AN APPEAL OF THE MORISCOS TO THE MAMLUK SULTAN AND ITS COUNTERPART TO THE OTTOMAN COURT : TEXTUAL ANALYSIS , CONTEXT , AND WIDER HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The present article deals with a shorter and different version of the poem containing a Morisco appeal to the Ottoman Empire, studied by James Monroe in Al-Andalus 31 ^ Ladero Quesada, Granada después de la conquista, doc. 139, dated 20 July 1501. The document stipulates that almost no Muslims were left in Granada at the time, and those free Muslims (captives were excepted) who remained, should either leave within three days or convert. ^̂ Bono, S., «Schiavi maghrebini in Italia e cristiani nel Maghreb. Proteste e attestazioni per la "réciprocité" di trattamentí», Africa, vol. 49, 3 (sept. 1994), 331-351, esp. 351. See also Vincent, B., «Musulmans d'Espagne au xvif siècle et conversion», unpublished paper presented at the Workshop of the European Science Foundation, programme «Individual and Society in the Mediterranean Muslim World», Rome, September 1997. Vincent discusses the pressure exerted by the Dey of Algiers on the Spanish authorities in Cartagena, threatening to retaliate against the Christian community in Algiers should the Spanish not repair the damage done to a mosque discovered by them in the said place. The said events took place in 1695 [!]. (c) Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento 4.0 Internacional (CC BY 4.0) http://al-qantara.revistas.csic.es AQ. XX, 1999 A N APPEAL OF THE MORISCOS 187 (1966), 281-303. The shorter version proves that there had been another, similar appeal for help by the Moriscos which was directed, not to the Ottoman court, but to the Mamluk Sultan in Cairo. A close examination of the MamlQkïand the Ottoman versions shows that the shorter version, directed to the Mamluk Sultan, was the original one. The present article contains (I) a comparative analysis of the Mamluk and the Ottoman versions of the qasiJda, (II) a sketch of the wider historical framework of the international relations between the Christian and Muslim kingdoms of Spain on the one hand, and the Mamluk and Ottoman empire on the other hand, and (III) a discussion of the date of both versions of the qasîda (in the beginning of 1500 and first half of 1501, respectively) and of its authorship. It seems likely that the we have to look for the author of the qasîda in circles of Granadan Muslims who had belonged to the ruling class and, having accepted Christian rule, decided to accept administrative responsibility, such as for example several members of the al-Baqannî family (el Pequeñí in the Christian sources), some of whom who had first emigrated with Ibn al-Azraq to North Afiica, but had returned and became members of the ruling Mudejar class.

162 P. S. VAN KONINGSVELD -G. A. WiEGERS AQ. XX, 1999 mas al emperador de los Turcos dentro en Constantinopla, que los socorriese y sacase de servidumbre...» !" The qasída is also quoted by the Moroccan author Muhammad al-Tálib Ibn al-Hájj al-Sulamï (d.1857), in his book Riydd al-ward flmd 'ntamd ilayhi hadhd l-jawhar al-fard, and account of the life and the ancestors of his father, Abu '1-Fayd Hamdûn Ibn al-Hájj al-Sulamï.^He quotes the poem within the context of his discussion of why one of his ancestors had emigrated from al-Andalus to Fes.
It seems that Ibn al-Hájj al-Sulamï also quoted the poem from al-Maqqarï's Azhdr al'Riydd, a source he explicitly mentions many times elsewhere in his book.Nevertheless, there are three differences between al-Maqqarï's version and that of Ibn al-Hájj al-Sulamï.
First of all, the text of Ibn al-Hájj contains four lines not to be found in the printed edition of al-Maqqarï's Azhdr.These are lines 96-99, to be discussed below.This differences can be explained by assuming a lacuna in the manuscript(s) on which the printed edition of al-Maqqarï's Azhdr was based.
The second difference between the texts of al-Maqqarï and Ibn al-Hájj consists of the prose introduction given by al-Maqqarï, addressing the Ottoman emperor, which is not quoted by Ibn al-Hájj.^Thirdly and finally, Ibn al-Hájj introduces and concludes the poem with some interesting historical remarks, not to be found in al-Maqqarï at all.He attributes the qasida in question to a particular group of Muslims who actively resisted the assimilation policy of the Catholic Kings, after having withdrawn to the mountains around Granada.After mentioning the treaty concerning the surrender of Granada to the Christians and the departure of numerous inhabitants, together with the Sultan, to Morocco, Ibn al-Hájj remarks: «God Almighty had ordained that after they had arrived at Fes, the people were afflicted by severe starvation, a rise in prices, and the plague.Some of them even retumed to their country.They informed [those who had stayed behind] about that hardship, so that those who had wanted to cross [the sea] became reluctant to do so.When the Tyrant saw that, he started to break the capitulations, one after another, until he had broken them all.The inviolability of the Muslims had come to an end and they were subjected to disgrace and humiliation.Heavy fines were enforced upon them and they were deprived of the prayer-call from the minarets.He ordered them to leave Granada for the outlying districts and the villages.So they left, in degradation and abasement.Then, in the year 904 [1498] he gave them the choice between conversion to Christianity or death.He gave them a month [to make their choice].On this occasion, they split up into three groups.One group said: "We shall defend our children to the death".Another group said: '*We shall leave with our children for a high mountain where we shall fortify ourselves.We shall send our messengers to Sultan Abil YazTd Khdn Sulaymdn al-'Uthmdni, to ask him for help".A third group said: "We shall hide our religion and take care of the [proper education] of our children".Then these groups were separated [ft^om each other].The first group fought undl all of them died.They were exterminated and their women and children were taken captive.The second group committed apostasy outwardly, while hiding their Islam until they died.Their children grew up in Unbelief The third group fortified itself in a rocky mountain and sent its messengers to the Ottoman Sultan with a poem in which the members complained about the condition of disgrace and humiliation they were living in, which curdles the blood of those who listen to it.It runs as follows:...» ^ (there follows the text of the poem).
The three groups distinguished by Ibn al-Hajj faithfijlly reflect the tendencies and tensions within late fifteenth-century Granadan Mudejar Islam.There can be little doubt that the high mountain on which the third group planned to hide is a recollection of the fortifications in the Alpujarra in which the Muslims took refuge, to be discussed below.
At the end of the poem, Ibn al-Hajj draws the following historical conclusion: «Sultan AbüYazM Khm wrote an intimidating letter to the Tyrant.He swore to him that if were to do them a mischief, he would kill and bum all the Infidels under his protection.Thereupon, the Tyrant refi-ained from [attacking], so they took their children and properties and betook themselves to the coastal area.He embarked them in ships and disembarked them on the mainland of the Western shore.All of al-Andalus had thus become a Territory of Unbelief There was no one left who publicly professed the Testimony of Monotheism.^This was the greatest disaster that happened in Islam after the disaster of the loss of the Chosen One, peace be upon him!».AQ.XX, 1999 In addition to the preceding data, a shorter and slightly different version of the poem, recentíy came to our attention.This version proves that there was another, similar appeal for help made by the Moriscos which was directed, not to the Ottoman court, but to the Mamluk Sultan in Cairo.^The existence of this text confirms the hypothesis of L. P. Harvey^° about a twopronged diplomatic Morisco offensive.This offensive aimed in the first place at Cairo because it was nearer, and more able at this stage to make its influence felt.And when that initiative produced no useful results, steps were taken towards Istanbul.
The text in question is preserved in a privately owned manuscript in Morocco, containing an anonymous literary anthology."A close examination of the Mamlükl and the Ottoman versions shows that the shorter version, directed to the Mamluk Sultan, was the original one.During the reign of Bâyazïd II, the Ottomans were rapidly growing into a very prominent world power and it was a logical thing to send them an identical appeal, slightly reworked, of course, to fit the new addressee and to include the most recent events.This was even more logical to do after the Mamluks (who were profiting of Spanish military support against the Ottomans) had failed to show a sufficient amount of muscles to the Spanish Kings in order to help the Moriscos effectively.^^ In the present article we shall, first of all, present a comparative analysis of the Mamluk and the Ottoman versions of the qasîda (I).In the second section, we shall try to sketch the wider historical framework of the international relations between the Christian and Muslim kingdoms of Spain on the one hand, and the Mamluk and Ottoman empires on the other hand.Special attention wil be paid here to the repercussions of Spanish-Mamluk relations on the position ^ For this dating, see our arguments below, under III: «Date and Historical Context».'° Harvey, L. P., «The Moriscos and their International Relations», in L'Expulsió dels moriscos.Conseqiiències en el mon islamic i en el mon cristià.Sant Caries de la Rápita, 5-9 de desembre de 1990.380è aniversari de Vexpulsió dels moriscos.Congrès internacional., Barcelona, Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Cultura, 1994, 135-139, see also idem. Islamic Spain 1250to 1500, Chicago, 1990, 267. " We should like to express our gratitude to our dear friend Mustafa Naji (Rabat), for having drawn our attention to this item and having provided us with a photocopy of it.Unfortunately, we cannot describe the manuscript (which might date back to the 17th or 18th century) in any more detail, as we possess only a photocopy of the two pages with the qasida (cf. the attached reproduction of the manuscript).
'^ See also  Grenade 1492-1992(A. Temimi, éd.), Zaghouan, 1993, vol. 2, 83-119;Temimi, A., Le Gouvernement Ottomane et le problème marisque, Zaghouan, 1993.and treatment of Muslim and Christian minorities, as a consequence of the application of the principles of reciprocity and retaliation (11).^^In the final section we will discuss the date of both versions of the qasîda and its authorship (III).

I. CoMPARATFVE ANALYSIS
A comparison between the two versions of the poem shows that we can distinguish between four constituent elements.
In the first place, the Ottoman version starts with an address in prose, which is lacking in the Mamluk version.Secondly, at the beginning of the poem there is a passage of eight lines that is found only (with the exception of a few passages and one complete line) in the version sent to the Mamluk Sultan (lines 2-9 of our MS), with an invocation directed to the Mamluk Sultan.In the third place, there is the corpus of the poem which is shared, to a great extent at least, by both versions.Fourthly and finally, there are several lines that are unique for the version sent to the Ottoman Sultan.These refer, first of all (with exception of a few passages and one complete line), to the opening lines (lines 2-8 of the version published by Monroe), with an invocation directed to the Ottoman Sultan.In addition to these opening lines, the version published by Monroe also contains some extra lines at various places in the corpus of the poem.
Below we shall give an analysis of and make a comparison between both versions.We will begin by presenting a translation of the prose address of the Ottoman version, as preserved in al-Maqqarï's Azhdr al-Riydd, which was not translated by Monroe.In the second place, the (unpublished) pieces which are unique to the Mamluk version will be quoted in full (both in Arabic and English).The lines that can be found only in the Ottoman version will then follow, in the English translation published by Monroe which we have revised in a few points.The common elements of both versions will be no more than briefly summarized.Its full text is found in the article of Monroe.AQ.XX, 1999 LI.The prose address of the Ottoman version as preserved in al-Maqqarî's Azhdr al-Riydd The Moroccan manuscript containing the Mamluk version merely introduces the text of the qasTda, after some customary formulas (basmala, du'ds, and tasliyd),^^ with the simple sentence: «This is the letter written by the Andalusians as an epistle to the Best of Friends».^^Evidently, these sentences do not belong to the original text but are due to the author of the literary anthology of which the qasîda forms part.
Also al-Maqqarî added an introductory line to his presentation of the (Ottoman version of) the qasîda, viz. in the following words: «After the Infidels had gained complete control over the Peninsula, someone of its inhabitants wrote [a request] to Sultan Bâyazîd^^ Khân al-'Uthmànï -may God have mercy upon him!-the text of which runs as follows, after the opening sentence».^^ The following prose address reproduced by al-Maqqarî contains some valuable materials for our critical discussions and is given here in our English translation: «To the lofty Court -may God bestow on it happiness, let its words stand before all men, flatten its regions, honour its upholders and debase its enemies!-, the Court of Our Lord, the Pillar of our Religion and our World, the Sultan, Victorious King, Helper of the World and of Religion, Sultan of Islam and the Mushms, Subduer of the Infidel Enemies of God, Cavem of Islam, Helper of the Religion of our Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him!).Reviver of Justice, Establisher of the Right of the Oppressed in the Face of the Oppressor, King of the Arabs and Non-Arabs, of the Turks and the Daylamites, Shadow of God on His Earth, Upholder of His Sunna and Law, King of the Two Continents, Sultan of the Two Seas, Protector of Honour, Subduer of the Infidels, Our Lx)rd and Our Pillar, Our Cavem and Our Aid, Our Lord Abu Yazïd -may his kingship continue to grow its abundance of upholders and to achieve victories without cease, may its influence and glorious deeds remain forever, may its elevated and noble qualities not be forgotten, by monopolizing those noble deeds for which God doubles His bountiful reward and His graceful praise in the Hereafter, as well as victory in This World.May his lofty decisions continue to stand out by the virtue of the holy war, so that the enemies of religion be deprived of their strength, thus quenching the breasts of nails and the blades of swords, and the tongues of weapons that sacrifice the most precious treasures in the lands where the superior [warriors] are longing for the departure of their souls from their bodies, thus following, by God's favour and by obedience to Him, the path of their victorious predecessors, on the Day the Witnesses Shall Stand Up [to Bear Witness] !».^^As indicated above, we possess no parallel text in the Mamluk version for comparison.It is therefore impossible to conclude with certainty whether the complete text of this prose-address was especially composed for the Ottoman version, or had merely resulted from a revision of an unknown prose-address of the Mamluk version, which is likely to have existed.

The opening line of the poem
The opening line of the Mamluk version of the poem reads as follows:

Saldmun karîmun dd'iman mutajaddidan akhassu bihi mawldy khayru l-bariyya
Noble greetings for ever renewed for which my lord, the Best of Mankind, is most qualified!The poet reminds the person he is addressing that the person most qualified to receive his «ever renewed noble greetings» is the Prophet, who is, of course, the one to be identified with the person alluded to with the words «the Best of Mankind».The author first pays homage to the Prophet, before directing himself to the Mamluk Sultan.In the Ottoman version, edited by Monroe from al-   A. Galán Sánchez states that the stipulations of the extant capitulation (i.e.conversion) treaties with the Granadan Muslims between 1499 and 1501 show a common pattern, also mentioning the concession that the groups in question were allowed to wear Islamic dress until the latter was worn out,^"^ i.e. even though this use was expected to disappear no specific time limit is mentioned.This stipulation was denied in those places which had participated in the Rising.Hence it is not be found in the capitulations of the Val de Lecrín and Alpuj arras (both signed on 30 July 1500) and Habla (October 1500).^^Dress was to some extent seen as religiously neutral, and hence it was not forbidden to wear the hijdb.A general edict in Granada against Morisco clothing was promulgated only in 1511.'^^This circumstance suggests that the author belonged to a group of Muslims who been engaged in the revolt and had been defeated by the Christians, who were therefore no longer permitted to wear Islamic dress.
The Ottoman version adds in lines 14-15 that girls have been forced by clerics to share their bed, while old women were coerced to eat pork and carrion: Peace be upon you on behalf of some faces that have been bared to the company of non-Arabs after having been veiled Peace be upon you on behalf of some young girls whom the priest drives by force to a bed of shame Peace be upon you on behalf of some old women who have been compelled to eat pork and carrion^' ^ ^^ See on this conoept Rosenthal, E, «The Stranger in Medieval Islam», Arabica 44 (1997), 35-75.^ «Hasta que rasguen los vestidos que agora tienen ellos e sus mugeres», capitulation of Huesear of26february 1501.
^ See Domínguez Ortiz, A-, and Vincent, B., Historia de los moriscos.Vida y tragedia de una minoría, Madrid, 1978, 20;Garrad, K., «The Original Memorial of Don Francisco Núñez Muley», Atlante, 2, n.° 4 (1954), 199-226, 201, 205.^^ Viz.«the flesh not killed according to ritual prescriptions» (Monroe).The «swelling sea of the Rum» is, of course, the Mediterranean {Bohr al-Rilm).The «deep, gloomy and fathomless ocean» refers to the waters of the Atlantic Ocean.On either side, they now conspire to isolate the Muslims in the Peninsula.In the Mamluk version this line functions as a dramatic description of the immediate consequences of the fall of Granada.In the Ottoman version this particular historical context is absent: here, the line is part of the invocation, and functions as an (additional) explanation of the general situation of the Muslims in al-Andalus, who are now living in what amounts to exile.Such a generalizing description of their position would be more appropriately used to address the Ottoman party, who at the time were much less familiar than the Mamluks with the details of Andalusian history and geography.^^ In the following eight lines common to both versions (40-47) a detailed description of the Christian betrayal is provided, the forced nature of the conversion is stressed,"^® and the indignities suffered by the Andalusian Muslims are enumerated: their Qurans and other religious books were defiled and burned; those who fasted or prayed were themselves burned; those who did not attend church-services were chastised, their property was confiscated, and they themselves were put in prison.
We agree with Monroe that the burning of Qurans and other religious books (verse 42 of the Ottoman version) is most likely a reference to the burning of the ^^ Monroe's translation of this line runs as follows: «Showing us documents containing a pact and a treaty, saying to us: "This is my amnesty and my protection [over you]"».
^^ See also below under section II.
^° From these lines it becomes apparent that the author himself belonged to a group of Granadan Muslims who had been compelled to convert to Christianity.This policy was in fact a continuation of the policy applied by them to the treatment of Hebrew books."^^The implication was that religious texts were to be burned, while the ownership of medical, philosophical, and historical books was permitted.In this manner, in October 1501 the King and Queen ordered all the copies of the Quran and other Arabic religious books in the Kingdom of Granada to be handed in, to be burnt publicly, so that nothing would remain of them.Ownership of Islamic religious books in the future was to be considered a crime for which the sentence was capital punishment.'*^A decade later, a decree of 20 June 1511, Queen Juana ordered that the «recently converted Christians» had to hand in all their Arabic books for inspection.The religious ones were to be burnt.Only the medical, philosophical, and historical books were to be returned to their owners."^After this passage the Ottoman version has an additional 18 verses which do not figure in the Mamluk version (lines 48-65).These verses describe several historical events, providing clues for an accurate dating:

48
Moreover, during Ramadan they spoiled our fast time after time with food and drink.^^49 And they ordered us to curse our Prophet and to refrain from invoking him in times of ease or hardship.

50
They even overheard a group chanting his name, and the latter suffered a grievous injury at their hands.

64
We have become slaves; not captives who may be ransomed, nor even Muslims who pronounce their declaration of faith!65 Hence, were your eyes to see what has become of our lot, they would overflow with abundant tears."^^These are followed by eleven identical lines in both versions (lines 48-58 in the Mamluk and 66-76 in the Ottoman version), leading to a strong appeal based on the common bond of Islam.It is even suggested that the (Mamluk and/or the Ottoman) Sultan make reprisals against the Christians in the Holy Land and that he urge the Pope to intercede with the Spanish sovereigns (verses 55 and 58 of the Mamluk, 73 and 76 of the Ottoman version).The first verse (55/73) requires our special attention.It says:

Wa-dînu H-nasdrdasluhu tahta hukmikum wa-md ^^ thamma ya 'tihim ildkulli kilra.^^
As for the Christian faith, its [place of] origin is ruled by your authority, and what happens there reaches them in every region.^^ If we understand this verse to be a reference to the City of Jerusalem, then this seems to contradict the date (1501) proposed by Monroe for the Ottoman version, because the Mamluks ruled Jerusalem until 1517, when it was conquered by the Ottomans.It is also possible, however, to relate these words, in a broader sense, to the old areas of Christianity, including Asia Minor, and, more specifically, Constantinople.In this case, there is no contradiction.^^ In the Ottoman version, the justification of the cause of the Andalusian Muslims is emphasized by an additional three lines (77-79) containing a reference to the honest treatment of their Christian subjects by Andalusian Muslim sovereigns in the past: And why they harmed us with their betrayal with no wrong or crime on our part?

78
When their people who had been conquered [by us] were under the safeguard of our religion and the protection of [our] glorious kings who fulfilled their promises, 79 Neither were they converted from their faith nor expelled from their homes, nor did they suffer betrayal nor dishonour.
These lines are lacking in the Mamluk version.Contrary to the Ottomans, the Mamluks had age-old relations with al-Andalus and were very well informed about the details of Andalusian history.Apparently, the author deemed it useful to add this piece of information in order to nip any possible doubts about the previous treatment of Christians under Muslim rule in al-Andalus in the bud.
After these lines follow four lines that are shared by both versions (verses 59-62 of the Mamluk, 80-83 of the Ottoman version).In these identical verses it is said (verses 61-62/82-83) that a letter from the Sultan had arrived in Spain but the Spanish rulers did not heed a word of it.
The Ottoman version continues with 16 lines that are not to be found in the Mamluk text.Again these deserve our special attention.The last four of these verses (96-99) are to be found only in Ibn al-Hijj al-SulamT's Riyàd al-Ward, and Monroe had no knowledge of them:

84
The envoys of Egypt reached them and they were not treated with treachery nor dishonour, 85 Yet [the Christians] informed those envoys on our behalf, that we had voluntarily accepted the religion of unbelief, 86 And that they had proposed agreements of falsehood to those who had submitted to them; yet, by God, we will never accept that testimony!87 They have lied about us with the greatest of falsehood in their words and arguments in saying that.

88
Rather, it was the fear of death and of buming that caused us to convert.We merely repeat what they say, without any intention.

94
As for Munylfa, its inhabitants were sundered by the sword.The same was done to the people of Alpujarra.

95
As for Andarax, its people were consumed by fire.It was in their mosque that they all became like charcoal.^"^96 The situation of Málaga is also the same: our hearts have been torn to shreds!97 Our properties and slaves have been taken as spoils; our properties sometimes by treachery and guile.

98
We have become the property of others living on [their] lands; slaves of the Barbarians, without any religion.
99 How severely did they not punish those who refused to comply with them and convert to their religion!These verses describe several actions of war which can be dated with the help of other sources.
We turn first to the events in Huejar (line 92).A number of the Mudejars who had participated in the rebellion of the Albaicm fled to Huejar, which, being located high up in the mountains was of crucial strategic importance.Huejar had already risen at the end of december 1499^^ and its c. 1,500 Muslims refused to surrender.The revolt was suppressed by force of arms in January 1500.^^According to our source its inhabitants «became captives and slaughterlings» (verse 92, lacking in the Mamluk version).
We then proceed to the events in Belefique, of which the inhabitants were «cut to pieces by the sword» (verse 93, lacking in the Mamluk version).The revolt of Belefique started in October 1500^^ and was repressed at the beginning of 1501, the inhabitants «fueron presos y muertos por justicia, y las mujeres dadas por captivas» .^^ The next reference is to the events in Andarax, where the people were consumed by fire in their mosque (verse 95, lacking in the Mamluk version).The events alluded to here occurred in early 1500.Mármol writes that the Count of Lerin went to Andarax.Some of the Muslims of that province had taken refuge in the castle of Lauxar, which the Spanish took by force «destroying the main mosque in which women and children had sought shelter» .^^Then come the events in Málaga (verse 96, lacking in the Mamluk version).The Sierra Bermeja and Sierra de Ronda y Vallaluenga to the West of Málaga were the last regions to rise in January 1501 and the last to capitulate, sometimes under the condition of free emigration to North Africa.Complaints about «agravios y demasias» committed in Málaga against the «recently converted Muslims» even reached the authorities.^Finally, there follow 10 concluding lines that are again shared by both versions.Of these verses 64-65/101-102 (97-98 in Monroe's article) leave no doubt that the Andalusian Muslims would prefer «expulsion to the Maghrib, the homeland of our dear ones, with our belongings» to remaining in unbelief.This justifies the question of whether the expulsion edict of 1501, when Andalusian Muslims were given the opportunity to leave, though without their belongings, is in any way related to an intervention on the part of the Mamluks and/or the Ottomans.
^^ Ladero Quesada, M. A., Granada después de la conquista.Repobladores y mudejares.Granada, 1988, 296, doc. 98,432, Mudejarismo, Teruel, 1975, 307-347, 340-341.The appeal of the Moriscos of Granada to the Mamluk court should be understood against the wider historical background of the international diplomatic relations between Mamluk Egypt on the one hand and the Christian and Muslim States on the Iberian Peninsula on the other.First of all, the right to perform the pilgrimage to the holy places in Jerusalem had already officially been guaranteed to the Christian inhabitants of the Kingdom of Aragon by the Sultan of Egypt in the earliest peace-treaty concluded with Egypt, in 1290.In later treaties, the same right was granted to the Christian inhabitants of Castile and Portugal, as well.At the beginning of the fourteenth century, the King of Aragon successfully pleaded in Cairo for the reopening of Christian churches in Egypt that had been closed down by order of the Sultan.In the early twenties of the same century, the Egyptian Sultan used this diplomatic precedent to argue in Barcelona for the improvement of the religious rights of the Muslim communities in the Kingdom of Aragon, On the basis of this evidence we may conclude that Aragon and Egypt had acknowledged the principle of reciprocity with regard to the treatment of their Muslim and Christian minorities, from the very beginning of the fourteenth century.Abiding by the same principle, at the end of the fifteenth century the Egyptian Sultan threatened to pursue a policy of retaliation, especially against the Christians and the holy places of Jerusalem, were the Muslims of Granada not restored to their former rights.Finally, when some years after the fall of Granada, the Moriscos appealed to the Mamluk court, it seems that they indeed did so in complete accordance with the nature of these long-established diplomatic relations between Egypt and Christian Spain.
As far as we know, the^r^i peace-treaty between Egypt and Aragon was concluded on 23 April 1290, between Sultan Qaláwün and King Alfonso III of Aragon and his brother.King Jaime of Sicily.^*For our argument, this treaty contains three points of interest.First of all, the King of Barcelona accepted the obligation to redeem any Muslim captive (of whatever origin!)And convey him to the lands of the Mamluk Sultan.Secondly, fugitives from the lands of the Mamluk Sultan were to be send back with their goods, as long as they remained Muslim.In the case of conversion to Christianity, only their properties were to be returned.Fugitives from the countries of the kings of Aragon and Sicily to the lands of the Mamluk Sultan were to be treated in the same manner.In the third place, any visitors to Jerusalem (from the kingdoms of Aragon and Sicily or from any other European country) upon showing a letter with the official seal of the King of Aragon to the Mamluk governor of the Holy City would be accepted, dealt with benevolently, and allowed to return safely.^^On 28 January 1292, a new treaty in the same vein was concluded under Jaime II, this time encompassing not only Aragon, but Castile and Portugal as well (including Corsica and Sicily).This treaty also included (among other important conditions) permission for the Christian parties to visit Jerusalem and had an identical paragraph on the treatment of captives.According to Tnán, who was unacquainted with the treaty of 1290 mentioned in the previous paragraph, this treaty was to remain the basis for further diplomatic relations between Egypt and the Spanish Christian Kingdoms throughout the next two centuries.^^Within the framework of these relations, a delegation from Aragon arrived in Egypt in 1302 to plead for the re-opening of churches which had been closed down, treading the same path as a delegation from Byzantium had done one year earlier.This mission was successful.^'^From this time onwards, the treatment of the Christians in Egypt and of the Muslims in Aragon became a subject of diplomatic consultations, not to mention pressure between al-Malik al-Nasir and King Jaime II of Aragon.In 1306, a delegation of Jaime II demanded that «the treatment of the Christians in the Kingdom of the Sultan and his territory would be the same as the treatment of the Muslims in the Kingdom of Aragon».The Sultan agreed and affirmed the right of the subjects of the Kings of Aragon to visit Jerusalem.^^ In 1322, the Sultan of Egypt sent a new delegation with a letter relating, among other matters, that he had been informed that the treatment of the Muslims of Aragon had changed.Once, they had enjoyed some protection and could observe their rituals fully in their mosques, without interference.Now, lately they had been deprived of these rights.They had been forbidden to pronounce the adhdn and to pray in their mosques.The Sultan pleaded with Jaime II that he ^^ Ibidem, 490-491. ^^ M, 'A. Inan, Misr al-isldmiyya wa-ta 'rikh al-khitat al-misriyya, Cairo, Maktabat al-Khánjí, 1969M60-171.^ Ibidem, 173-174.^' Ibidem, 174.his experiences into writing in a document which is still extant.The said ambassador described the conversation with the Mamluk sultan, who said he would turn to the Ottoman Sultan («Ibn 'Uthmán»), but was unable to wage war on the Christians of Spain himself, because of the distance between their countries.He did however promise to send arms and money.^^In the seventh chapter of the reprint of a number of his historical articles, entitled Misr al-Isldmiyya, Inan discusses the historical attempts of Egypt to «save al-Andalus».^^On the authority of the Egyptian historian Ibn lyyas, he relates how an Andalusian delegation arrived in Egypt at the end of 892 (november 1487) with a letter urging the Mamluk Sultan to fight the Europeans who threatened to conquer Granada.^^The Sultan decided to send to the priests of al-Qumama in Jerusalem ordering them to send one of their high-ranking priests with a letter to the King of Naples, urging him to write to the Lord of Seville, exhorting him to leave the inhabitants of Granada in peace and withdraw from there.Should he not comply with this request, the Sultan would interfere with the people of al-Qumama, arrest their leaders, prohibit all the groups of the Europeans from entering al-Qumama, and destroy it.This mission took place, but yielded no result.^®P. S. VAN KONENGSVELD -G. A. WiEGERS AQ. XX, 1999 What the Mamluk Sultan did do was to send a delegation to the Pope and the Kings of various Christian nations.This delegation consisted of two Christian ambassadors (Franciscan monks), one of whom was Antonio Mian, abbot of the Monastery of St. Francis in Jerusalem.The Pope in question was Innocent VIII, the sovereigns were Ferdinand I of Naples and Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabel of Castile.The Sultan of Egypt criticized the Christian kings for what happened in the Kingdom of Granada, comparing the fate of the Muslims of Granada with the rights and protection enjoyed by the Christians in Egypt and Jerusalem.He demanded the ending of hostilities and the return of conquered territories.He insisted that the Pope and the King of Naples should intervene with Ferdinand and Isabel.If not, he would be obliged to retaliate against the Christians of his empire, attacking the leading monks in Jerusalem and prohibiting all Christians from entering the Holy Land, and even resort to destroying the grave of Christ itself and all the monasteries, places of worship, and holy Christian monuments.^* The embassy arrived in Spain in the autumn of 1489/894, They met King Ferdinand among the Christian army in front of the walls of the city of Baza (Basta), during its siege, handing him the letters of the Mamluk Sultan, the Pope, and the King of Naples.They also met Queen Isabel in Jaén.Both the King and the Queen gave them a friendly and welcoming reception, but they refused to change their policies towards the Muslims of Granada.They answered the Mamluk Sultan politely, saying that they did not make any distinction in the treatment of their Muslim and Christian subjects, but they could no longer endure to allow the land of their forefathers to remain in the hands of foreigners.With this unsatisfactory answer, the two priests returned to Egypt.Inan assumes that this marked the end of the Mamluk involvement in the affairs of Granada.^^As we have seen, this was not the case.Some European sources, however, say that the Ottoman Sultan Bâyazîd n and the Mamluk Sultan al-Ashraf Qâyitbây of Egypt temporarily agreed to stop their wars in order to save al-Andalus.For this purpose, they designed a common strategy, viz.that Bâyazîd II would send a strong force against Sicily in order to keep Ferdinand and Isabel busy there, while at the same time important military detachments from Egypt and Ifriqiya would cross over to Spain to help the Andalusian warriorsJ^ Inàn is not convinced of the veracity of this report, because of the rift existing between the Ottomans and the Mamluks at that time.In view of its internal weakness and its fear of attacks by the Turks, Mamluk Egypt in fact would have been unable to send troops to Spain.^"*In spite of an article of 1975, in which Temimi stated that the Granadans sent an embassy to Istanbul in 882/1477, on the basis of the extant Ottoman-Turkish sources the Saudi scholar al-HamM concluded that it seems that the Ottoman Sultan Bàyazîd II (886-918) was the first Ottoman Sultan to have received a call for help from the Iberian Peninsula.^^He distinguishes two Andalusian embassies: the first in 891/1486, from Abu ' Abd Allah Muhammad al-Saghïr, which resulted in the sending of a fleet under the command of Kamàl Ra'îs in 1487 which attacked the coasts of Aragon.According to some Ottoman sources the Ottoman Sultan undertook several diplomatic initiatives as well, such as the sending of ambassadors to the Pope in order to exert pressure on the Castilian and Aragonese Kings to end the siege of Granada, threatening to retaliate.The second «embassy» is represented by the qasïda discussed in the present article.However, M. Meyerson draws the attention to reports which reached Ferdinand of Aragon about a Mudejar embassy to the Ottoman court in 1487, consisting of an inhabitant of Játiva and one of Paterna.According to Meyerson they were to inform the Ottoman Sultan that if they were to attack Valencia, 200,000 well-armed Muslims would inmiediately rise against the Christian rulers and come to their aid.It is unclear whether Ferdinand attached any value to these reports, or whether he undertook any actions.^^Verse 84 of the Ottoman version (lacking in the Mamluk version) mentions an Egyptian delegation which arrived in Spain «to inform the Spanish monarchs Fernando and Isabel that if they forced the Mudejars to convert to Christianity, the Mamluk Sultan would retaliate by persecuting the Christians of his reahn» (Monroe).
Mármol says that such a delegation came to Spain^^ following actions undertaken by the rebellious Mudejars of Granada.At that time, he tells us, the In the following section we depart from the assumption that the order in which the events are discussed in both versions of the poems faithfully reflects the order of the historical events.If this is accepted, there can be no doubt that the Mamluk version is the original one.It can probably be dated after the arrival of a letter from the Mamluk Sultan, mentioned in verses 82-83 of the Ottoman version, and in verse 61-62 of the Mamluk version in exactly the same words, and before the arrival of an Egyptian delegation (verse 84 of the Ottoman version, but lacking in the Mamluk version).This implies that the poem was written in reaction to the negative response given by the Catholic Kings.
Another difference between the Mamluk and the Ottoman version confirms this dating.It is the absence in the former of references to atrocities which had occurred between early 1500 (Huéjar) and Málaga (early 1501).This absence can be explained by assuming that the poem was written during or very shortly after the defeat of Huéjar.This last dating is made even more likely by the absence of references to a more or less established repression of Islam, as we find it in the Ottoman version.The familiarity of the author with these diplomatic affairs and his style suggests that he was a Mudejar of high standing.It seems likely therefore that we have to look for the author in circles of Granadan Muslims who had belonged to the ruling class and, having accepted Christian rule, decided to accept administrative responsability.Likely candidates are, for example, several members of the al-Baqannî family (el Pequeñí in the Christian sources), some of whom had first emigrated with Ibn al-Azraq to North Africa, but had returned and become members of the ruling Mudejar class.^*The Ottoman version must date from after early 1501, but probably from before the general conversion edict of July 1501, which is not mentioned at all in the qasUa}^ This made the sending of this particular qasMa superfluous.Baptism of the complete Granadan Muslim population was a fact, emigration only possible when undertaken secretly.
Monroe (p.283) states: «A large part of the poem is devoted to a complaint that the Moriscos were being compelled to choose between conversion or expulsion from Spanish soil, leaving their property behind them (...)».^^ Strangely enough, this idea is not expressed in any verse of the poem.Indubitably, both versions formulate a request for free emigration to North Africa, if the freedom of religion, guaranteed by (1966), 281-303.The shorter version proves that there had been another, similar appeal for help by the Moriscos which was directed, not to the Ottoman court, but to the Mamluk Sultan in Cairo.A close examination of the MamlQkïand the Ottoman versions shows that the shorter version, directed to the Mamluk Sultan, was the original one.
The present article contains (I) a comparative analysis of the Mamluk and the Ottoman versions of the qasiJda, (II) a sketch of the wider historical framework of the international relations between the Christian and Muslim kingdoms of Spain on the one hand, and the Mamluk and Ottoman empire on the other hand, and (III) a discussion of the date of both versions of the qasîda (in the beginning of 1500 and first half of 1501, respectively) and of its authorship.It seems likely that the we have to look for the author of the qasîda in circles of Granadan Muslims who had belonged to the ruling class and, having accepted Christian rule, decided to accept administrative responsibility, such as for example several members of the al-Baqannî family (el Pequeñí in the Christian sources), some of whom who had first emigrated with Ibn al-Azraq to North Afiica, but had returned and became members of the ruling Mudejar class.

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Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento 4.0 Internacional (CC BY 4.0) http://al-qantara.revistas.csic.esAQ.XX, 1999 AN APPEAL OF THE MORISCOS 165 Azhdr al-Riydd, the words khayru l-bariyya are read as khayra khalfañ, whereas the words akhassu bihi are read as ukhissu bihi, with the result that the poet immediately addresses the (Ottoman) Caliph: «A noble, enduring, ever-renewed peace do I attribute exclusively to His Highness the best of Caliphs» (Monroe).In our view, an emendation of the text edited by Monroe is possible which might approach more closely the original spirit of the poem, viz. the reading of khayru khaliqa («the Best of Creatures»), merely a synonym for khayru 'l-bariyya.In this case, also the Ottoman version duly pays homage to the Prophet in the first line.^^1.3The poetical invocation of the Mamluk versionIn the Mamluk version, the Mamluk Sultan is directly addressed in lines 2-11, as follows: 2 Saldmun 'aid mauldy sultdni Makka wa-sultdniddri 'l-Mustafdkhayribuq'a Greetings to my lord the Sultan of Mecca, the Sultan of the House of the Chosen One,^° the best of places! 3 Saldmun 'aid man hdza mulkuhu qubüra kirdmi 'l-rusulifîardi Ayla?^ Greetings to him whose kingship encompasses the graves of the Messengers in the country of Ayla!"" 4 Wa-hdza bildda 'l-Shdmi wa-'l-masjida lladhl bihi sakhratu 'l-mi'rdji afdali sakhra It also encompases the country of Syria and the mosque in which is the Rock of the Ascension, the best of rocks! 5 Saldmun 'aid man mulkuhu mulku Yilsuf 'alayhi saldmu 'lldhifikulli lah^a '^ The expression kimyru 'l-bariyya denoting the Prophet is used also in verses 49 of the MamlûkT and 67 of the Ottoman version.2° Medina.^^ Viz.Palestine, in which the sea-port Ayla, present-day al-Aqaba was found.Our MS reads 'bla, emended by us to Ayla.^^ Palestine.(c) Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento 4.0 Internacional (CC BY 4.0) http://al-qantara.revistas.csic.es "^ Arabic: Saláiiiin 'aid niauldy.The second line of the «MamlOkT version» has the same opening words.^^ Arabic: Saloenun 'aidman wassa'a 'lláJiu mulkaliu; these words are identical to the first half line of verse 10 of the «Mamlükí version».^° This Hne is reminiscent of line 7 of the «Mamlûkî version» (see above).^' This line is reminiscent of line 9 of the «Mamlûkî version».^^ This line is identical to line 11 of the «Mamlûkî version».(c) Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento 4.0 Internacional (CC BY 4.0) http://al-qantara.revistas.csic.esbe found in the Ottoman version only.First of all, the invocations are continued and completed with a common text (lines 12-19 of the Mamluk version; lines 9-19 of the Ottoman version).The senders of the letter containing the qasïda describe themselves as slaves living in a diaspora situation (Ar.ard ghurba ^^) in al-Andalus.The old men tear their hair with grief; the women have been compelled to give up the use of the veil.

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Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento 4.0 Internacional (CC BY 4.0) http://al-qantara.revistas.csic.esLines 19-20 of both versions state the main issue of the complaint: the Granadans have been betrayed and converted to Christianity (verse 20).This is followed by a description of the vicissitudes leading to the fall of Granada (lines 20-39 of both versions).In his passage, there are only two irregularities.First of all, line 21 of the Mamluk version corresponds to line 10 of the Ottoman version; secondly, line 38 of the Ottoman version (containing a repetition of what has already been said in the previous lines) does not figure in the Mamluk version at all.^^The first difference is what deserves our attention here, as it might help us in the dating of the two versions.The line in question reads: They are encompassed by a swelling sea of the Rum as well as a deep, gloomy and fathomless ocean.

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Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento 4.0 Internacional (CC BY 4.0) http://al-qantara.revistas.csic.esArabic books perpetrated by Cardinal Jiménez de Cisneros in 1499.' *^ This method of dealing with Arabic books became the official policy applied by the Spanish authorities (State and Church) towards the Arabic MSS in the possession of the Muslims after they had been forced to convert to Christianity.

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Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento 4.0 Internacional (CC BY 4.0) http://al-qantara.revistas.csic.esAQ.XX, 1999 AN APPEAL OF THE MORISCOS 177 89 While the faith of God's Prophet has not been extinguished among us, since in every glance our recognition of God's monotheism can be observed.90 Moreover, by God, we neither accept our change of religion nor what they say on the subject of the Trinity, 91 And if they claim that we have accepted their religion unharmed by them, 92 Then ask Huéjar^^ about its inhabitants: how they became captives and slaughterlings under [the burden] of humiliation and misfortune, 93 And ask Belefique what was the outcome of their affair: they were cut to pieces by the sword after undergoing anxiety.

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Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento 4.0 Internacional (CC BY 4.0) http://al-qantara.revistas.csic.esrestore the Muslims to their former rights.^^Arié argues that the first half of the fifteenth century marked the beginning of Andalusian efforts to solicit Mamluk aid in the struggle against the Christians in the North.A letter from Muhammad IX al'Aysar, dated 13 Jumada 845/September 1441 to the Mamluk Sultan, was handed over to Abu Sa Id Jaqmaq al-Záhir by Muhammad al-Bunyûlî, who put The poetical invocation of the Ottoman versionThe address just quoted is missing in the Ottoman version which is addressed to the Ottoman Sultan.A few passages and one complete line of the Ottoman version are also found in the Mamluk version.These passages are given in italics, in order to facilitate a critical comparison between both versions.The common corpus of the poem in both versions and the extra lines of the Ottoman version After these invocations, to the Mamluk and the Ottoman Sultan respectively, both versions continue with a common corpus, apart from the additional lines to 7 Saldmun 'aidman Ddru Misra maqîluhu wa-maskanuhu ukrima bi-[hdmin] mad ma "^ Greetings to him whose citadel and dwelling-place is the Capital of Egypt.What a noble city it is!^'* 8 Saldmun 'aid man kiswatu 'l-Bayti 'indahu lahu kulla 'dmin kiswatun ba 'da kiswa Greetings to him who provides the House^^ with its covering, a fresh one year by year.9 Saldmun 'aid man zayyana 'lldhu mulkahu wa-zayyanahu hi-'l-NUi mithla 7-'arilsa Greetings to him whose kingship was adorned by God with the Nile, like a bride 10 Saldmun 'aidman wasa'a 'lldhu mulkahu wa-a'tdhu mulkanfi-l-bihdri 'l-thaldtha Greetings to him whose kingship was expanded by God, who gave him sovereignty over the three seas^^ 11 Saldmun 'alaykum sharrafa 'lldhu qadrakum wa-zddakum mulkan 'aldkulli [millja^^ Greetings to you, may God honour your rank and ensure your sovereignty waxes over every religious community!^^ Followiog AR line 4: Saldmun * aid mauldy man ddru mulkihy Qusantina akrim bi-hd (c) Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento 4.0 Internacional (CC BY 4.0) http://al-qantara.revistas.csic.esAQ.XX, 1999 1.4 4 Greetings to him the Capital of whose realm is Constantinople.What a noble city it is!^^ 5 Greetings to him whose kingship was adorned by God with armies and subject populations of Turks !^ ' 6 Greetings to you, may God honour your rank and increase your sovereignty over every religious community!^^ 1 Peace be upon the judge and upon whomsoever of the noble, exalted men of learning resemble him!8 Peace be upon the men of religion and piety and whomsoever among the counsellors is gifted with sound judgment!1.5 to whom Cisneros had the books dealing with profane matters sent to the recently-founded University in Alcalá.^'^CfvanKoningsveld,P.S., «Andalusian-Arabic manuscripts from medieval Christian Spain.Some supplementary notes».Festgabe fur Hans-Rudolf Singer.Zum 65.Geburtstag am 6. April 1990 uberreicht von seinen Freunden undKollegen, vol.2, Frankfurt am Main etc., 1991, 811-823, esp.814.' ^^ Ladero Quesada, M. A., Los Mudejares de Castilla en tiemposde Isabel /, Valladolid, 1969,  318-319.Cf Domínguez Ortiz, A., and Vincent, B., Historia de los Moriscos.1978,20-22, 32-33(prohibition of all Arabic books of 1567).