Language contacts between Pomors and Norwegians during expeditions to Svalbard in the second half of the 18th — first half of the 19th centuries

. Svalbard, despite its remoteness from the mainland and traditional routes of communication, is an Arctic territory that has been attracting the attention of various countries and peoples for several centuries. In the 18th — first half of the 19th century, the archipelago was actively developed by Pomors, engaged in mammal hunting there. In the 19th century, Norwegians revealed their economic interest in Svalbard. Historical studies have repeatedly examined the cases of contacts between Pomors and Norwegians during mammal hunting expeditions to Svalbard, but none of the authors have studied the language contacts between Pomors and Norwegians during the development of Svalbard. The authors used an interdis-ciplinary approach and analyzed documentary and literary sources to formulate a hypothesis about the practice of Pomor-Norwegian contacts, incl. those in Russenorsk. The study presents a new issue for scientific discussions by both historians and linguists, which can serve as a basis for the development of international cooperation between Norway and Russia.


Introduction
The history of the development of Svalbard is a multifaceted topic that allows us to study such processes and phenomena as the folding and development of international relations in the use of Arctic natural resources [ In historical documents and studies of Russian and foreign authors, cases of contacts between Pomors and Norwegians during mammal hunting expeditions to Svalbard in the second half of the 18th -first half of the 19th century were repeatedly mentioned. Most of the researchers only found such contacts, because they did not aim to study the interaction of Pomors and Norwegians during these expeditions. E.g., M. Conway [5, pp. 273-274] and T.B. Arlov [6, pp. 147, 150] prepared extensive monographs on the history of the development of Spitsbergen as a whole, and A.F. Shidlovsky [7] and V.Yu. Wiese [8, pp. 44, 56, 62]  mation about Pomor-Norwegian contacts. More detailed information on the participation of Pomors in Norwegian expeditions of the early 19th century is in the report of O. Lønø [9] and J.P.
Nielsen [10], who provide some actual details of mammal hunting. However, none of the authors, except J.P. Nielsen did not think about the problem of communication between Pomors and Norwegians about the language in which these contacts were made. This issue is important in the context, firstly, of revealing the peculiarities of the development of Pomor-Norwegian relations, also during the development of Svalbard, and secondly, of studying Russenorsk as a language that appeared and developed just that time. In "Russland kommer naermere. Norge og Russland 1814-1917" J.P. Nielsen suggests that industrialists used Russenorsk but wrote that there was no documented evidence of this [11,Russland kommer

Evidence of Pomor-Norwegian contacts during mammal hunting expeditions to Svalbard
The connections of Pomors and Norwegians during mammal hunting expeditions to Svalbardhave been known since the middle of the 18th century. One of such short contacts in 1744 was reported by T. Hultgren [12, p. 197]. She found in the border inspection protocols a message from the Norwegian major Peter Schnitler about a meeting in Talvik (Alta) with a Russian feedman from Arkhangelsk, who had wintered here with his team in anticipation of a "good wind" to Svalbard. The feedman also told the Norwegian that the crew of a Russian vessel usually consisted of 10 people.
M.V. Lomonosov was also aware of the beginning of Pomor-Norwegian relations. In 1764, he was preparing the arctic expedition of V.Ya. Chichagov learned from the entrepreneur Amos Kornilov that Pomor ships often perish on the way to Svalbard or on the way back, and some escaped by leaving small vessels in Norway [13,Perevalov V.A.,p. 244]. Documents about a similar case were published in a study by Bryzgalov V.V., Ovsyannikov O.V., Yasinski M.E. [14, pp. 31-32].
In 1759, two Pomor vessels on the way to Svalbard were ice-covered, but people were saved in small carbases, they took with them for mammal hunting. Winds threw them on the uninhabited island of Kamen in Finnmark. The Norwegian Andreas Peterson came there to mow hay, and once, he found 15 people on the island. Only four of them could still walk. Peterson brought them to Hammerfest, from where local pastor Klaus Christian Kilstrup and merchant Peter Burch organized a rescue expedition and brought the survivors who were starving to death in Hammerfest. After 14 days, the Russians recovered, and they were given a ship on which they were able to return home and which they promised to return. Later, there was a problem with the compensation of losses of the Norwegians, as the ship wasn't returned. But relations were settled when Russian merchants who hired industrialists agreed to pay for the ship and compensate for other costs when they received news of the amount of debt.
Another meeting between the Norwegians and the Pomors who stopped on the way to Svalbard marked the beginning of joint Russian-Norwegian crafts in the archipelago. In 1778-1779, in Hammerfest, the watchman Filat Semyonov spent the winter with the ship and his crew, who was going to Svalbard next summer. Norwegian merchant Peter Christian Buck agreed with him that F. Semyonov would take Buck's son, Edward, and another 4 Norwegians with him. On May 23, 1779, the "Morzh" sailed from Hammerfest, but when it reached the Bear Island, it got stuck in the ice and was forced to return to Vardø. On the way, Edward Buck fell ill and died in The wintering result was not so significant, especially considering the dead team members, so that many people who wanted to follow the example of the Buck company appeared. In addition, the unknown was stopped by the conditions and techniques of mammal hunting, the lack of information about the places of permanent habitat of marine animals in the vicinity of the archipelago, additional confirmation of the profitability of risky Arctic navigation was required. This gradually became known during constant communication with Russian feedmen and mammal hunters.
According to Norwegian sources, the Norwegian regular voyages to Svalbard began in announcing that the rest of the team had died during the mammal hunting on Svalbard. During the investigation, it turned out that, after killing the feedman and leaving the two hunters on the island, the criminals, captured the ship, went to Norway, threw three more people overboard along the road. In Berlevog, they sold Gvozdarev's property, and got drunk on the proceeds and strangled of another member of the crew. The remaining three members returned home 5 .
Another tragedy occurred in 1851 with an expedition to the ship "St. Nikolai" went from Arkhangelsk with a feeder Vasily Kalinin to the archipelago. 12 of the 18 members of his expedition died from scurvy. The survivors could not sail away from the island since the bay was chained with ice. On July 3, Norwegians, also engaged in mammal hunting, accidentally went to the Pomors, and promised help. Two days later, there were 9 Norwegians in the camp of Pomors. Together with them, retaining the ability to move 3 Russians were able to cut a path for the ship in ice. On July 12, 6 Pomors, with the help of 4 Norwegians, set off and arrived on July 23 in Hammer-fest. "St. Nikolai "stayed there for the winter, and the surviving crew members on different vessels went to their places of residence 6 .
Documentary materials and ethnographic essays show that the Pomors on Svalbard always went with several stops, one of which could be in Norway (e.g., in Vardø). There they waited for the weather favorable for sailing, waited for the storm, drank, spending the money received in the deposit 7 . A stop at a Norwegian port could last from a few days to several weeks. The return route of the mammal hunters could also pass through a Norwegian settlement. In it, the feedman could sell the prey or part of it: "All these peasants: entrepreneurs and lazy people, arrows and inept keep money in the pocket of the feedman until they come to some Vargaev. There they, according to them, "will harden", that is, they will renew their orgies again, as long as they walk, until the Norwegians forcefully drag them into the boat at the intensified requests of the feedman" 8

Norwegian-Russian trading language
The Norwegian-Russian trading language (Russenorsk) appeared as a result of the development of the maritime-Norwegian exchange trade, which originated in the Middle Ages. But after the 16th century, free trade in Finnmark was banned, and the monopoly on its administration In Northern Norway, this language was called "moja-på-tvoja" or "kakspreck" (as you say).
M.M. Prishvin, who visited Hammerfest in 1907, was incredibly surprised to hear the conversation of the Pomors with a local girl in some strange language in which the writer recognized English, Russian, and German words. Pomors reached an agreement with a girl in this language about accommodation in a Norwegian house, where he came with a writer. Next M.M. Prishvin writes that this is "a special Russian-Norwegian volapuk, simply called there: "moja-på-tvoja" 10 .
With the development of Pomor-Norwegian trade, the advent of legislatively fixed privileges of its participants and the extension of these privileges to new sea settlements, the number of ships coming from the Arkhangelsk province to Norway increased. The largest number of them traditionally went from Arkhangelsk, Onega, Kola, Kemi and Sumckiy Posad, although residents of Mezen, Shuya, Soroki and other settlements were also engaged in trade. As follows from the surviving sources of the late 19th -early 20th century, Russenorsk was known to traders, fishermen, customs officers, Russian consuls from the Norwegians, who sometimes acted as arbitrators in trade disputes between Russians and Norwegians. However, it should be noted that already in the middle of the 19th century on the Norwegian side, only fishermen and their families spoke Russenorsk, in their work pidgin was used when necessary by consuls and customs officers. Wholesalers began to learn the Russian language and began to perceive Russenorsk as a primitive language, unworthy of use. Slowly, too, they began to study and teach their sons the Norwegian language, e.g., in the Kem skipper school.

Linguistic communication between Pomors and Norwegians during mammal hunting expeditions to Svalbard: hypothesis and conclusions
First of all, I would like to draw attention to the fact that communication between Russian mammal hunters and Norwegians took place: a) in the territory of the Norwegian settlements, Pomor vessels visited on the way to and from Svalbard, b) on the archipelago during the trades.
In the case when Pomor expeditions, following the established tradition, wintered in Norway in order to start mammal hunting as early as possible in the spring, their participants had to either master Russenorsk or gradually learn the necessary number of Norwegian words for communication. As S.V. Maximov wrote from the words of Pomor, "Before you do not speak with him in any other language, to shout their words: get the hell out of you" 12 . Given the fact that Pomors, speaking in Russenorsk, perceived it as Norwegian, this means that the mammal hunters really should have been in the 18th -first half of the 19th centuries. Use either Russenorsk or Norwegian.
The crews of Russian vessels staying in Norway for a short time hardly knew Norwegian and did not have to learn it. But since they needed to buy or sell something in Norway, it is quite possible that among the members of the crew, there were people who had knowledge of Russenorsk.
The way to Norway from Arkhangelsk and from Svalbard was known not only by the feedmen, but by all means someone else from the team in case of the death of the feedman, i.e. these were the Pomors who had the experience of sailing in Norway, and consequently, the experience of communication (most likely, in Russenorsk). Sometimes mammal hunting expeditions were attended by feedmen who had previously been engaged in trade with Northern Norway. So, e.g., Ivan Gvozdarev, who died in 1851 on Svalbard in 1827, participated in trade with Norway and was detained for trying to import wine, rum, and chintz from Norway 13 . His father, Yakov Gvozdarev, also traveled on business to northern Norway.
During the hunting campaign on the Svalbard, the contacts between the Pomors and the Norwegians were short-term, most often they were caused by emergency. Under these conditions, it was possible to ask for help or explain the disastrous situation, knowing Russenorsk, although in extreme cases gestures could also be used. Russian consuls could also help the rescued Pomors after arriving in Norway, incl. with the execution of any documents and with the solution of other important issues.
In Pomor expeditions going to Svalbard, the main thing was the feedman. He knew the route and places of camps on the archipelago, controlled the ship, the organizer of the expedition entrusted him with equipment and supplies. It was the feeder on behalf of the merchant who could sell the production in Norway on the way back. In addition to the feeder, the crews included experienced hunters and harpooners, as well as ordinary workers, novices and laymen recruited from peasants, retired soldiers, and burghers. Consequently, only the feedman needed to be fluent in the Russenorsk or Norwegian language and, as mentioned earlier, someone else from the team, just in case. The crew could include a half-feedman, who helped the feedman and adopted his knowledge and skills. E.g., Vasily Kalinin, who went in 1851 as a feedman to Svalbard went there as a half-feedman.
Feeders and half-feeders were most often from the settlements that actively participated in the Pomor-Norwegian trade -Kemi, Onega, Arkhangelsk, Mezen. They had the opportunity to learn Russenorsk, if not in their families, then in their midst, learning the art of navigation and gaining experience in going to Norway and talking there with merchants and fishermen. Thus, we can conclude that in the composition of the Pomor mammal hunting expeditions there were always at least two people who knew Russenorsk or could communicate in Norwegian.
Hunters and harpooners, who did not have experience in joint crafts with the Norwegians, and ordinary workers in Russenor or in another foreign language did not speak and, at best, could know some words or phrases. Norwegian crews were formed in the same way. Vessels departed from Hammerfest and Tromsø -centers of Pomor-Norwegian trade, where fishermen and merchants knew Russenorsk. On the eve of the expedition, the skippers tried to get information about mammal hunting from the Pomors in Norway. The remaining crew members, whose families had never been engaged in trading with Pomors, did not know Russenorsk. Russenorsk was a trading language, lexically limited, but, as sources show, it could be used not only for concluding trade transactions. Consequently, on Svalbard language contacts were made, most likely, through Norwegian skippers, Pomor feed and half feed. Communication took place in Russenorsk or colloquial Norwegian.
The study of international linguistic contacts during expeditions to Svalbard involves further searches for sources, primarily Norwegian, which would contain information about the presence of Pomors in Northern Norway on the way to Svalbard or on the way back, which can help in determining the language on which communication took place and on the archipelago. Similar information should also be sought among the customs and court documents and office records of local authorities both from the Russian and the Norwegian side. Studying the language of Pomor-Norwegian contacts during the development of Svalbard in the second half of the 18th -the first half of the 19th century we can expand the understanding of Russenorsk and reveal new details of both the history of Russian-Norwegian relations, and the process of developing Svalbard.