FORMATION OF NEOLOGISMS RELATED TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC ON CROATIAN WEBSITES

The COVID-19 virus pandemic affected all spheres of human life, including the language in which new words, phrases and idioms appeared in response to the emerging situation. These new terms as a linguistic reflection of a pandemic are quickly becoming part of our daily vocabulary. Therefore, it is important to investigate which new words and expressions entered the active lexis of the Croatian language. Given that the media played a key role in informing the population about everyday events related to the pandemic, lexical innovations as a reflection of the corona virus on Croatian websites are analysed in this paper. The main source are website articles. This research analyses the words related to coronavirus pandemics from the word formation perspective. In other words, the aim is to determine the most frequent word formation patterns which are used while forming new words. The analysis focuses on word formation processes of neologisms related to the COVID-19 pandemic: prefixation, suffixation, compounding, blending, analogy formation, language borrowing and calques. The research results show that the most productive formation method is compounding with the component korona and the abbreviation COVID. Furthermore, analogy formation is frequently found, as well as numerous examples of language borrowing, especially in the form of literal calques. It is clear that the Croatian media discourse accepts and creates neologisms quickly, depending on communication needs, and thus impacts their application among the wider population and within public discourse in general. Although traditional formation methods such as affixation or compounding were confirmed, the research showed that the Croatian media discourse quickly accepts formation methods which are not typical for it. This reflects the speed of the impact which extralinguistic factors have in determining linguistic elements, resulting in the passivity of the Croatian linguistic system and its speakers when providing a suitable replacement.


Introduction
In accordance with the definition by the World Health Organization, the coronavirus disease  is an infectious disease caused by the virus SARS-CoV-2 (WHO 2020a). As it is stated by the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control, it is an acute respiratory syndrome of Coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2), which is basically the name for a new type of coronavirus, and the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) is a respiratory disease caused by this virus (ECDC 2021). In the announcement made by the Croatian National Institute for Public Health, it is stated that in December 2019 certain patients suffering from pneumonia were grouped in the City of Wuhan in China, and at the beginning of January, a new type of coronavirus (2019-nCoV), which is part of a coronavirus family just as SARS-CoV, was identified as a disease agent (HZJZ 2020). Considering that epidemics of the newly discovered virus have spread all over the world, the World Health Organization declared a condition of global pandemic on 11 March, 2020 due to the extremely fast spread of the disease and its impact on humanity (WHO 2020b). Coronavirus pandemics impacted all areas of human life, including language, as we are witnessing the formation of new words and expressions which are the consequence of a new situation. From the linguistic point of view, language changes are continuous and cannot be stopped. New expressions, which reflect the pandemic situation, quickly became a part of speech and everyday vocabulary among all social groups. However, this type of language response to the existing social circumstances is not a novelty. It is often the case that chaotic social circumstances are reflected in the language at the time of large social and historical events such as wars, financial crises, different plagues such as epidemics and pandemics, and other events which do not necessarily have a negative connotation. For example, at the beginning of the last century, the media included articles containing expressions such as španjolska gripa (Spanish flu), španjolska bolest (Spanish illness), španjola, španjolica, španjolka, 1 and španjolska influenca (Spanish influenza) as was found in the Croatian magazine entitled Hrvatska riječ (Croatian Word). It is obvious that the current coronavirus pandemic, with its global character and impact on society and consequently language, causes a similar situation. New words and expressions related to the coronavirus pandemic are being formed in many European and world languages. Therefore, linguists are gathering the new vocabulary and forming general and specialized dictionaries. Currently, the Croatian language is undergoing a boom of neologisms. Consequently, in March 2020, the Institute for Croatian Language and Linguistics published a Coronavirus Glossary in electronic format 2 containing approximately two hundred new words, whose formation and usage were motivated by the coronavirus pandemic (IHJJ 2020). This Glossary lists the words and expressions in active usage, that is the generally accepted newly coined words and expert medical terminology which became a part of everyday speech by entering media and conversational discourse. What is more, this Glossary provides a list of synonyms in Croatian which might act as a substitute for words which were taken from foreign languages, most frequently from English. For example, drive-in testing > drive-in testiranje > provozno testiranje ili patient zero > nulti pacijent > prvozaraženi. Apart from the existing pandemic which has become an inevitable part of human life, it can be stated that the modern society lives in an information and mass media culture (Gupta 2019: 96). Media have become one of the most influential developmental factors of linguistic awareness and culture of a certain linguistic group and its members. Simultaneously, media content formation significantly impacts speech and linguistic awareness of the message recipients. While doing so, it tends to deviate from the Croatian standard language norm and include different conversational forms and non-Croatian linguistic features (Sapunar Knežević and Togonal 2012: 21;33). Considering that the media has had a leading role in reporting daily pandemic-related events and news to the public, the goal of this paper is to list, describe and analyse lexical innovations in the Croatian language which are a result of the coronavirus pandemic, in the form of recorded formation patterns for words and expressions appearing in the most widely read Croatian websites, in order to determine the level and type of their realization, that is the formation and usage of the new words whose formation was motivated by the COVID-19 pandemic in Croatian, primarily its media discourse. The intention of this paper is to observe the relation between language and reality, between linguistic and extralinguistic worlds, keeping in mind that the changes in extralinguistic context project onto linguistic units and their structures, and vice versa -linguistic activity changes the extralinguistic world which might be observed as a relation of mutual dialectic permeation (Škiljan 1985: 54).

Research goal, hypotheses and methodology
As language continuously changes and develops, the most frequent changes have been recorded on the lexical level. Therefore, it is important to investigate which new words and expressions entered the active lexis of the Croatian language. Although in Croatian linguistics there already exist reflections on the topic of the impact of COVID-19 on the Croatian language (e.g. Blagus Bartolec 2020; Štrkalj Despot 2020; Mikić Čolić 2021), this research analyses words related to coronavirus pandemics on Croatian websites from the word formation perspective. In other words, the goal is to determine the most frequent word formation patterns which are used while forming new words. Word formation has two meanings in the Croatian grammatical tradition: linguistic phenomena of forming new words pursuant to the existing vocabulary, and linguistic discipline studying word formation methods, patterns and types (Babić 2002: 23). The basic formation methods are derivation and compounding. Among these, depending on the formation manner expressing formation meaning, the following formation methods can be differed: prefixal formation, suffixal formation, prefixalsuffixal formation, complex-suffixal formation, blending, complex abbreviation formation and special formation type called transformation or conversion (Barić et al. 2005: 293). This paper shall discuss word formation considering normativity, the purpose of which is to discover the formation system and, consequently, new word formation in accordance with the linguistic system (Babić 2002: 23). It has to be emphasized that neologisms as newly coined words, calques, loanwords and revived words are observed relying on the lexicographic theory which defines them as lexemes new or unknown to a language community or its part in a certain period of time (Samardžija 2002: 17). To be more exact, keeping in mind the assumption that time is the only permanent factor in determining what a neologism is (Mikić Čolić 2021: 19) and considering that we analyse words formed within a recent period of time, all the words from the studied materials shall be considered as neologisms. Media culture, as a part of the culture of public human communication, can be considered discursive since it is formed by a certain social practice (Bogdanić 2019: 3). One of the attributes of the constitutive model of media discourse is a linguistic one, or a communication code, which is used to create, express and receive certain linguistic features in the form of three paradigms: a political one focusing on political narratives in the interest of social elites; a commercial one managed by media owners and advertising companies; and a public one meeting the informative needs of message recipients by creating content as a public good (Bogdanić 2019: 6, 10). This paper shall approach media discourse via the public paradigm prism whose main goal is informativeness as regards important social processes, events and changes in the form of informative, educational and entertaining content (Jurčić 2017: 133). According to Fraiclough (1995: 20), media discourse analysis can be approached from the linguistic, sociolinguistic, conversational and semiotic points of view, and considering critical and cultural theory. Van Dijk (1988: 17) reduces media discourse to a dichotomous division at the microstructural level containing grammatical and rhetorical structures, and at the macrostructural level implying thematic and organizational structure. This paper takes the linguistic approach of studying media discourse into account, or analysis at the microstructural level, which focuses on certain grammatical structures, in this case formation patterns. The research materials included the list of neologisms whose formation was motivated by the COVID-19 pandemic and which appeared on the most widely read Croatian websites (for example,Index.hr,Jutarnji.hr,24sata.hr,Vecernji.hr,Net.hr,Dnevnik. hr,Tportal.hr,RTL.hr,Slobodnadalmacija.hr). Material selection was conditioned by the fact that, which was confirmed by the research of the 24sata website (2019) implemented by the IPSOS agency, the Internet is the media Croats most frequently use in order to obtain information and understand relevant events. What is more, Benzinović, Dabo and Šimić (2021) implemented research regarding the media habits and reporting methods used by Croatian websites during the coronavirus pandemic and established that, since the coronavirus pandemic appeared in Croatia, most respondents follow the websites which they access via social networks or by googling them on their mobile phones or computers. The most frequently stated reasons for consuming media content via websites are publication and content access speed as well as the amount of the available content. The abovementioned was confirmed by some previous research focusing on Internet journalism and Internet media content users. Prelog (2011: 209) states that three factors are responsible for websites popularity: public availability of all texts, possibility of archiving and possibility of content searching. The main sources of research were website articles. However, in certain cases, the material also included other sources of public or media discourse in the broadest sense, such as social networks and readers' comments on websites and other Internet sources (blogs, forums) as certain words and expressions started to be used among Croatian speakers and therefore, we thought they should be taken into account, especially considering the extent of their usage and formation significance. For the purpose of this research, it was decided that lexemes which are not necessarily newly coined words created during the COVID-19 pandemic shall be included as well. This refers to words which were reintroduced during the pandemic for different social or communication purposes. Such expressions were not formed for the coronavirus pandemic but started to be used and their usage frequency has increased among the population since the virus appeared. The research was focused on the following questions: 1) What are the most current neologisms which have appeared during the coronavirus pandemic in the Croatian media discourse? 2) What are the most dominant formation models for words referring to the coronavirus pandemic that are appearing in the Croatian media discourse? 3) How compliant are the neologisms with the Croatian orthographic norm?
We assume that the greatest number of new words in the Croatian language was formed using the prefixoid 3 korona and the abbreviation COVID (eng. coronavirus disease), which is in compliance with the previous research on neologisms in other languages, for example English (Al-Salman and Haider 2021), German (Klosa-Kückelhaus 2021) and Spanish (Zholobova 2021), as well as other Slavic languages, for example Bulgarian (Aleksandrova 2021), Czech and Russian (Samylicheva and Gazda 2020), Bosnian and Herzegovinian (Ilić-Plauc and Šetka-Čilić 2021) and Serbian (Nikolić, Slijepčević-Bjelivuk and Novokmet 2021) public discourse. Considering the abovementioned, it is expected that the most frequent formation method in the Croatian language shall be affixation and compounding. However, secondary formation patterns such as motal and analogy formation as well as formation methods including linguistic borrowing and calques are possible as well. As in Croatia, unlike in other European Union countries, the linguistic field of public communication is not legally defined (Sapunar Knežević and Togonal 2012: 33), and a high level of deviations in neologisms recorded on Croatian websites in relation to the orthographic norm of the Croatian Orthography by the Institute of Croatian Language and Linguistics (2013), as well as variations during website comparison, are expected.

Prefixation
The greatest number of recorded neologisms formed by prefixal formation refers 3 Formation terminology was well developed by Ana Mikić Čolić in her monograph entitled Neologizmi u hrvatskome jeziku (eng. Neologisms in the Croatian Language) (2021), on which this paper relies. to nouns, followed by adjectives and verbs. These words are most often formed by derivation from existing words, and the most frequently used prefixes are a-, anti-, ne-and pro-.
As for nouns, prefixation is considered a less productive formation method (Babić, 2002: 375). Prefixes a-, anti-and pro-are of foreign, that is Greek or Latin, origin. Prefix ne-is of Croatian origin. Their meaning in the noun formation context refers to the following (Babić, 2002: 375, 379, 548): a-(Greek 'no, without') and ne-denote a lack of meaning of the basic word, its denial or opposite anti-(Greek 'against') denotes a phenomenon which is opposite to the basic word meaning pro-(Latin 'for') denotes an assistant or a representative of a person indicated by the basic noun or a supporter of a person indicated by the basic noun. As for verbs, this prefix most frequently denotes that the action went through something. Registered nouns and adjectives containing the prefix a-are a part of expert medical terminology, such as afebrilan (afebrile), anosmija (anosmia) and asimptomatski (asymptomatic). Some of the nouns formed by prefixation can be further formed by adding the suffix -ičar denoting a person being ill or having a feature determined by the meaning of the basic noun (Babić 2002: 129). Therefore, the basic word anosmija (anosmia) formed by prefixation is transformed into the noun anosmičar (anosmic) by suffixation. Table 1 shows the examples of the usage of the words formed by prefixation. Some of the recorded nouns and adjectives containing the prefix anti-are a part of medical terminology. However, during the pandemic, they started to be used in media and conversational discourse as well: antigen (antigen), antitijelo (antibody).
One part of such words was taken over from the English language and had previously been introduced in Croatian. Such a word is also antivakser (anti-vaxxer), which refers to the opponents of vaccination in general. Nevertheless, in the context of the existing pandemic, it can be considered as a revived word since it was started to be used again and since it denotes an opponent of the vaccination against coronavirus. Analogous to this term, a newly coined word occurred in English. It refers only to the context of the coronavirus pandemic, and it denotes a person opposing the use of a medical facemask as a COVID-19 protection measure: anti-masker (anti-masker), which might be considered a loanword in the context of Croatian: antimasker. However, forms vakser and masker 4 with the suffix -er, which marks forms derived from a foreign base (Babić 2002: 359), can be found in the Croatian media discourse. Therefore, the terms antimasker and antivakser can be observed considering the formation processes referring to the Croatian language and not as a direct takeover from the English language. By prefixation or by adding the prefix ne-, a new form necjepiša (anti-vaxxer) was created as a Croatian synonym of the noun antivakser (anti-vaxxer). The two words have a similar meaning as the Croatian version semantically denotes a person who was not vaccinated. However, it does not cover the meaning referring to a person opposing the vaccination. Therefore, a possible equivalent loanword could be avakser. Indicatively, the nouns cjepiša (vaxxer) and necjepiša (anti-vaxxer) were not recorded in the Coronavirus Glossary. Considering that the noun necjepiša (antivaxxer) is stylistically marked with the suffix -ša, a stylistically neutral version was recorded that is a past participle form necijepljen (unvaccinated), which was formed by adding the prefix ne-. The infinitive verb base cijepi-was used when forming the verb containing the prefix ne-: necijepiti (to non-vaccinate) (se) as a decision made by a necjepiša (anti-vaxxer) during the pandemic. However, the Croatian prefix ne-, apart from being combined with a noun base having the meaning of a word of Croatian origin, is also combined with a base of foreign origin in the form of the past participle nevakciniran (unvaccinated), which might be observed as a synonym of the adjective necijepljen (unvaccinated), and the verbal noun nevakciniranje (nonvaccination). The prefix pro-, same as the prefix ne-, appears with the meanings of the basic word referring to vaccination, and it results in the following forms: procijepiti (to vaccinate), procijepljen (vaccinated) and procijepljenost (vaccination level). These words were a part of Croatian vocabulary even prior to the pandemic, but within medical terminology. With the pandemic, their usage became general and consequently, a part of the media discourse. Considering that the prefix pro-is of Latin origin, combining of the foreign prefix and Croatian base is obvious in these words. However, formation with a base of foreign origin can be noticed as well, for example in the noun provakser (pro-vaxxer), denoting a supporter of the vaccination against coronavirus. By adding the suffix -stvo, the noun provakserstvo (provaccination), denoting opinions held by provakseri (pro-vaxxers), was formed.

Suffixation
As for suffixal neologisms formation, a very interesting phenomenon which might be the focus of some future research can be noticed in the Croatian language. The above refers to the usage of the lexical morpheme korona 5 which is transformed into the new words such as koronac, koronarac and koronaš (all words denoting a person infected by coronavirus) by suffixal formation. What is more, secondary suffixation results in motal pair formation koronašica (female person infected by coronavirus).
The formation of the adjective koronski (corona-related) by adding the suffix -ski and the verb koronirati (to suffer from  can be noticed as well. A similar situation also refers to the abbreviation COVID which is graphically adjusted to the Croatian language in the form kovid, which has the lexical meaning different suffixes might be added to. The result are again newly coined words such as the adjective kovidan (COVID-related), the noun kovidaš (person suffering from COVID) and the verb kovidirati (to suffer from COVID). Motal pair formation of the noun kovidaš (male person suffering from COVID) by adding the suffix -ica, kovidašica (female person suffering from COVID), can be noticed too.
To sum up, to denote a person of the male gender, the suffixes -(a)c and -aš are used.
The suffix -aš is extremely productive in Croatian, and it defines something concrete: a man, an animal, a plant or a thing, but most often a male person (Babić 2002: 132). As it has a wide range of meanings, the most frequent one being 'holder of a certain feature' (Babić 2002: 133), it is no wonder that this suffix is used to form the new words koronaš (male person suffering from corona virus) and kovidaš (male person suffering from COVID) which denote a person suffering from the coronavirus disease or the COVID-19 disease.
The need for the formation of words denoting a female person by adding the suffix -ica (koronašica, kovidašica / female person suffering from corona virus or covid), which has previously been determined as productive in other forms such as antimaskerica (female anti-masker) and antivakserica (female anti-vaxxer), and expressing motal pair, speaks in favour of the distribution of the above words. The suffix -(a)c is also very productive in the Croatian language. However, it is used to form nouns which are created using noun, adjective and verb bases (Babić 2002: 79). In case of the nouns koronac and koronarac (both words denoting a person suffering from corona virus), the base component cannot be classified into the above categories and therefore, this is a specific formation. The suffix -(a)n appears when forming an adjective in the form of kovidan (COVIDrelated). It is interesting to observe that the adjective is recorded in its definite form (its indefinite form would contain the suffix -ni: kovidni (COVID-related) as well as the descriptive adjective). Furthermore, the adjective suffix -ski (koronski), which was previously recorded in other forms such as antimaskerski (anti-mask related) and antivakerski (anti-vaccination related), was confirmed as well. The suffix -ski is one of the most productive adjective suffixes, and it is added to a noun, verb, adjective and adverbial base. However, in the case of the adjective koronski (corona-related), the base component is not a part of the above categories. Therefore, this is the case of special formation, as it was with the bases suffix -(a)c which is added to when forming nouns. Suffixation is recorded when forming the two verbs koronirati (to suffer from corona virus) and kovidirati (to suffer from , and their formation model is the same because the suffix -irati is added to them, which is understandable since verbs in Croatian containing this suffix are formed from foreign bases (Babić 2002: 508). Although this suffix used to refer only to foreign basis, new literature records verbs which contain Croatian basis and the suffix -irati, such as lažirati (to falsify) (Mikić Čolić 2015: 90). As it is most commonly used to form biaspectual verbs from nouns (Buljan 2016: 161), it is considered to be a less frequently used suffix. However, as the number of foreign bases increased, due to, among other reasons, pandemics, the situation changed and it has recently become the most frequently used suffix when forming verbs containing foreign base (Mikić Čolić 2015: 90). Nouns resulting from motal formation using the suffix -ica appear as derived forms of the abovementioned nouns: antimaskerica (female anti-makser) and antivakserica (female anti-vaxxer), as well as adjectives formed by suffix -ski: antigenski (antigenrelated), antimaskerski (anti-mask related) and antivakserski (anti-vaccination related).
When forming the motal pairs antimasker -antimaskerica (male -female anti-maxer) and antivakser -antivakserica (male -female anti-vaxxer), it is interesting to notice that the female forms are formed by adding the Croatian suffix -ica, and when forming adjectives the Croatian suffix -ski can be noticed. Both are added to the suffix of foreign origin -er during secondary suffixation. The most frequently found term in public discourse denoting a person supporting vaccination against coronavirus is a word of foreign origin or loan word vakser (vaxxer). However, a term cjepiša (vaxxer), 6 as a Croatian version with the Croatian base cijepi-(< prasl. *cěpъ) and suffix -ša, was recorded in the media discourse as well. It is interesting to notice that this suffix is not very productive in the Croatian language and the noun base it is added to is mostly formed by an infinitive verb base and is stylistically marked (Babić 2002: 364-365). Therefore, the noun cjepiša (vaxxer) is formed from the infinitive verb base cijepi-in accordance with the verb cijepiti (to vaccinate). , it is considered to be a bound lexical morpheme, which we also agree with. Nevertheless, one of the most important features of bound lexical morphemes is that they cannot be independent, that is that they appear as a part of a compound. However, the component korona is becoming independent more and more often. It appears as an independent base with derivative forms such as koronaš, koronac and koronašica as we mentioned in the section on suffixation.
As far as the component korona in analogy compounds is concerned, as it was assumed, significant deviations in writing these compounds in relation to the Croatian Orthography (2013) could be noticed, as well as alternating and inconsistent writing of pandemic expressions on Croatian websites. If we observe the component coronaas a prefixoid, all its components should be written as single words, monolectic models or compounds as was recorded in the Coronavirus Glossary (2020)  As is the case in other languages, the greatest number of neologisms refers to nouns with the component korona-, and forty such neologisms were recorded for the needs of this research, which is obvious from Table 6. Just for comparison, the Coronavirus Glossary contains twenty-three terms with the component corona-. We believe that there are even more such neologisms in the public Croatian discourse and that their number shall increase if the pandemic situation continues. Analogy or analogy formation is an abbreviated formation process (Barić 1988: 47), and it presents a significant linguistic process resulting in new forms which are modelled after other, existing forms. Within this process, rules are generalized or applied to forms made according to some other rule (Marković 2013: 448). The form and the content of the basic word are not transferred directly. The new word is formed by analogy to the derivative form of the same type. Therefore, apart from the formative pattern, analogy pattern as a special type of the formative pattern should be considered as well (Barić et al. 2005: 302-303). However, usual formative patterns cannot be determined for certain compounds which are formed in accordance with foreign patters. These are formed in accordance with the analogy pattern and are therefore, analogy compounds (Barić 1980: 28). This is also the case with the socalled neoclassic compounds with a formative prefixoid or suffixoid component (Silić and Pranjković 2005: 152), or initial or final bound lexical base or bound lexical morpheme (Mikić Čolić 2014: 294) of Greek or Latin origin, as confirmed in the analysed material. For example, analogous to the noun epidemija (epidemic), new words such as infodemija (infodemia), 7 plandemija (plandemia) 8 and twindemija (twindemia) 9 were formed. The formative pattern of the word epidemija, which is a compound of Greek origin, is made in a manner that the first formative prefixoid component or initial bound lexical base (epi-) is added to the formative element (-dem), which forms the noun in the meaning of a sudden plague or contagious disease together with the suffix (-ija). Neologisms appearing in this material took over the analogy pattern of the above word by taking over the final formative elements (-dem-ija) preceded by bound (info-) or free (plan, twin) lexical bases of foreign origin. This process results in an increase in the number of compounds containing the same element and speaks in favour of the fact that the analogy formation, as an abbreviated formative process, is very productive in modern Croatian and as such, it is suitable for media discourse. As for the terms containing the abbreviation COVID, they are written as multi-word expressions in accordance with the Croatian Orthography (2013: 48), for example COVID ambulanta (COVID clinic), COVID bolnica (COVID hospital) and COVID potvrda (COVID certificate). The same refers to the following abbreviations as well -PCR (English, polymerase chain reaction) (for example, PCR test) and PCT (Slovenian, prebolevniki, cepljeni, testirani) (for example, PCT uvjet). However, this abbreviation was lexicalized (kovid) in Croatian, and it can be perceived as a prefixoid. In such cases, these forms are written as single words, for example: kovidambulanta (COVID clinic), kovidbolnica (COVID hospital), kovidpotvrda (COVID certificate). Nevertheless, a non-lexicalized form is more frequently recorded on Croatian websites. As it could be noticed in the case of the component corona, deviations from the orthographic norm and inconsistencies in writing these newly coined words were detected on Croatian websites. Consequently, the terms containing the abbreviation COVID are written as 7 Information overload primarily referring to the spread of fake news, disinformation or conspiracy theories related to coronavirus in the media, on the Internet and social networks (IHJJ 2020). 8 Conspiracy theory stating that COVID-19 is a product of global elites and serves the purpose of meeting their interest at the expense of humanity. 9 Overlap between the flu virus and COVID-19. semi-compounds (for example, COVID-bolesnik/COVID patient, covid-nomadi/COVIDnomads, covid-odjel/COVID ward) and multi-word expressions (COVID test/ COVID test, COVID redar/COVID guard). Apart from these, the abbreviation COVID is written in a partially lexicalized manner, as it can be seen in the examples Covid fašizam (COVID fascism) and covid posljedica (COVID consequence). As in the case of the component korona, when writing terms containing abbreviations, writing inconsistencies and deviations from the Croatian orthographic norm can be noticed. This confirms the initial assumption that there is orthographic chaos in the Croatian media discourse. Also, terms containing the abbreviation COVID are the second most frequent pandemic neologisms, just after terms containing the component korona. Eighteen were confirmed as can be seen in Table 7. Interestingly, the Coronavirus Glossary states just one word using the abbreviation form: COVID bolnica (COVID hospital) and two words using COVID as a prefixoid: kovidambulanta (COVID clinic) and kovidpozitivan (COVID positive), which means that this issue is challenging for linguistic circles also. As other compounds resulting from compounding, nouns and adjectives of Croatian origin were recorded as can be seen in Table 8. Blending or fusion can be defined as a type of new formation method in Croatian which results in formative or lexical blending, and which is derivatively extremely productive in the English language (Marković 2009: 229). Although the number of words formed in this manner is increasing, it has to be stated that, for the time being, only 1.6% of the total number of new words in Croatian lexis refers to blends (Mikić Čolić 2021: 207). Simultaneously, new words formed by blending can be observed as non-systematic newly coined words. Systematic newly coined words are neologisms or words formed by 'traditional' formation methods (prefixation, suffixation, prefixal-suffixal formation, complex-suffixal formation, compounding, blending and analogy formation), and nonsystematic newly coined words are a result of blending (Lewis and Štebih Golub 2014: 139). An important blending feature is that they are formed by combining and fusing unmeaningful parts of two content words (Marković 2013: 93). In Croatian, blends appear as loanwords (blog, motel, smog), Croatian forms (maspok -masovni pokret/ mass movement, znanfan -znanstvena fanstastika/science fiction) and creative newly coined words found in advertising and media discourse (kulturizam -kulturni turizam/ cultural toursim) (Marković 2009: 232-234). Although this is the case of a new type of formation, it proved to be efficient in the Croatian language, especially media discourse, which is turning into general lexis (Marković 2009: 234-235). In this research, only the example of kovidiot 10 was recorded as a pandemic-related newly coined word which can be classified as a blend. It was formed by blending the lexicalized abbreviation COVID (kovid) and noun idiot. Modern blends analysis differentiates three types of blends and emphasize those where "one part of the word is inserted into the other word which remains the same" (Mikić Čolić 2021: 265). This example could be also classified in the above defined category. In our opinion, only time will show whether blending shall be implemented in Croatian formation methods (Mikić Čolić 2021: 214). Furthermore, we think that factors generating blends -fast communication, modern technologies, advertising discourse and similar -might be a trigger for their occurrence. The analysed material also indicates that other formation methods are much more productive than blending, especially when korona and COVID components are used.

Linguistic borrowing and calques
Calques are words formed according to a foreign pattern (Turk 1993: 39). Different calque types might be differed according to the relation between formation structure pattern and calque. Most frequently, these are literal calques which faithfully copy a foreign formation model (English, health-food > Croatian, zdrava hrana). There are also partial calques which faithfully transfer one element and the other is structured according to the Croatian formation model (German, Hochofen > Croatian, visoka peć), semantic calques which are influenced by a foreign language in the sense that the word is Croatian but new meanings are attributed to it (German, Zweig > Croatian, grana meaning 'a type of activity') and semi-calques where one part is transferred directly from a foreign pattern and the other is most often literally translated (English, global village > Croatian globalno selo) (Turk and Pavletić 2002: 271;Turk 2003: 495). Apart from calques, there are also cases of the passive takeover of foreign, often nonadapted lexical solutions, especially as we are witnessing an expansion of anglicisms. Therefore, we can speak of loanwords (fast food, outfit, selfie) (Turk 2003: 496-497). The use of loanwords which are not adjusted to the Croatian language and which are taken from English, such as lockdown or shut down and fakenews, was registered on the Croatian websites during the pandemic. the expression lock down is frequently found in Croatian public discourse. However, the calque potpuno zatvaranje was registered as a Croatian equivalent as well. A literal calque lažne vijesti had already existed as an equivalent to the expression fake news. The following expressions can be classified as literal calques: superširitelj (< English, super-spreader), drivein testiranje (< English, drive-in testing), online nastava (< English, online teaching), socijalna distancija (< English, social distance), lokalna transmisija (< English, local transmission), delta soj (< English, delta strain) and omikron varijanta (< English, omicron variant). Interestingly, the Coronavirus Glossary states provozno testiranje as a Croatian equivalent to drive-in testiranje. However, this expression was not confirmed in the media discourse, and therefore, it can be concluded that it is not in active use. The following expressions appear as partial calques: imunitet krda (< English, herd immunity) and nulti pacijent (< English, patient zero), with the Croatian equivalent prvozaraženi proposed by the Coronavirus Glossary. Unlike the expression provozno testiranje, the lexeme prvozaraženi was confirmed as frequently used. This might indicate the fact that its formation is familiar to Croatian speakers, and that it is economical in relation to the two-word expression nulti pacijent. It is evident that literal calques are the most frequent ones. This speaks in favour of the influence foreign formation models have on the Croatian language. However, considering that calque expressions activate certain Croatian features, we can speak of more active engagement of the speakers, in this case speakers in media discourse, who do not passively take over foreign forms, but try to adjust them to the Croatian language.

Conclusion
Turbulent global changes have resulted in a great number of new words which have become a component part of everyday vocabulary in the Croatian language. Apart from the abovementioned, these fast linguistic changes might lead to language mixing, the introduction of foreign formation elements and their assimilation into Croatian lexis. Also, such global changes shall result in a stronger influence of foreign formation elements as "recipient language" shall not have enough time to adapt to a global problem, which is confirmed by this research as well. Most recorded prefixes (-a, -anti) are of foreign origin. Their Croatian equivalent -ne 11 is less frequently recorded. Also, there is a tendency to form suffixal derivatives from such nouns: anosmičar (anosmic) and anosmičarka (female anosmic) from anosmija (anosmia), etc. In suffixal formation, the problem arose as regards to the status of the component korona which shall definitely be discussed more thoroughly in the future. It can be noticed that all suffixes are of Croatian origin. The most productive formation method is analogy compounding with the component korona and abbreviation COVID. Inconsistencies in their orthographic adaptation are noticed despite clear guidelines. Apart from the above-stated formation methods, we need to emphasize analogy formation as it is frequently found in the research material as well as in numerous examples of language borrowing, especially in the form of literal calques. Although calques mostly refer to literal ones, it has to be pointed out that internationalisms commonly take part in them. On the one hand, this speaks in favour of the awareness of media discourse participants to the need of adapting foreign forms. On the other hand, it also speaks to the inability of the Croatian language system producing an equivalent in a timely manner and therefore, substituting the internationalism. This research opened up the question of the most recent, new neologisms in Croatian media discourse by studying one segment of their use within a certain period of time under certain circumstances, more precisely in a current situation when humanity faces the COVID-19 disease. It is clear that Croatian media discourse accepts and creates neologisms quickly, depending on communication needs and thus impacts their application among the wider population and within public discourse in general. Although traditional formation methods such as affixation or compounding were confirmed, the research showed that Croatian media discourse quickly accepts formation methods which are not typical for it. This reflects the speed of the impact which extralinguistic factors have in determining linguistic elements, resulting in the passivity of the Croatian linguistic system and its speakers when providing a suitable replacement. As for future research, materials should be expanded to other spheres of public discourse. However, the level of distribution for the recorded neologisms among the general population or within conversational discourse has to be investigated as well, in order to complete the image of so-called 'koronizmi/coronisms' or 'kovidizmi/covidisms' in the Croatian language, and in order to provide suitable guidelines for an overview of the word formation system and Croatian language word formation potential. Tables   Table 1. Neologisms with the prefix a-and their derived forms Table 2. Neologisms with the prefix anti-and their derived forms Table 3. Neologisms containing the prefix ne- Table 4. Neologisms with the prefix pro-and their derived forms Table 5. Neologisms created by suffixation Table 6. Neologisms with the component korona- Table 7. Neologisms formed using abbreviations Table 8. Neologisms formed by compounding Table 9. Neologisms formed by analogy TVORBA NEOLOGIZAMA VEZANIH ZA PANDEMIJU COVID-19 NA HRVATSKIM MREŽNIM PORTALIMA Sažetak Pandemija bolesti COVID-19 zahvatila je sve sfere ljudskoga života, uključujući jezik u kojemu su se pojavile nove riječi i izrazi kao odgovor na novonastalu situaciju. Nove su riječi nastale kao jezični odraz pandemije te su brzo postale dio našega svakodnevnog rječnika. Stoga je važno istražiti koje su nove riječi i izrazi ušli u aktivni leksik hrvatskoga jezika. S obzirom na to da su mediji imali ključnu ulogu u informiranju stanovništva o svakodnevnim događajima vezanima za pandemiju, u ovome se radu analiziraju leksičke inovacije vezane za koronavirus na hrvatskim mrežnim portalima. Glavni su izvor istraživanja članci na mrežnim portalima. Cilj je ustvrditi načine nastanka neologizama sa stajališta tvorbe riječi, stoga se analiza usmjerila na tvorbene procese neologizama povezanih s pandemijom COVID-19: prefiksaciju, sufiksaciju, slaganje, stapanje, analošku tvorbu, jezično posuđivanje i kalkove. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da je najproduktivniji način tvorbe slaganje s komponentom korona i pokratom COVID. Nadalje, često se susreće analoška tvorba, kao i mnogi primjeri jezičnoga posuđivanja, posebno u obliku doslovnih kalkova. Vidljivo je kako hrvatski medijski diskurs prihvaća i stvara neologizme velikom brzinom ovisno o komunikacijskoj potrebi utječući tako na njihovu primjenu u široj populaciji i javnome diskursu općenito. Iako su potvrđeni tradicionalni tvorbeni načini poput afiksacije i slaganja, istraživanje je pokazalo kako hrvatski medijski diskurs brzo prihvaća i tvorbena rješenja koja mu nisu izvorno svojstvena iz čega se očituje rapidnost utjecaja izvanjezičnih čimbenika koji determiniraju upliv inojezičnih elemenata, što rezultira pasivnošću hrvatskoga jezičnog sustava i njegovih govornika pri pružanju adekvatne zamjene.