewish question. 55 In radical circles appeared some thoughhts that "brushed up" an older idea from the end of 1938 of marching to Bratislava and discharging the Assembly. 56 Events moved rapidly in February 1940 when an argument between the head of HG Mach and the Minister Ďurčanský broke out with the dispute about the form of anti-Jewish actions in the background. 57 It was obvious that the climax of the crisis in the state was very close. Radicals wanted to introduce the so-called "Slovak national socialism" in Slovakia which was a kind of German Nazism adapted to Slovak conditions. To achieve this they needed either to carry out a coup d' etat or to precipitate a state crisis. Th e crisis precipitated by Mach and some guardistic functionaries broke out at the beginning of May and it sharpened aft er the intervention of Tiso aft er he had discharged Mach from all public functions. 58 On 21st May 1940 the President appointed František Galan as the head commander. 59 Radicals went on the defensive from which they were put out aft er the German intervention.
Th e Germans decide to take advantage of the situation and they expressed their support for Mach. 60 Th ey correctly realized that was the right moment for altering the course of policy of the young country and they tried to take the best possible advantage of this situation. 61 Th ey decided to summon leading representatives to Salzburg where they were supposed to discuss the later distribution of power in Slovakia. 62  was "the height of Hlinka Guard's fi ght against clericalism, czechoslovakism, freemasonry and Jewishness". 65 Th e future revealed this had been just a temporary victory and the stake on Mach had been a mistake for the germans and HG, as the later analyses show. 66

2nd phase of the regime (July 1940-the end of August 1944)
Aft er Salzburg, Alexander Mach was appointed back to be not only the head commander of Hlinka Guard but also Interior Minister. A critic of Tiso's, supporter of the national-socialism and of stronger ties to Nazi Germany, prof. Vojtech Tuka, became Minister of Foreign Aff airs. By means of their appointment to crucial posts within the state, Germans were following their own political agenda. According to them, the purpose of Salzburg negotiations lay in the fact that power given into the hands of Jozef Tiso was going to be redistributed again in the hands of Tuka and Mach in summer 1940. Germans expected they would be able to infl uence the way in which the ideas of new Europe and national-socialism were going to be put into practice. 67 Th is was the start of the 2 nd phase of the regime characterized by the struggle between radicals and Tiso's wing for the conception of state policy. Radicals demanded quick solution of the Jewish question, however, this issue started to be perceived very delicately by Slovak society from 1942 onward aft er dispatching transports to the territory of occupied Poland (by Nazis) when they saw excessive radicalism and brutality of high profi le individuals from among the ranks of the Hlinka Guard. Almost daily speeches about implementing national-socialist ideas into practice did not appeal to Slovak people. Th e national-socialism became the symbol of the subsequent period and a bone of contention between so-called Tiso's wing and Tuka's wing. 68 Radicals tried to alter the nature of the regime by excluding Jozef Tiso's wing from the state government, however, Germans themselves did not want to cause any rebellion in the society by removal of quite a publicly popular president. Th ey needed to turn Slovakia into a role-model obedient state and therefore radicals' eff orts to strengthen their positions as well as their attempts to replace Tiso by Tuka were rejected. Radicals and the Hlinka Guard were gradually losing their status and their attempts for implementation of national-socialist ideas were declining. Jozef Tiso, who was on the defensive for a short time aft er Salzburg, started to gain back his lost positions and he was acquiring predominance over the radicals.
Th e nature of the national-socialist Slovakia was being pushed through mostly by the Hlinka Guard. Aft er the July events, it became highly infl uential in the state. Shortly aft er Otoman Kubala had become the head of the Guard, 69 the German advisor for HG SS-Obersturmbannführer Viktor Nageler came. 70 Germans tried hard to turn Slovakia into a role-model satellite state with its own state administration that was supposed to be infl uenced by German ideas. Th is was the reason why, aft er the Salzburg negotiations, came to Slovakia a group of advisors, so-called "Berater", supposed to guide the life in Slovak state. 71 According to words of H. E. Ludin "the advisors delegated by the Reich" "were supposed to work on creating and forming the state and thus in the sector assigned to them…" 72 Th e division of the Slovak political scene into two wings deepened. In the struggle, Tiso relied on the party, that was according to one Nazi report, "almost all in the hands of clerus". 73 Radicals sought support in Nazi Germany, however, it had its own political intentions and therefore supported the status quo on the Slovak political scene. In their pragmatical thinking, the Hlinka Guard and radicals played quite an important role but Germans did not want to destabilize conditions in Slovakia which could complicate the ways of using Slovak industry and army and thus upset their concept of an oasis in a country controlled by Germany. Discrepancies between the Guard and the party characterized actually all post-Salzburg period of the Slovak Republic. Th ey culminated at the beginning of 1940 along with the baskstage struggle between Tuka and Tiso by declaration of Tuka's 14-point programme which Tuka attended to impugn the president with by accentuating national-socialist principles. 74 However, Tiso with his pragmatical polisy managed to handle this struggle. 75 His wing oft en used the term national socialism in their statements, the representatives of the wing perceived it as necessity that arose from the international situation and as follow-up of Nazi ideas of new Europe. 76 Th e balance of power was shift ing towards the side of the president's group. 77 In one German report from August 1943 is literally written that "Mach has been down for a long time (…) and he is Tiso's toy". 78 Th e fi ght about the nature of the regime was won by Tiso's moderate supporters. Hopes of Guardsmen aft er Salzburg had not been fulfi lled. 79 Even the Hlinka Guard got under control of the party of Jozef Tiso aft er the replacement of HG head and aft er Mach's leaving for the president's wing. 80 An important part of the post-Salzburg period is the so-called solution of the Jewish question. Aft er Salzburg negotiations the procedure of passing anti-semitic acts was sped up as well as the process of Aryanization which was the peak of undemocratic interference of the regime with the life in Slovakia.
Law no. 210 from September 1940 authorized the Slovak Government to deal with the aryanization of Jewish property without involvement of the Parliament. Shortly aft erwards, the second aryanization law No 303 was passed in November 1940, it did not even count on "voluntary aryanization" based on the concept of shared ownership. 81 Aryanization was an important interference into properties in Slovakia. For many regimists, redistribution of possessions meant a great opportunity to profi t from the suff ering of Jewish citizens. Affi liation to the regime, cronyism and corruption became in many cases major criteria for choosing the aryanisators (executors of aryanism) which the industry suff ered from. Hastiness of aryanization and the cronyism were criticized by numerous politicians but without any success. 82 Aryanization created a large group of citizens whose property had been confi scated and whom the state "had to" get rid of. Th e idea of Jewish deportations, that have remained a huge trauma and a black stain on the existence of the Slovak Republic, came in handy.
Many works have been written on the subject of Jewish deportations. 83 Th e peak of the deportations was supposed to be the process of expulsion of all Jews from the Slovak territory. 84 Th e beginning of the fi rst Jewish deportations from the Slovak territory dates back to 25th March 1942. During deportations, many cruel scenes displayed. For many Guardsmen they were, similarly to aryanization, opportunity to enrich themselves. 85 Deportations were stopped in the middle of October 1942. 86 Despite all above mentioned negatives, many Slovaks were satisfi ed with the status of Slovakia and relatively good industrial and cultural situation, on the other hand, Guardistic blunders showed that critics of the regime and of the ties with Nazi Germany were rightful. Society gradually started to stagnate in their support of the regime. People did not agree with Guardistic blunders and national-socialist ideas presented on a daily bases did not appeal to them, either. With the worsening situation on the eastern front, they realized possible diffi culties brought to Slovakia by its connction to Nazi Germany in the matter of the future arrangement of Europe.
Although Slovak side tried to moderate German requests in the matter of committing Slovak troops and they sent the lowest poossible number of soldiers to the front, 87 the service side by side with Nazi Germany aroused aversion against the connection to Germany within the army as well as within the society. Even the state's own ranks had their hand in destabilization of the regime -both, the army that had been preparing an armed action and whose aversion against the radicals had been wellknown since the establishment of the republic, 88 and the judicial bodies that managed to resist "Gleichschaltung" and kept considerable indepencence from the political power. 89 It was manifested in mild sentences, political trials and relatively bearable conditions for political prisoners. 90 Deeds, that would have been awarded by death penalty in Germany, earned only a shortterm stay in prison in Slovakia against which appeared protests right from Berlin. 91 Th is observation shows the regime in Slovakia in a diff erent light in comparison with some other states, however, many political opponents, who later participated in the preparation of action against the regime, were able to continue in their activities and that way the regime undermined itself through its benevolent attitude which hit back in autumn 1944 when the Uprising against the regime was launched under the leadership of army ranks. 92 Th e regime tried for all it was worth to avert its gradual decline but withou success. In the course of 1943, the regime tried to "gleichschalt" the last remains of autonomous bodies and it carried out other measures leading to implementation of the "leader principle" on the lower levels of the territorial-governing apparatus. 93 However, it failed to avert the regime crisis. From 1943 onwards, going hand in hand with unfavourable conditions on the World War II fronts and citizens fed up with the tense anti-semitic policy pushed through by radicals, mostly the Hlinka Guard, a gradual crisis of the regime was starting which culminated into preparations or armed actions agains the germans at the end of August 1944. To the regime crisis also contributed the fact, that among police ranks, state administration and mostly in the army and State Security Headquarters there were many people undermining the regime and in the autumn 1944 they openly rose against the regime. Atmosphere in the society was culminating in the fi rst half of 1944. 94 Although the situation in Slovakia was not as serious as in neighbouring countries, there were increasing problems with the rationing system which had to be used to regulate the consumer market with the shortage goods as Slovakia was in the state of war. 95 Th e atmosphere in the society and its perception of the regime had been infl uence by increasing number of air raids in the Slovak territory and activities of partisan units that were increasing in the middle of 1944. 96 Propaganda was working at full throttle at that time. Aft er the deportations had been stopped, radicals demanded their resumption which had been promised to them by Interior Minister himself. 97 Similarly, the regime in the period of destabilization in summer 1944 tried to avoid its gradual decline, unsuccessfully, however. 98 At that unenviable stage of "the crisis development of the regime", 99 before the launch of the Uprisinf, the Slovak Republic entered its -from the point of view of the political regime at that time -fi na, third phase.

3rd phase of the regime (the end of August 1944-April 1945)
In cooperation with the Soviets, from the middle of the year 1944 onwards, number of partisan raids in Slovak territory was increasing. Germans perceiving Slovakia as an important transit station decided to step in and they introduced occupation regime in Slovakia at the end of August 1944. Th e third phase of the regime started with the break-out of the Uprising and it lasted till the end of the Slovak Republic in May 1945. For Slovak people until then not-known fi ghts were moved to Slovak territory, until then, Slovak people did not experience war atrocities in their territory, which was changed by the Uprising. Although Jozef Tiso remained President formally, the rule over Slovakia had been overtaken by the occupation army headed by Gottlob Berger. 100 In the very fi rst day aft er the Uprising break-out the radicals from the Hlinka Guard were activated, they started to serve the Nazi and supported the declining regime in the fi ght against the rebels and partisans. Since the Germans did not trust the army, 101 the Hlinka Guard seemed them to be a suitable opportunity of using a local organization in the fi ght against the rebels. Th e Hlinka Guard Emergency Units were created, partly and initially as a substitute for the army, headed by Otomar Kubala, 102 their task was to help to carry out assisting services for the Germans. 103 According to the radicals, the break -out of the Uprising was caused by unfi nishing of the "slovakization" of the state that still did not get rid of its opponents in the year 1938 or 1939. At that time, HSĽS was not able to deal with the problem of shortage of the "laic intelligence" within their own ranks. 104 Th e highest positions such as the government, leadership of the Parliament and highest offi ces were almost exclusively in the hand of ludaks but "only one step lower where high qualifi cation is necessary, where the decisions about the realization of the government policy are made, there the vassals or outright opponents of the regime dominate". 105 Among them can be found many former agrarians, members of other parties but also true blue "Czechoslovaks" or Czechs. Th at way the Guard got the possibility to point out their presence in the state apparatus and seditious activities even more intensively which they fully used.
Th e regime was already in agony. One of the indicators of the fact that Slovak people were not willing to fi ght for Slovakia to stay on the side of Germany is that the Hlinka Guard Emergency Units (Pohotovostné oddiely Hlinkovej gardy -POHG) were forced to draft Slovak people into army by means of "calling cards" because of the lack of volunteers. 106 Th at period is one of the most tragic parts of the regime in the 1 st SR. While in 1942 the Slovaks managed to stop Jewish transports despite German complaints, a few thousands Jews were even rescued in the labor camps, 107 aft er the break-out of the Uprising, mass murdering of the Jews in Slovak territory started under supervision of the Germans cooperating with POHG. Th e executed ones were not only the Jews but also communists and enemies of the regime. Th e regime of the Slovak Republic was defi nitely drawing to an end. Th e newly appointed government of Štefan Tiso faced an uneasy task -to secure the running of the state. Th ey did relatively well despite the occupation regime until the arrival of the Red Army, but other tasks other than keeping the state running or long-term investment intentions were at that time unfeasible. 108 Th e power was basically only in the hands of German organs. Not even ÚŠB was performing any real security policy.
It was actually exclusively in the hands of the germans and the informational department of HG. 109 Masses of people did not show big interest in cooperation with the regime even though a large number of 105 Ibid, pp. 24-25.
106 SNA, f. 604, 604 -54 -3. Order of HVHG No 14 from 25/9/1944. citizens were afraid of the consequences of the war confl ict as well as of the future arrangement of Slovakia. Support of the regime among the people was rapidly falling.
Th e regime ceased to exist aft er the arrival of the Red Army and resignation of the Slovak government in the Austrian exile at the end og May 1945. According to the decree no. 33 of the Slovak National Council from 15th May 1945 110 numerous importatnt representatives of the regime were tried by the retributive court. 111 Its activity is restricted by the years shortly aft er WW II when the new regime was dealing with the representatives of the former establishment, some cases were herad also later. 112 More high representatives were sentenced to death or to long prison term, however, some others avoid their punishments by fl eeing abroad. Slovakia created again the common state with the Czechs that lasted until 1993. At that time there was not any possibility of getting an unbiased approach to the interpretation of the history of the Slovak Republic between 1939-1945. Th erefore it is more necessary to write about the Slovak Republic in the most possible unbiased way without superfl uous ideologization, with admitting both positive and negative aspects. Th e Slovak Republic was not black-and-white, even at that time people were living and creating and the regime was developing. However, a complex evaluation of the regime will take more time and eff ort.

Summary
The Slovak Republic 1939Republic -1945. The Nature and Major Milestones of the Regime.
Th e presented study deals with the period of 1938-1945 in Slovakia and the regime, which was governed in this territory. A regime of one state party -Hlinka's Slovak People's party was established 6th of October 1938, when Slovakia was still in a joint state with the Czechs. Th e regime survived until the end of the war and renewal of Czechoslovakia in 1945. Th e Slovak territory, respectively separate Slovak republic since March 1939, underwent several evolutional stages in the period, especially in the intentions of establishing a relationship with Nazi politics. Th e fi rst period of the regime was characteristic with the fi ght of two groups over the shape and the course of the state. Aft er the Nazi intervention in the year 1940, the regime started to follow the Nazi politics more. A Slovak variation of national socialism was supposed to be put into practise. Nazi consultants from Germany were sent to Slovakia and the state was gradually under the German infl uence. Th e culmination of the phase was especially the tragic Final Solution to the Jewish Question. Preparation of armed uprising in Slovakia started when the German army started to be unsuccessful. Th e uprising burst out on 29th of August 1944 and it also commenced the last phase of the regime which was characteristic by a factual occupation of Slovakia by Germany. Th is part was lasted until April 1945, when they evacuated last German units from Slovakia and Czechoslovakia was renewed.