Behaviour Change in Drought Response and Management: Case Study of Mudzi District, Zimbabwe

This paper seeks to contribute to the droughts discourse through explaining the vulnerability of women to droughts by analysing the different livelihood strategies employed by women and their responses. The conservation of resources (COR) theory and ecological theory was applied to understand the issues of vulnerability, adaptation and coping with droughts. A qualitative approach was utilised through the application of semi-structured interviews, observation and document review tools. Although the element of behavioural change is illuminated in the behavioural theories and applied in some studies such as HIV and AIDS, this element is missing in the drought literature. In this paper, the behavioural change element that emerged is not only important but also relevant in understanding the dynamics associated with drought responses. This generates a novice understanding and explanation of the vulnerability of women to droughts and in so doing, it shapes the drought discourse beyond the traditional arena.


The Problem
Droughts have been ravaging the rural livelihoods for generations with communities attempting to respond through the application of local knowledge and external assistance. What has been of interest is the continuous utilisation of failed responses, which exposes the baffling communities' business-as-usual approach in the midst of the recurrent droughts.
The successive droughts have hampered the most vulnerable people in Zimbabwe especially those that rely on rain-fed agriculture. Hagenlocher et al. (2019) underscored the complex interplay of drought hazards, exposure, vulnerability and impacts, which can be unpacked through narrowing down areas of focus. In defining the term vulnerability, Wisner et al. (2003) indicated that the characteristics of a person or group and their situation influence their capacity to anticipate, cope with, resist and recover from the impact of a natural hazard. King-Okumu et al. (2020) acknowledges that everyone exposed to drought may be vulnerable in a way, yet some people are more vulnerable than others. In a study conducted by Flavø et al. (2017), female headed households were more vulnerable to droughts and they further underlined the vulnerability of households headed by widows, never-been married women and women with a migrant "non-resident" spouse. However, related to the characteristics of a person, Aguilar (2009) highlighted that the wellbeing of women is worse affected by drought compared to their male counterparts when confronted with climate change. This is partially because women and female-headed households tend to have fewer resources to cope with and adapt to stresses of all kinds, and rely on more climate sensitive resources and livelihoods (Nelson, 2011). The World Bank (2012) identified limited access to land, credit, insurance, markets and formal employment as contributing factors to women's vulnerability.
Moreover, many women are vulnerable to climate variability as they are on the frontline of rural development, which is normally agro-based (Nellemann et al., 2011;Sharma, 2016). Thao et al. (2019) found that people who relied on unreliable water sources and poor livelihood strategies in Vietnam rural areas were highly vulnerable to the impacts of droughts, which is similar to the findings of Chigavazira (2019) in her study in Zimbabwe. Rao et al. (2019) cautioned though that women should not be seen universally as victims to climate variability rather there is need to unpack power relations issues, inclusion and exclusion in decision-making processes and challenge cultural beliefs that have perpetuated inequalities. In this paper, it is argued that within the same communities, women are heterogeneous, which brings a new dialogue of understanding the vulnerability of droughts through analysing their responses and livelihood strategies within the behaviourism perspective. This reflection acknowledges that Zimbabwe has been undergoing economic and political challenges since the controversial land distribution exercise in 2000 (De Villiers, 2003;Magede & Mukono, 2014), which also influences the vulnerability of women to droughts.
Nevertheless, according to the health belief model, "in order for behaviour to change, people must feel personally vulnerable to a health threat, view the possible consequences as severe, and see that taking action is likely to either prevent or reduce the risk at an acceptable cost with few barriers" (Nisbert & Gick, 2008, p. 297). This line of thinking also applies to how women can drift away from consequences of droughts by acknowledging the severity of the threat and taking action to reduce the risk. However, Morris et al. (2012) viewed sustainable change as possible as the amount of reflection about specific behaviours or issues increases. This paper argues that as much as people can reflect on an issue, it is not a given that they can eventually make changes to suit their current situation. The theory of planned behaviour suggests that the intention to act is a best predictor of behaviour (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975;Ajzen, 1991) therefore one's intention to act paves a way on whether they will make changes or not without discounting the contribution of the environment. For that reason, issues of attitudes and perceptions need to be understood as they influence how people behave in droughts. Due to the likelihood of droughts recurring, Tsesmelis et al. (2018) recommended that drought management plans should be anticipatory and proactive. Hence, the necessity of behaviours to change at different levels in households, communities, and institutions. This paper discusses how individuals and institutions behave in drought management and outline propositions on how droughts could possibly be responded to utilising the behavioural change model.

Theoretical Framework
This research applied the conservation of resources theory (COR) by Hobfoll (1988) and the ecological theory by Kelly (1968). According to the COR theory, people have an innate desire to conserve the quality and quantity of their resources and limit any state that may jeopardise the security of these resources. There are four premises that guide the COR theory yet in this paper, the focus will be on two premises namely the resource investment premise, and the resource protection and vulnerability to loss premise, which are significant in this study. Hobfoll (1988) proposes that people who possess more resources are better protected against resource loss, and have a higher chance of resource gain. The other relevant premise states that those who lack resources are more vulnerable to resource loss, and that initial loss begets future loss, resulting in loss spirals. Furthermore, the resource investment premise proposes that people must invest resources in order to protect themselves against resource loss, to recover from loss, and to gain resources (Hobfoll & Lilly, 1993). These propositions seem to be too simplistic regarding lacking resources and possessing resources. There are always resources available although what makes these resources significant is the strength or relevance or value of the resources, which influences how they are utilised. The aspect of diversity is missed from the definition of the resources yet what counts is not the quantity of resources but the diversity of contextually valuable and relevant resources that enables a community to cope in any disaster. Zamani, Gorgievski-Duijvesteijn and Zarafshani (2006) suggested that preventing resource loss through raising community awareness and developing community strategies should be the first ideal intervention for slow-onset disasters such as droughts. This does not explain though how communities that are successively hit by droughts continue to be vulnerable given all the information and resources that are injected Journal of Public Administration and Governance ISSN 2161-7104 2021 by different stakeholders. Moreover, an assumption that resources can be protected without glitches seem not to be applicable in countries such as Zimbabwe where there is a high frequency of droughts, which are exacerbated by political and economic mishaps thus subjecting the majority into vulnerability. Despite the shortcomings of this theory, it raises crucial concepts of vulnerability, coping and resources investment, which are pertinent to this paper.
The ecological theory was also applied in this research to complement the COR theory as it brings principles of adaptation, coping, succession and cycling of resources. As much as all the principles are important in understanding droughts, in this paper, more attention is given to the principle of succession. Kelly (1968) noted that in the field of biology, the principle of succession assumes that there is a gradual and continuous replacement of one kind of plant and animal by another, until the community itself is replaced by another that is more complex. According to Nelson and Prilleltensky (2005), the principle of succession involves a long term time perspective and draws attention to the historical context of a problem and the need for planning for a preferred future. Planning for a preferred future seems to be simplistic considering the environment in which people experience a series of droughts. Moreover, issues of attitudes and perceptions cannot be ignored as they contribute to how people behave. Power relations and gender dynamics also play a role in bringing any change in a community. Accordingly, considering the context paves way in understanding the parameters in which succession can occur.
Nonetheless, the two theories guided this study as an entry point in understanding issues of assets (resources or livelihoods), coping, adaptation strategies and vulnerability. The study acknowledges the limitations within these theories in understanding the vulnerability of women as there were assumptions that overshadowed the issues that were emerging from the study. Therefore, this paper will delve into behaviour change issues, which are pertinent in understanding droughts from both an individual level and institutional level. Hobfoll (2001) identified the social learning theory by Bandura (1977) as the most germane theory to his conservation of resources theory in that it highlights that people actively engage their environment in order to increase the chances of obtaining positive reinforcement. Nonetheless, there is no explanation on what makes some people continue to practise negative responses in particular in drought responses and management. Thus, this paper will articulate behavioural issues that are embedded in the drought setting in order to bring new dialogue that will shape how communities and institutions interact in the face of droughts.

Study Context
Mudzi district is in Mashonaland East province of Zimbabwe and has an estimated population of 133,252 in which 52.4% of the households are female-headed (Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency, 2013). Although the literacy rate of Mudzi district was reportedly standing at 91% in 2012, the 2015 Zimbabwe Vulnerability Assessment Rural Livelihoods Report indicated that the district had the highest school drop-out levels of 42% in the country. The district is under region 4 of the agro-ecological zones, which is marked by severe, concurrent dry spells which affect the rain-fed crops such as maize and cotton on which the communities heavily rely. The Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (2013) estimated that 69.3% of the population in Mudzi district works in the agricultural sector with only a 5.4 percent unemployment rate in the district. It can however be argued that such percent of unemployment rate does not reflect the poverty and vulnerability levels in the community. A combination of successive droughts in the country, with 69.3% of the population working in the agricultural sector, poses a threat to their main source of livelihoods thereby making them vulnerable.
According to Mutami and Chazovachii (2012), Mudzi is a semi-arid region whose annual rainfall ranges from 400mm to 650mm; with average temperatures of 26 degrees. In concurrence, Chenga (2015) reported that Mudzi is a marginalised district, which is slowly turning into a desert, with average annual rainfall hardly going beyond 600mm since 1980. Of significance to note is that in 1992 drought, the district received as little as 150mm of rain. In 2016, Mudzi only received half of what it normally receives in a normal year and planting had started 20-30 days later than normal due to late rains (Fewsnet, 2016). Furthermore, most of the existing boreholes and deep wells "turn into mere puddles during the rainy season" and are dry for nine months every year (Chenga, 2015). The soils are sandy, with scattered vegetation; resulting in scarce pastures for grazing (Misi, 2013). According to the Parliament of Zimbabwe (2011), the people rely on subsistence farming and vegetable gardening as a source of livelihood. Another source of livelihood is gold panning. Mudzi district depends on food aid yearly for their food requirements.
In 2012, the infant mortality rate in Mudzi district was 60 out of 1000 live births; and the maternal mortality ratio was 628 out of 100,000 live births, which is one of the highest in the Mashonaland East province (Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency, 2013). Given that small-holder farming depends on intensive labour input from family members, the statistics have a bearing on human resources. Moreover, the health of women who are the most vulnerable members in a community can arguably have an impact on agricultural production. The socio-economic challenges of a community influence its development such as gender based violence, the spread of HIV and AIDS, and levels of school drop-out and as a result the connection between these challenges and the occurrence of droughts concurrently destabilises the most vulnerable groups which include women. Understanding this background influenced the analysis of the vulnerability of women to droughts in Mudzi district through appreciation of different livelihood strategies and the responses that women apply when faced with droughts.

Method
In this study, qualitative methods were utilised to obtain data. A qualitative approach was appropriate for this study to immerse in a detailed narrative to understand the vulnerability of women to droughts through analysing and interpreting the values, beliefs, and assumptions constructed by the women. The analysis of the qualitative data not only confirmed the theories utilised but also expanded them thereby creating an understanding of droughts through a different perspective. The methods selected for this study were interviews, observation and documents review. Thirty-one community members, the government officials and NGO staff were interviewed using different interview guides. In order to validate the data collected, the research participants and the topography were observed using an Observation Guide.
Lastly, a Documents Review guide was used to review a number of vulnerability assessment reports; crops and livestock assessment reports; poverty, vulnerability and climate related reports; government and NGO reports. A case study of women living in Mudzi District was developed to answer the research questions; to delve into the social interactions in line with the vulnerability of women to droughts and to understand the issues in context. Married and widowed women who were vulnerable to droughts defined the unit of analysis. The study was confined or bounded to women who had lived in Mudzi district for over 10 years and had experienced droughts that had occurred since 2000. It was through the comprehension of gender dynamics in Mudzi District that drought was interpreted and the voices of women were captured. In order to triangulate the data provided by the women, community men, government officials and NGO employees were interviewed in the study.

Attitudes and Perceptions in Drought Management
Droughts are slow-onset disasters that can be managed from high level stakeholders to the community members affected. Although vulnerability to droughts has been viewed from socio-economic, climatic and structural issues, the contribution of individuals has been blurred yet what emerges on a broader level usually surfaces from decisions made at a household level. In conversing with the women, government officials, men and the NGO officials, negative attitudes and perceptions were deduced that contribute to the vulnerability of women to droughts. The women continued practising agricultural systems that yielded little even though the practices encouraged through training did not require monetary resources. The women expressed hopelessness and this could be picked from the conversations, which reduced them to dependents of food assistance. For example, "we are not educated thus we do not have options other than agriculture." Another woman interviewed said "we just sit and do nothing during droughtswe will be just struggling to make ends meet." In addition, the majority of women interviewed indicated that their crops were performing poorly due to lack of fertiliser yet the application of fertiliser could not exonerate them given that it requires adequate rainfall to spread the nutrients to the root zone. This is consistent with how Pickens (2005) defined attitudes as a mind-set or a tendency to act in a particular way due to both an individual's experience and temperament. One's thoughts can manifest themselves into action and the continuous processing of thoughts might change how one acts or solidifies their actions.
On the other hand, Lindsay and Norman (1977) defined perception as the process by which organisms interpret and organise sensation to produce a meaningful experience of the world. Dé muth (2013) pointed that perceptions are largely influenced by education and past experiences; as a result, the more and precise information we have, depending on how we process and utilise it, makes us integrate with the world. Perceptions can be detrimental in that they blur the processing of the truth. In drought management, behaviour or actions taken Journal of Public Administration and Governance ISSN 2161-7104 2021 are derived from the attitudes and perceptions that the different individuals have. For example, one respondent said that she could not join a savings group with the cash she was receiving for the Cash-for-Work project because she feared that the donor might just stop the project the following month. However, even without being in a savings group, she did not put aside the cash she was receiving. According to Abebe (2017), as education level of household increases, their habit of saving also increases. Similarly, attitudes and perceptions can be changed in consistent with one's education level as one views certain opportunities with different lens.
One woman respondent dismissed an alternative option to practising rain-fed agriculture by uttering, "there is no business that we can do herewe are in the middle of the community." This perception that no one could support any business idea in the middle of the village hindered her from looking at options of off-farm activities, which made her continuously rely on the unreliable rain-fed agriculture. Despite the liabilities of rural entrepreneurship unfolded in the paper by Clausen (2019) due to low capital injection, newness and smallness in population-scattered areas, it can be successful as illustrated by Müller and Korsgaard (2018). Decision-making on the adaptation approaches lies primarily with the community members although there can be external engagements that bring resources to boost the success of the strategies employed. According to Fritsch and Storey (2014), two entrepreneurs in the same environment with identical businesses handle challenges differently, which brings the issue of the influence of attitudes, perceptions and how they affect responses. The participation of women in the management of droughts is important as they are actively involved in agriculture. Negative attitudes and perceptions hindered the rolling out of drought response in Mudzi district as apathy and assumptions dominated the process thereby dampening the efforts of the stakeholders that were in the forefront of assisting the communities to be resilient to droughts. Moreover, efforts to engage in sustainable activities were stifled by negative perceptions and attitudes that limit exploration.

Selection of Livelihoods and Adaptation Strategies
Continuous reliance on natural livelihoods despite the recurrent droughts reflected women's attitudes and perceptions towards droughts. In this study, the women interviewed expressed an attitude of despondency with no alternative options to survive other than cultivating their land, which was futile due to the unreliable rainfall. "There is nothing else that we can do if there is no rainfall. We just sit. We are always struggling during droughts. Right now we are grateful that an NGO came to assist us," uttered Phoebe, interviewed on 19 August 2015. The women expressed negativity and hopelessness, which led them to continuously engaging in agricultural practices that were not bringing tangible and sustainable results. The defeated mind-set that states that "we only wait for the rains for our survival because we have no options" as also echoed by Tecla, interviewed on 25 August 2015, should be challenged as it yields nothing but continued vulnerability. On the other hand, they failed to accept that there was a need to change based on the rainfall patterns. They were still expecting normal rains even though they were affected by droughts consecutively and this kept them vulnerable to droughts. Mittra and Akanda (2019) reported that farming alone is not adequate as a source of income hence the need to diversify with non-farm activities. ISSN 2161-7104 2021 Lack of financial capital was the outcry for all the women that were interviewed and this was a sad reality that confronted all the households yet some women managed to survive through applying different livelihood strategies. Davis et al. (2017) pointed that it is unclear whether diversification is a strategy for households to manage risk and overcome market failures or it is practised because some household members have a skill in that. For example, in a study conducted by Chigavazira (2019), one woman interviewed reported that they earned US$40 monthly through thatching houses and carving hoes' handles, which was augmented by vegetables sales that earned them between $20 and $30 monthly. This was a unique case in that community though as the husband utilised his skills in thatching and carving, which brings the element of the importance of joint family income in drought management for families with different skillsets. In a study by Assan (2014) in Uganda, it was found that there was influence of gender roles and social values in diversification and in the study by Chigavazira (2019), the importance of joint family income was amplified. Ellis and Allison (2004) noted that the better-off diversified on off-the-farm activities while the poor relied heavily on on-the-farm activities. In the Mudzi study, although in some cases, the women did not have finances to implement skills; where there was no need for resources, their attitudes and perceptions were questioned as it contributed to indifference. For instance, one woman interviewed said, "The rains are so little and we cannot do anything to boost it. We use our soils for survival whether it rains or not because that is what we are used to." This shows hopelessness yet another woman who was interviewed practised conservation farming, which boosted the success of her crops and she admitted that she was a laughing stock in the community because the other women did not appreciate it.

Journal of Public Administration and Governance
For different adaptation strategies to be successful, there is a need for an enabling environment to be created by the communities and the stakeholders assisting the communities. Assan (2014) noted that the past studies could not ascertain whether diversification enables survival or accumulation, which leads to a sustainable level of socio-economic improvement. It is clear in a number of studies that agriculture is the principal activity of rural households (Davis et al., 2017) and that poor people rely on agriculture strategies (Mishi et al., 2020). Moreover, there is acknowledgement in other studies that rural households have multiple sources of income (Ellis, 1998) and that poor people have other livelihood strategies other than agriculture (Mishi, et al., 2020). It is however not every rural household that has multiple sources of income and in cases where the livelihoods are diversified, the viability, strength and sustainability is questioned (Chigavazira, 2019). Nonetheless, the identification of different drought responses without understanding the complexities that emerge from these is a challenge that faces rural development. An insight of the underlying principles that guide the drought responses is important as it assists in selecting robust and relevant techniques that bring success instead of perpetuate vulnerability. Table 1 shows the categorisation of different drought responses that emerged from the data collected in Mudzi district. It also reflects upon the implications of such responses on women, and lists conditions that create an enabling environment for these responses to be successful.
Through the analysis of the different drought responses, this paper posits that different responses have implications for women in that if they are applied partially or in an adverse Journal of Public Administration and Governance ISSN 2161-7104 2021 environment, they result in negative outcomes. On the other hand, as found in the study carried out by Chigavazira (2019) responses such as conservation farming were not accepted by or warranted any action from the women. The women shied away from them and continued to practise conventional methods that perpetuate their vulnerability to droughts. However, an enabling environment can be created for women to flourish under these scenarios through providing a holistic package that includes skills, materials and markets. These responses might not be unique to Mudzi district thus if the conducive environment is created, these might be successful in different contexts. When an enabling environment is capitalised, resources are channelled effectively thereby resulting in behaviour change. For every response that is employed, for example, the change in planting dates, certain calculated assumptions and risks should be considered as these responses have implications on women, which define their success or failure. The rain might come earlier or later than expected, thereby impacting the outcome of the crops, which supports the notion of varied, viable and valuable livelihoods. Nonetheless, the decision to employ any adaptation strategies lies with the women and accordingly, they are in control of the choices they make and the consequences thereof. , 2019) to build rural capacity to achieve technical, financial and business skills; the government and NGO officials reported that they were building the capacity of the women in adapting to droughts. This was done through training them to utilise climate-smart techniques yet the majority of the women interviewed did not implement the techniques at a household level. The women continued applying conventional ways of farming. The study found that although the training given to communities seems relevant and appropriate, the women do not apply the knowledge and skills they would have acquired. According to the Aspen Institute (1996), apart from economic development, capacity building instils stewardship decision-making on a region's natural, human and cultural resources, which stretch over time. Alaerts and Kaspersma (2019) reiterated the importance of training, which should be supplemented by a proper mix of opportunities and incentives for the application of the knowledge acquired. Despite the value of capacity building, further reflection on the Mudzi study reveals that there is need to probe and expose the suitability of the environment in which the training is being conducted.
The women in communities are full of knowledge and skills transferred to them. Other times, the skills are already in existence as passed from generation to generation and UNESCO (2010) emphasises the need to build capacity on what exists, to utilize and strengthen existing capacities, rather than arbitrarily starting from scratch. However, the application of the skills is limited due to how they perceive the training and what value addition is provided to their existing situation. In addition, in the medium to long-term, inadequate support is provided to apply the skills thereby projecting the training activities as tick-in-box to fulfil proposal designs with no follow up of behaviour change. On the other hand, the stakeholders that were assisting them to respond to droughts believed that training women in different activities would make them resilient to droughts because it was crafted to build the skills needed for ISSN 2161-7104 2021 small-scale farm management. However, this was also futile as the women needed resources and reliable rainfall in order to survive the droughts. Simpson, Wood and Daws (2003) suggested that governments need to avoid putting pressure on rural communities; instead create an enabling environment for capacity building, consultation and community ownership. What works in one community does not necessarily work in another community, hence the need to contextualise the training packages based on demand.

Journal of Public Administration and Governance
The stakeholders reported that they imparted knowledge and skills in business management and climate-smart agriculture yet the application of this knowledge was limited. NGOs and government stakeholders inject huge amounts of cash and human resources in building the capacity of the communities in adapting to droughts and in most cases; there are no complementary activities provided to them to allow the application of the skills and knowledge attained such as the provision of starter-pack resources and on-going supervision. On the other hand, Isife et al. (2009) found that the capacity building institutions established in Nigeria failed partially because the graduates still lacked means of livelihood after the training. This resonates well with the general capacity building activities provided in rural communities that do not provide support for utilisation of the skills obtained. Mataya et al. (2020) indicated that short-term training workshops need to be participatory in design and implementation. Hence knowledge and skills shared in communities need to be contextualised and add value to the women receiving it.
Although facilitators have good intentions to share knowledge and skills in communities, it should not be prescriptive as acceptability and application would be minimised. In a study conducted in Philippines by Allen (2006), one interviewee admitted to have attended several training programmes from NGOs and governments, but could not remember the content of the previous sessions. Despite poor application of knowledge transferred in communities, Asenso-Okyere et al. (2008) argued that this is essential for well-functioning innovation in agriculture in order to enhance productivity, competitiveness, and the welfare of the farming community. Ferrero et al. (2019) argued that adult learning is problem-centred hence; the learning should have immediate application and allow for reinforcement, which is usually self-directed. Capacity building in climate-smart agriculture is central in making women resilient to droughts however, it is not enough in itself as issues of resources and the reception of the beneficiaries within a certain context is crucial. For that reason, stakeholders need to critically engage communities to identify training needs that can yield positive results in the short-term, medium and long run. Due to the successive nature of droughts in semi-arid regions, prioritisation of training efforts should be hinged on the applicability of the training and the availability of resources to support the application of new skills attained.

Project Designs
Stakeholders need to encourage full participation of communities instead of dictating activities to them. This emanates from the attitudes and perceptions they hold when they engage communities. As much as NGO and government stakeholders propose projects with good intentions, if the communities are not willing to participate in them because they do not see the value, it yields little results. On the other hand, short-term projects with no Journal of Public Administration and Governance ISSN 2161-7104 2021 continuation or proper sustainability or transition strategies create hope that fades as soon as the stakeholders have terminated the project. Wilhite (2019) remarked that drought response by governments and other organizations throughout the world have been reactive, which made them poorly coordinated, ineffective, and untimely. When Chigavazira (2019) collected data in Mudzi district, the women were receiving cash monthly for the Cash-for-Work project, which they spent on cereals. Although women received cash for the work they performed, a few of them saved the cash received that was meant for subsistence utilisation. Santalahti (2020) pointed that savings groups increase savings behaviour by creating a social commitment to save and it increases women's economic resilience to shocks. The cash that the women were receiving could be saved for income generating activities as this opportunity for amassing substantial money was for a short period. There was mistrust within the community such that women did not feel free to be engaged in the Savings for Transformation (S4T) groups, which were mushrooming.
In the design of the Cash-for-Work project, an opportunity of incorporating the S4T concept was missed resulting in minimal uptake of this initiative yet this was a good opportunity for the women to apply the principles of saving as cash was easily accessible through the Cash-for-Work project. The women were faced with the reality of a failed economy and successive droughts yet others were finding opportunities in the middle of the crisis through diversified activities that supplemented their income. The Cash-for-Work project that was being implemented in Mudzi district was only for six months and beyond this, there was no continuation as funding was only for that duration. Although in practice, when short-term projects end, they may be merged with existing area programmes, clarification on the management thereof is diffused which leads to failure or lower yields. This also depends on available resources and vicinity of the project to the existing area programmes. It is thus important for stakeholders to assess their attitudes and perceptions when they propose projects in communities as this has implications on the acceptability and success of the projects.
In some instances though, there is need for full engagement by the stakeholders to give their technical advice as some responses might not work in certain contexts. The women might want specific projects, which might not be cost-effective in the long-term; neither will they be able to achieve their purpose due to feasibility issues. Both the communities and stakeholders bring great wealth of knowledge and skills. For example, communities have indigenous knowledge that can still be practised in modern agriculture. On the other hand, the stakeholders promote successful climate smart agriculture practices that have been replicated in other communities, which are valuable if they are integrated in drought management. This can only be achieved if they all reflect on how they can tap into each other's knowledge to build the resilience of the communities, which will assist in appreciating each other's value in responding to droughts. Resources can be injected in communities but without the right mind-set, little can be achieved. As a result, mixed attitudes and perceptions hindered women from building strong resources for their survival when faced with droughts. In China, funding applications are prepared at the villager group level and submitted to the central government in a bottom-up hierarchical order however, funding decisions are top-down (Pradhana, et al., ISSN 2161-7104 2021 2017). There is therefore a need for an integrated approach to drought management, which considers the interplay of top-down, and bottom-up approaches in responding to droughts.

Journal of Public Administration and Governance
Source: Chigavazira (2019) Figure 1. Top-down Reflection on Responding to Droughts This paper suggests that the stakeholders need to consider the four components in Figure 1 before they engage the communities and continue to reflect on these throughout the project cycle. There is a need to understand the communities that they will be dealing with from a power dynamic, gender, social class and religion perspective as these aspects shape how projects will be implemented. On the other hand, feasibility issues need to be spelt out in detail and should be reflected upon continuously. The motive of the stakeholders cannot be ignored although this requires an honest judgement. It is always difficult to be open about one's motives yet in community development this is imperative as this maps the sustainability of projects and allow transition strategies to be mapped out. The last element on the stakeholder analysis is about understanding the intervention that will be proposed in terms of appropriateness, relevance, effectiveness and acceptability. This reflective process gauges attitudes and perceptions, thereby shaping behaviour in drought management.
Looking at the stakeholders without allowing the communities to reflect upon themselves in drought management is not enough henceforth a bottom-up approach is essential. Women affected by droughts need to be understood in order to assist them in responding to droughts. Figure 2, looks at different questions that enable women to reflect on how they can respond to droughts. Understanding one's background is important and this expands beyond social Journal of Public Administration and Governance ISSN 2161-7104 2021 class, gender, marital status, educational attainment, financial levels and geographic location. By stock-taking this background, necessary interventions are directed which enables understanding women through their own narratives. It was found in Mudzi district that many women had very low educational attainments, which subjected them to a vicious cycle of poverty as they had limited, unviable livelihood strategies. This also influenced their attitudes and perceptions on how to respond to droughts. This is consistent with findings from Muthelo et al. (2019) that one's education level influenced perception on rainfall patterns and increased one's probability of adapting to climate change. Udmale, et al. (2014) found that highly educated farmers were more conscious about drought preparedness activities, which included storing harvested crops, saving money and adjusting sowing dates. Through digging deeper in the interviews, it emerged that many women were not afforded an opportunity to continue with school as priority was given to boy children. For that reason, such an understanding shapes how projects should be designed in the community to cut intergenerational cycle of partially educated girl children, which ultimately empowers them to have better lives. In addition, every community has its own unique resources, which can be tapped on to build sustainability. Accordingly, it is important to establish the assets and resources that are available to the communities no matter how minute they seem. The sustainable livelihoods framework (Scoones, 1998) and Hobfoll's theory on conservation of resources identify a number of assets and resources that can be available to communities and individuals. An analysis of these assets and resources in different contexts brings an understanding of their Journal of Public Administration and Governance ISSN 2161-7104 2021 value, stability, interdependence, and sustainability. For example, the expansion of petty trade into a viable business could generate reliable income if viable, organised markets are established and utilised to support the women. Acknowledging the availability of resources in a community gives a sense of ownership and security to a community instead of dwelling on the attitude of entitlement from external assistance.
Moreover, having women understand what makes them vulnerable to droughts provides a platform for self-analysis thereby drawing solutions that are more practical and effective. Because women affected by droughts are not idle, it is important to understand how they are responding to droughts and gauge whether the responses are practical, sustainable, acceptable, competitive or complementary. Promotion of vegetable gardening in the whole community creates flooding of the market unless there are established markets that purchase from that particular community hence the need for cooperatives or organised groups. There are always alternative ways that women can apply in order to respond to droughts, which calls for the understanding of a context, which assists in shaping the engagements. There are no one-size-fits-all adaptation strategies, that being said, one has to appreciate different women in different communities and how they can foster change in drought management. On that account, institutions and individuals need to integrate and merge efforts in drought management thereby instilling behavioural change in the communities.

Behaviour Change in Droughts Management
For any behaviour to change, certain conditions need to be considered in the context of droughts in reference to both communities and the stakeholders that assist communities. Firstly, it is important to accept the situation being experienced and acknowledge that this might be the new normal. This calls for changed attitudes and perceptions of the self and the situation. Acceptance of a situation with a mind-set to change one's behaviour to thrive within that environment is crucial. It reduces despondency thereby pushing one to act. Barth (1987) argued that acceptability rests on values thus an analysis of acceptability would also have to include an examination of beliefs and practices. According to Brunson et al. (1996), acceptability of current practices, predicts acceptability of proposed practices, and understands the reasons for failures to achieve acceptability. Although stakeholders have accepted and acknowledged the recurrence of droughts, their involvement in the communities should change to allow sustainable development. Assessment of motives shed light on attitudes and perceptions and this might require external feedback.
Secondly, finding viable, varied and valuable alternative options and embarking on them is essential. Acting with an intention for success surpasses random acts that are unsustainable. Boundaries that limit the execution of alternative options need to be tackled. Brunson et al. (1996) argued that acceptability is reflected by behaviours rather than simply by attitudes toward a practice or condition, although it is understood that behaviours are usually stimulated by attitudes. Dastgerdi et al. (2018) found in their study that there was an overall negative attitude toward drought management measures and noted that attitude plays an important role in influencing acceptance of sustainable agriculture. Both stakeholders and communities need to work together in identifying and applying alternative options that bring success in a sustainable way such as the practice of climate smart agriculture coupled with sustainable diversified off-the-farm activities that supplement income.
Thirdly, communities learn from each other and from outsiders. Learning can be cultivated to allow replication of essential skills and knowledge. In the same vein, Smith (2012) and McElwee et al. (2017) coined the concept of animation in rural development whereby situations and people are coordinated to bring change in people's actions through participating in and managing their communities. Moreover, learning from the situation challenges one's behaviour in the future as they have a reference point. According to Asenso-Okyere et al. (2008), it is important to learn from successes that would have occurred and examine cases that did not work. Stakeholders must promote learning through constant engagements with communities and encourage cross-learning in other similar contexts. Lastly, constant awareness of the changes that occur with an attitude to adjust drives the need for adaptation. Changes are continuous and cyclical hence need to be embraced and acted upon.

Conclusion
This paper discusses the discourse regarding the vulnerability of women to droughts in Mudzi district through an analysis of livelihood strategies and drought responses. Although financial capital was a major drawback of the women in considering alternative ways of surviving. This paper argues that issues of behaviour change are also a contributing factor to their vulnerability. The utilisation of skills and knowledge shared in the communities was limited due to the absence of resources to implement their newly acquired skills. However, where skills were not needed, the women's attitudes and perceptions were questioned. The continuous reliance of rain-fed agriculture without considering other alternative options was proliferating from negative attitudes and perceptions hence this entrenched them in vulnerability. Without singling out the women only, institutions that assisted them also need to look inwardly and search themselves in order to serve communities effectively. Institutions bring technical expertise and resources in the communities yet without self-reflection; they continue injecting resources in communities without making any noticeable difference.
Although Zimbabwe is faced with economic and political challenges, which have a bearing on rural development, the contribution of the individuals affected by droughts cannot be unattributed. This paper is significant as it reflects on how women select and make decisions on livelihood strategies, coping mechanisms and adaptation strategies. Moreover, it brings an understanding of the vulnerability of women to droughts, not only from structural and community perspectives such as poor political and economic reforms but also from an individual standpoint. The focus has always been on the community without attributing attitudes and perceptions of individuals and institutions to understand vulnerability to droughts. Behaviour change at both individual and institutional levels is a new scholarly dimension in the discussion of droughts.
The reflection of the conservation of resources theory and ecological theory brought new nuances in the drought arena thereby enhancing the two theories to consider the individual and institutions in responding to droughts. Through a reflection on the conservation of resources theory and ecological theory in this paper, these theories can be strengthened. This ISSN 2161-7104 2021 paper suggests that the conservation of resources theory should consider the value and viability of resources in different contexts. There is also the need to consider the implications of gender and power relations in resource investment through bridging the gap that exists between men and women in accessibility, allocation and availability of resources. Moreover, it suggests that behaviour change should underpin the application of the propositions of a) acknowledging the situation as normal, b) applying viable, varied and valuable alternative options, c) cross-learning, and d) embracing constant change, as this affects how people take action. In the context of ecological theory, the issues of attitudes and perceptions need to be reflected upon as they influence people's behaviour in planning for a preferred future. Furthermore, the role of institutions should be considered as it is difficult for individuals to make sustainable changes without changes effected at the institutional level.