The Cult of Old Believers’ Domestic Icons and the Beginning of Old Belief in Russia in the 17th-18th Centuries

The aim of this paper is to present the cult of icons in the Old Believer communities from the perspective of private devotion. For the Old Believers, from the beginning of the movement, in the middle of the 17th century, icons were at the center of their religious life. They were also at the center of religious conflict between Muscovite Patriarch Nikon, who initiated the reforms of the Russian Orthodox Church, and the Old Believers and their proponent, archpriest Avvakum Petrov. Some sources and documents from the 16th and 18th centuries make it possible to analyze the reasons for the popularity of small-sized icons among priested (popovtsy) and priestless (bespopovtsy) Old Believers, not only in their private houses but also in their prayer houses (molennas). The article also shows the role of domestic icons from the middle of the 17th century as a material foundation of the identity of the Old Believers movement.


Introduction
When I visited an Old Believers' prayer house i.e., molenna for the first time I was amazed by the uncommon organization of the space. It was in 1997, in Vidzy-a village in northwestern Belarus (Sulikowska 1998, pp. 43-45) inhabited by a multiethnic and multicultural community, a large part of which was a group of Old Believers 1 . They belonged to a faction of priestless Old Believers (bespopovtsy), thus in their prayer house there was no division into the nave and the presbytery, which is typical for the Eastern rite. Without the clergy, bespopovtsy do not perform the Eucharistic liturgy (the liturgy of the faithful) and in their molenna there is no altar, and no barrier separating the sanctuary from the nave. However, Old Believers used the word "the iconostasis" to denote several rows of icons that were placed on the molenna's eastern wall (Iwaniec 1977, p. 150). Therefore, the iconostasis in molenna of priestless Old Believers does not have its usual function and it does not correspond to the Orthodox Church canonical order. Icons are placed also on a so-called altar in the eastern part of the space and on the small partitions in front of it (barriers of kliros) (Figure 1). The Old Believers' prayer houses, just like other Eastern churches, are always full of icons but most of them are domestic icons, i.e., icons of relatively small size and of specific iconography with a definite predominance of images of the Mother of God, Christ, and angels or saints, especially St. Nicholas the Miracle Worker. Such icons were the 1 Old Believers (Russian: стaрooбрядцы, стaрoверы) are supporters of a religious movement that began in the mid-17th century as a result of opposition to reforms initiated by Patriarch Nikon (1652)(1653)(1654)(1655)(1656)(1657)(1658)(1659)(1660)(1661)(1662)(1663)(1664)(1665)(1666). The Old Believers rejected the new customs and preserved the old rite, being conservative in both doctrine, including art and aesthetic tastes, and morality. In the 17th and 18th centuries Old Believers divided into different groups, so called soglasiia, tolki (сoглaсия, тoлки). Persecuted by both the Orthodox Church and the state, Old Believer communites migrated to various parts of the world. le bowing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the be lasting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these mention brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe nij 1875, p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightforward owever, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and worship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church ikon was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined roach to their private icons. umed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for hened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. e symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This om the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting hurch was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the rch in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th alogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in es. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious vitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova rding to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their 5, pp. 76-77; Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of s very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to ers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are urtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their LDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier unt of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the vate icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" . 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons vino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" . 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their m in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, , sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, tie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not t (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the r and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to n, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion хъ лицъ". ъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на ществу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и шают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и иoтлучилиoт Церкви и т Religions 2019, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 17 because the people bowing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the custom proved to be lasting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these practices, as they mention brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightforward interpretations. However, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and private spheres of worship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church from the time of Nikon was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined by the faithful approach to their private icons.
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping t some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the oppos that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these do Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental fami surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and eve century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting dom their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigne Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to t practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private ic 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in e house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconos homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom t domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after th covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 12 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, th removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Musco (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, h with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross o (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] h profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintain Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("un swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: " find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a s take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receiv 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".

5
Streltsy were the units of firearm infantry. 6 "У всякaгo въ дoм EVIEW 8 of 17 g to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the ng. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe , p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightforward they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and , which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church as to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined their private icons. at the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for eir sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction rch itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. ls of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This uestion of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting as reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the fficial Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that urches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious 2, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their -77; Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of rge. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang dorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to ont of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are or the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their 85, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier ntonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the s: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons iced not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" t also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with " (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, opa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, or their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not ou are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the ver the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to or forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion . у християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со вѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и авѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и им ER REVIEW 8 of 17 wing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the asting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these tion brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe 875, p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightforward ver, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and ship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church n was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined ch to their private icons. d that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for d their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. mbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This he question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting h was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th y in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in his could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova g to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian ast a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their . 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of ry large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang es, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are in for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites ages and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" ). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" ), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with hing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were ont of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, ual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, rotopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, on, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not ), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the d cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and ece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to ray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion цъ". кому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на тву ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и т, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и ется безчисленнoе мнoжествo икoнъ, укрaшенныхъ зoлoтoмъ, серебрoмъ и дрaгoц Religions 2019, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW because the people bowing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. custom proved to be lasting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the conti practices, as they mention brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to chu sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape str interpretations. However, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between th private spheres of worship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the o from the time of Nikon was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which wa by the faithful approach to their private icons.
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping t some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the oppos that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these do Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental fami surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icon house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and ev century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting dom their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreign Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to t practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private ic 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in e house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole icono homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all th by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after th covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 12 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, th removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Musco (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, h with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross o (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] h profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintain Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("u swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…) the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receiv 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these dome Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family v surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also wo that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons be house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domes their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to thei practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in eve house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostas homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the ro by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which can be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the s covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, co importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the M removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovit (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on h (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could ch meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fea unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in f icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a sma take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Th the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive co 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".

13
"В дому своемъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы на иконахъ, по существу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшени светилники, въ них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славослови по пѣнии погашают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочини брежения". рa ихъ къ икoнaмъ весмa велики". g to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the ng. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe , p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightforward they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and , which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church as to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined their private icons. at the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for eir sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction rch itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. ls of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This uestion of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting as reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the fficial Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that urches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious 2, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their -77; Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of rge. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang dorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to ront of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are or the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their 85, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier ntonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the s: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons iced not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" t also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with " (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, opa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, or their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not ou are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the ver the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion . у християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со вѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и авѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и есть икoнoстaсъ съoбрaзaми, и не тoлькo внутри, нo и снaружи нaдъ дверью, дaже нaдъ дверью л 8 of 17 eir icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these cons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe ). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightforward eem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church troduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined rivate icons. bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for ed status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction lf gains something though the presence of these domestic icons.
old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting ctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the rthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th actice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in e due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that very often and that private devotion was central to their religious ), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova troy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian cons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their usova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of mostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang g them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the ile we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites t up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons t only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with evino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their ntions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were . The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, ations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, vakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and ody of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to iveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion иянину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со ред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и стницы ибo тaкoвъoбычaй у мoсквитoвъ, чтo oни вешaютъ икoны нa вс Religions 2019, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 17 because the people bowing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the custom proved to be lasting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these practices, as they mention brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightforward interpretations. However, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and private spheres of worship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church from the time of Nikon was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined by the faithful approach to their private icons.
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".
Religions 2019, 10, 574 6 of 17 statement On the Holy Icons he criticized "Western" icons and their sensual character. According to Avvakum, in the new icons the Savior is "painted with the plump face, red lips, curly hair, fat arms and muscles, thick fingers and likewise the legs with thick hips, and altogether [they] make him look like a German, bigbellied and fat" (Pustozerskaja proza 1989, p. 101;cf. Andreyev 1961, p. 43). Avvakum called such images "heretical" or "pagan", denying "old tradition" (Pustozerskaja proza 1989, pp. 101-2; cf. Crummey 1970, p. 13) and deemed them unworthy of devotion and ritual bows. In some sense, his views were similar to those of Nikon. Both of them objected to the icons of the Western manner and "German tradition" (Pustozerskaja proza 1989, p. 103). In the middle of the 17th century both Nikon and Avvakum were opposed to the new trends in contemporary Orthodox painting and were not interested in "beauty" of the icons but in their "truthfulness" (Andreyev 1961, pp. 37-38). In his homily On the Holy Icons, Avvakum commands that such icons be ignored: "better pray to heaven or to the East, but do not pray in the front of the icons like that" 8 (Pustozerskaja proza 1989, p. 103). However, for Avvakum and other Old Believers, destruction of images was unacceptable. After the events of 1655, when Nikon authorized the destruction of icons, a large number of Moscow's citizens, and in particular the Old Believers, began to think that he was behaving like an iconoclast. It is noteworthy that Nikon's actions had been directed against domestic icons, which became "martyrs" of his reforms, even if they were far from the Orthodox canon. Owing to the enormous importance of icons for the Russians, their "martyrdom" contributed to the increase of aversion to Nikon's reforms and ideas.
As early as the end of the 17th century, there were two factions of the Old Believers: those who recognized priests (popovtsy), and those who became priestless (bespopovtsy) with subsequent divisions occurring over time (Zenkovskij 1995, pp. 424-85). The icons of different groups varied from each other, sometimes in a very significant way. Icons of bespopovtsy from the North of Russia or present-day territories of Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland are more traditional, archaic and "ascetic" and icons of popovtsy, both from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Vetka) and the Urals are more innovative, lighter-toned and decorative, and sometimes even based on Western prints. Despite these differences the attitude to the icons among all the Old Believers remained the same, as well as writings about icons read by different factions of the faithful. Old Believer sources, Diakonovy otvety (Diakon's Answers: ОтветыAлексaндрa диaкoнa нa Керженце, 1719 ( Figure 4) and Pomorskye otvety (The Pomorian Answers: Ответы пустыннoжителей нa вoпрoсы иерoмoнaхa Неoфитa, 1723), the most important texts of the Old Belief, which can be understood as their "declarations of faith", contain fragments about icons and their veneration (Staroobrjadčestvo 1996, pp. 87, 228-29;Sulikowska 2004, p. 36), but do not define precisely either an "Old Believer icon" or "Nikonian icon". Diakonovy otvety contains some brief notes about icons and listed examples worthy of veneration, namely those "painted by Apostle Lucas" (Mother of God of Vladimir and of Tikhvin) and others, on which the monogram of Christ had a form: IC XC (Otvety Aleksandra 1906, p. 86). The text criticized "new kinds of icons", based on "Latin patterns" (Otvety Aleksandra 1906, p. 88), as sensual and indecent, because they showed holy women without headscarves and with tanned hair (Otvety Aleksandra 1906, p. 89). The more extensive chapter On the Holy Icons from Pomoskie otvety opens with a critique of novelties introduced into icon painting by Patriarch Nikon. According to the source "Nikon changed icon painting", which was previously protected by the Orthodox Church (Pomorskye otvety 1911, p. 340). It contains references to acts of the Moscow Council of a Hundred Chapters (1551) and much older sources, such as the acts of the council in Trullo, the writings of Simeon of Thessaloniki, as well as more recent accounts-the writings of Patriarch Joakhim. They all recommend painters to refer to "old good models" (Pomorskye otvety 1911, pp. 341-42;Sulikowska 2004, p. 36). Neither Diakonovy otvety nor Pomoskie otvety make a distinction between private icons and those belonging to the community.

Domestic Icons in the Space of the Church
In June 1657 tsar Aleksey Mikhailovitch decided to establish a special committee to deal with the issue of domestic icons (Kämpfer 1982). However, this also concerned private icons 9 that, for various reasons, were placed in churches (Kotkov 1974, p. 296). At the time, the icons were increasingly taken from the churches to houses 10 on a massive scale (Kotkov 1974, p. 309), but they were often later they were restored to their original location. Sometimes icons were taken from the church to the house for a special occasion and then they were given away. It also happened that metal covers were taken from these icons by people from the lower classes (Kotkov 1974, pp. 302-3;cf. Kämpfer 1982). The anxiety of the authorities rose. Those who were interrogated could not or did not want to say what the purpose of these actions was and whether someone was urging them to do so 11 (Kotkov 1974, pp. 309, 311;cf. Kämpfer 1982). The investigation focused on private icons and, despite the ambiguities of the events, it seems that all these actions were related to Nikon's reforms. Already in 1655, a similar controversy had arisen, when Patriarch Nikon ordered that private icons be removed from the western walls of churches. People brought them to the church and prayed to them, addressed them, and placed them on the western wall, not towards the iconostasis (Dąb-Kalinowska 1990, p. 12).
This pious practice is mentioned by travelers who visited Russia in the mid-17th century, e.g., the ambassador Augustine Mayerberg, who noticed the custom of bringing private icons to the church and turning to them (with one's back to the altar) during the service (Putešestvie v" Moskoviju 1874, p. 171). Nikon decided that the presence of private icons in the church was inappropriate, because the people bowing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the custom proved to be lasting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these practices, as they mention 9 "Икoны свoе мoление". 10 "И увидели де кaк несут из цркви

Domestic Icons in the Space of the Church
In June 1657 tsar Aleksey Mikhailovitch decided to establish a special committee to deal with the issue of domestic icons (Kämpfer 1982). However, this also concerned private icons 9 that, for various reasons, were placed in churches (Kotkov 1974, p. 296). At the time, the icons were increasingly taken from the churches to houses 10 on a massive scale (Kotkov 1974, p. 309), but they were often later they were restored to their original location. Sometimes icons were taken from the church to the house for a special occasion and then they were given away. It also happened that metal covers were taken from these icons by people from the lower classes (Kotkov 1974, pp. 302-3;cf. Kämpfer 1982). The anxiety of the authorities rose. Those who were interrogated could not or did not want to say what the purpose of these actions was and whether someone was urging them to do so 11 (Kotkov 1974, pp. 309, 311;cf. Kämpfer 1982). The investigation focused on private icons and, despite the ambiguities of the events, it seems that all these actions were related to Nikon's reforms. Already in 1655, a similar controversy had arisen, when Patriarch Nikon ordered that private icons be removed from the western walls of churches. People brought them to the church and prayed to them, addressed them, and placed them on the western wall, not towards the iconostasis (Dąb-Kalinowska 1990, p. 12).

Domestic Icons in the Space of the Church
In June 1657 tsar Aleksey Mikhailovitch decided to establish a special committee to deal with the issue of domestic icons (Kämpfer 1982). However, this also concerned private icons 9 that, for various reasons, were placed in churches (Kotkov 1974, p. 296). At the time, the icons were increasingly taken from the churches to houses 10 on a massive scale (Kotkov 1974, p. 309), but they were often later they were restored to their original location. Sometimes icons were taken from the church to the house for a special occasion and then they were given away. It also happened that metal covers were taken from these icons by people from the lower classes (Kotkov 1974, pp. 302-3;cf. Kämpfer 1982). The anxiety of the authorities rose. Those who were interrogated could not or did not want to say what the purpose of these actions was and whether someone was urging them to do so 11 (Kotkov 1974, pp. 309, 311;cf. Kämpfer 1982). The investigation focused on private icons and, despite the ambiguities of the events, it seems that all these actions were related to Nikon's reforms. Already in 1655, a similar controversy had arisen, when Patriarch Nikon ordered that private icons be removed from the western walls of churches. People brought them to the church and prayed to them, addressed them, and placed them on the western wall, not towards the iconostasis (Dąb-Kalinowska 1990, p. 12).
This pious practice is mentioned by travelers who visited Russia in the mid-17th century, e.g., the ambassador Augustine Mayerberg, who noticed the custom of bringing private icons to the church and turning to them (with one's back to the altar) during the service (Putešestvіe vʺ Moskovіju 1874, p. 171). Nikon decided that the presence of private icons in the church was inappropriate, 9 "Иконы свое моление". 10 "И увидели де как несут из цркви ѡбразы по домом" 11 "А по какому указу кто из цркви выносил ѡбразы того де мы не вѣдаем"; "Мы де не видaли как оне ис цркви бжие млсрдие ікон свое моление выносили и длѩ чево хто будет иконы выносил і мы того не слыхали". because the people bowing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the custom proved to be lasting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these practices, as they mention brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightforward interpretations. However, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and private spheres of worship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church from the time of Nikon was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined by the faithful approach to their private icons. It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ". 13 "В дому своемъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на иконахъ, по существу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со светилники, въ них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и по пѣнии погашают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и брежения".

Domestic Icons in the Space of the Church
In June 1657 tsar Aleksey Mikhailovitch decided to establish a special committee to deal with the issue of domestic icons (Kämpfer 1982). However, this also concerned private icons 9 that, for various reasons, were placed in churches (Kotkov 1974, p. 296). At the time, the icons were increasingly taken from the churches to houses 10 on a massive scale (Kotkov 1974, p. 309), but they were often later they were restored to their original location. Sometimes icons were taken from the church to the house for a special occasion and then they were given away. It also happened that metal covers were taken from these icons by people from the lower classes (Kotkov 1974, pp. 302-3;cf. Kämpfer 1982). The anxiety of the authorities rose. Those who were interrogated could not or did not want to say what the purpose of these actions was and whether someone was urging them to do so 11 (Kotkov 1974, pp. 309, 311;cf. Kämpfer 1982). The investigation focused on private icons and, despite the ambiguities of the events, it seems that all these actions were related to Nikon's reforms. Already in 1655, a similar controversy had arisen, when Patriarch Nikon ordered that private icons be removed from the western walls of churches. People brought them to the church and prayed to them, addressed them, and placed them on the western wall, not towards the iconostasis (Dąb-Kalinowska 1990, p. 12).
Religions 2019, 10, 574 8 of 17 brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). These customs in the 18th century still escape straightforward interpretations. However, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and private spheres of worship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church from the time of Nikon was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined by the faithful approach to their private icons.
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16th century, in every Russian house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not find a priest at last ( . . . ), if you are traveling or whatever happens. ( . . . ) Light the candle in front of the icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry ( . . . ). Then bow to the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion with a prayer ( . . . ). Even if you die imminently, it will be good" 14 (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 37-38). This 12 "Икoны чaстныхъ лицъ". 13 "B дoму свoемъ всякoму християнину вo всякoй хрaмине святыя и честныяoбрaзы нaписaны нa икoнaхъ, пo существу стaвити нa стенaх, устрoив блaгoл gions 2019, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 17 ause the people bowing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the tom proved to be lasting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these ctices, as they mention brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe ranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightforward erpretations. However, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and vate spheres of worship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church m the time of Nikon was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined the faithful approach to their private icons. It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for e time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction t the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. vate icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This ely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting t the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the se and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th tury, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in ir prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that ssians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious ctices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova 4,p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian se there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their es (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of mestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are ered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their servation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier h-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the portance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites oved the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" ssevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons h them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" ssevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with fane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old ievers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their aning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were ollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, clean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, sonal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, o had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not d a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the n of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and e a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion "Иконы частныхъ лицъ". "В дому своемъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на иконахъ, по существу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со светилники, въ них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и по пѣнии погашают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и брежения". пнo сo всякимъ укрaшениемъ, и сo светилники, въ них же св Religions 2019, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW because the people bowing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturg custom proved to be lasting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the co practices, as they mention brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape interpretations. However, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension betwee private spheres of worship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of th from the time of Nikon was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which by the faithful approach to their private icons.
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keepin some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the op that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental fa surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is a that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of ic house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting d their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of forei Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their privat 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole ico homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdo domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in whi be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished afte covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct ord preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39; cf. Kaiser 2011, p 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Ita importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimin removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Mu (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cro (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [ profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always main Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons co meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the wo unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were direc personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icon find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the cand icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry ( the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, rec 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".

13
"В дому своемъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя обр иконахъ, по существу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ укр светилники, въ них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славо по пѣнии погашают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, бла брежения". because the people bowing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. However, the custom proved to be lasting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of these practices, as they mention brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (Polnoe sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightforward interpretations. However, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public and private spheres of worship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Church from the time of Nikon was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was undermined by the faithful approach to their private icons.
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".

13
"В дому своемъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на иконахъ, по существу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со светилники, въ них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и по пѣнии погашают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и брежения". because the people bowing to their icons led to a messy and disrupted the liturgy. Howeve custom proved to be lasting. The acts of the Holy Synod of 1723 document the continuity of practices, as they mention brass icons brought from houses (ikony chastnykh lic 12 ) to churches (P sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). These customs in the 18 th century still escape straightfor interpretations. However, they seem to illustrate the situation of tension between the public private spheres of worship, which the authorities intended to control. The goal of the official Ch from the time of Nikon was to introduce "Byzantine" order in the Church, which was underm by the faithful approach to their private icons.
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them the some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite convi that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic i Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth n that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons betwee house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic ico their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their reli practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brju 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Ru house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the numb domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles a be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the servic covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An e 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirm importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Musco removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite man (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his br (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by th Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of d unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to dom personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the belie who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you d find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front o icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small po take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bo the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive commu 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".
Icons played a symbolic role in domestic devotion creating the space where the faithful could enact the full liturgy modelled on their experience of church. For the societies of bespopovtsy, who had no clergy, the role of icons would be more important (Zenkovskij 1995, pp. 438-66;cf. Staroobrjadčestvo 1996, p. 47), and icons became witnesses of the prayers of the faithful and defined the boundaries of the sacred sphere. The sacred was spatially bound to the icons.

Icons in Old Believer Communities: Private and Public
All groups of the Old Believers migrating from place to place, took their own icons. Nicolai Leskov, a 19th-century Russian writer, to whom we owe accurate descriptions of Old Belief culture, in his great novel The Sealed Angel wrote: "We travelled about from job to job ( . . . ) just as the Hebrews of old wandered in the wilderness with Moses, and we even had our own tabernacle with us and we were never parted from it. I mean to say that we took our own "blessing from God" along with us" (Leskov 1984, p. 8). In addition, then: "We all loved these holy things of ours with a passionate love, and together we burned the holy oil before them. In addition, at the expense of our whole group we kept the horse and a special vehicle in which we took this blessing from God along with us in two large trunks wherever we went" (Leskov 1984, p. 8). It is worth noting that the Old Believers were persecuted by both the Russian state and the official Church. For this reason, the Old Believers rejected the both tsar's decision and church law, and private icons, along with books, became a link with tradition.
From the mid-17th century the Old Believers migrated to the peripheral areas, increasingly distant from the power of Church and tsar (Robson 1995, p. 23-24). All groups met with repression, which also concerned icons used by the Old Believers. The period of group migrations could be the time when icons changed their status from being private icons to being the belonging to the entire community. According to the oral tradition of the Old Believers, if the icons were requisitioned from the molenna by officials, people brought their own icons to the church, as a gift for all the community (vkladnye ikony 15 ). In the Pokrov cathedral on the Rogozhskoye Cemetery, one of the largest centers of priested Old Believers, more than 400 icons from the 14th-18th centuries came from the private houses ( 1956, p. 7). Moreover, the faithful in Vetka and other centers continued the tradition of donated (vkladnye) icons (Nečaeva 2002, p. 49). Private icons in Old Believers' molennas were included in the already existing iconographic program, but this one was usually quite imprecise.
Mobility of communities caused also the spread of small, portable metalwork objects: icons, triptychs and crosses, which could be easily moved from place to place (Karpenko 2006, p. 5). On the 31st of January 1723 the Holy Synod prohibited the use of brass icons (Polnoe sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31; Dąb-Kalinowska 1990, p. 73;Karpenko 2006, p. 5). As Synod noted "domestic brass icons" had become very common all over Russia, in many cathedrals and parish churches, and they were to be taken away from there back to the homes of their owners (Polnoe sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). In the beginning of the 18th century the Holy Synod also received several denunciations related to non-canonical icons, i.e., "icon of the Saviour with three hands", "sepulcher icon of St. Nicholas" (Opisanie dokumentov II 1878, p. 440) and also "the Old-Rite icons" in Russian churches (Opisanie dokumentov II 1878, p. 440). Icons and other sacred objects i.e., lestovki, podruchniki (Sulikowska 1998, p. 45) used by the Old Believers clearly differed from those of the official Church-to such an extent that for the controlling officials they could be indications that some community practised the Old Rite (Sbornik pravitel stvennyh svedenij 1861, pp. 3-4). Already in the 19th century private Old Believers' icons, as well as their private chapels were eliminated or, at least, considered suspicious (Crummey 1970, p. 216;Shvezov 2004, pp. 19, 128).
Because of their life amidst hiding and persecutions, the Old Believers could not fully develop in the public sphere. Relations between members of the community were usually very close and they concerned not only the religious sphere, but also family and economic relations (Sbornik pravitel stvennyh svedenij 1861, p. 33). According to the oral Old Believers' tradition, because of persecutions they were forced to pray in secret, like the early Christians, in private houses, even in forests and caves (Iwaniec 1977, p. 150). Their churches in Imperial Russia were usually small and unobtrusive, often located in private houses or even chambers (Iwaniec 1977, p. 150), not only due to the state regulations (Ogarev 1862, pp. 21, 38;Shvezov 2004, pp. 101-2;cf. Robson 1995, pp. 51-57), but also because of the established traditions of the group.
Icons were stored in the molennas and in the private houses, always kept in designated spaces for the sacred items: icons, crosses, books and others (cf. Robson 1995, pp. 76-77). Krasny ugol, understood as the main "beautiful" corner of the room, could be named the "domestic iconostasis" and also "High Jerusalem", or even "window to Heaven" (Tarasov 2002, p. 39;Kaiser 2011, p. 137). It was a "domestic church", the center of the chamber and the center of the Old Believers' house (Sulikowska 1998, p. 45), the model for which was the monastery (cf. Zabelin 1992, p. 141). In the houses of the wealthy Old Believers, they sometimes became very large and were composed of many icons, very similar to those in molennas.
The image of the world of the Old Believers was based on models of the Muscovite culture of the 16th and 17th century. That model assumed a division of the world into sacred and profane parts. The way of life was based on Domostroy, which calls a house a temple, where all the family should pray, standing in the front of the icons (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-79;cf. Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48). This also concerned the status of icons and the popularity of icons of small format, i.e., domestic icons. In rich houses krasny ugol may even turn into a domestic church (Tarasov 2002, p. 39). For the Old Believers, the presence of icons sanctified the members of the community (Sulikowska 1998, p. 45).
It seems that among Old Believers' domestic icons, some topics appeared exceptionally often. According to the tradition, a typical krasny ugol contained the cross (Crucifixion of Saviour ( Figure 3) and usually images of the Mother of God as a "woman icon" (Figures 5 and 6) and Christ as a "man icon" (Figure 2) (Nečaeva 2002, pp. 85-86). An image of the Savior could be replaced by the icon of St. Nicholas the Miracle Worker (Figure 7). The icons of Christ usually depicted him as the Pantokrator, whilst the icons of St. Nicholas pictured him blessing, with the book and flanked by the images of Christ with the book and the Virgin with the omophor. The images of the Mother of God varied, although most often they were images mentioned in Diakonovy otvety ( Figure 4) and Pomorskye otvety. They are icons of Vladimir, of Tikhvin, of Blachernae, of the "Sign", of Jerusalem, of Peter, of Smolensk, of Theodor ( Figure 6), of Kazan ( Figure 5), of Pechersk, of Svensk and many others (Otvety Aleksandra 1906, pp. 25-42;Pomorskye otvety 1911, pp. 31-51). Typical for private devotion are icons with an image of the Guardian Angel (Figures 6 and 7). Many of these icons belonged to the most popular images of the Virgin venerated in Russia before the middle of the 17th century, especially four of them-Vladimir, of Tikhvin, of the "Sign", of Smolensk. They were copies of the icons playing the roles of palladia-in religious and political life and were popular especially before the mid-17th century (Bushkovitch 1992, pp. 100-27). Both the 18th-century popovtsy books (i.e., Sbornik Mokhovikova or sbornik from the village Perevoz) and their icons (Boeck 2018, pp. 38-40;Pozdeeva 1975, pp. 57-61) reflect the dominance of Marian images. Among the Old Believers there were also icons of unusual iconography i.e., Archangel Michael, Archistrategos of Heavenly Hosts (Figure 8), the Mother of God Looks like Fire (Ognevidnaya) (Figure 9) and other inspired by the Apocalypse. Most of the Old Believer icons are small-sized domestic icons, and even "great topics", i.e., the Resurrection and the Twelve Great Feasts of the Church, Pokrov (Figure 10) or Hexaemeron were conceived to fit the reduced scale. Preservation of old icons, or painting them in an old way, was important for the communities, as a way of preserving their old tradition.      Is it possible to compare religious customs of the Old Believers to Byzantines or Russians before and after the mid-17th century? In Byzantium, as Henry Maguire wrote, "it is difficult to distinguish between a private as opposed to a public cult of the Virgin as reflected in the material culture ( . . . ), because objects could move from one sphere to the other" (Maguire 2000, p. 279), and as a private cult he considered mainly small personal items such as jewelry or pectoral icons and crosses (Maguire 2000, pp. 279-88). Paul Bushkovith noticed that in Russia the 16th and 17th centuries brought changes that "reflected a shift in religious experience from one basically public and collective, which stressed liturgy and miracle cults, to a more private and personal faith" (Bushkovith 1992, p. 3). It seems that among the Old Believers after the mid-17th century the private sphere became a particularly sacred realm. Some instructions of the Russian Holy Synod, i.e., about the domestic brass icons, point to the common problems in Russia, not only in Old Believer communities (Polnoe sobranie postanovlenij 1875, p. 31). It seems that objects could move also in the Russian tradition, as well as in that special tradition of the Old Believers. However, in the latter's case, the migration of icons arose as a result of religious, political and social circumstances, which derived from the problems faced by the Old Believer communities.

Conclusions
It seems that neither priested and priestless Old Believers did not clearly distinguished between domestic and "public" icons. Small-scale icons were used not only in private devotion but also in collective rituals. A typical practice was to move domestic icons and place them not only on analogia, but also in an iconostases (on the western wall of the molenna). This was not because the Old Believers did not recognise the difference between the two spheres, but rather because their godliness was not public, but private. Among bespopovtsy even molenna-as a prayer house-played the role of a private space. The attitude of the Old Believers towards icons resulted from the Moscow tradition of the 16th and 17th centuries. The period of rule of Patriarch Nikon and his actions against icons led the Old Believers to perceive icons as martyrs for the "old rite". In the second half of the 17th century, personal religious experience may have been considered sufficient and appropriate for the pious life. However, Old Believers' normative writings in the beginning of the movement did not connect their identity with specific kinds of devotion, either private or public. They also did not postulate a distinction between the official Church and Old Believers' icons. This distinction resulted only from the "modernization" of the official art, which took place from the time of Peter I (1682-1725) onward. The Old Believers rejected Western-style icons and instead valued highly icons based on the 17th-century art of the "small form" from the Stroganov, Moscow or Povolzhe schools, intended for private devotion. Towards the end of the 17th and in the first half of the 18thcentury the situation of the Old Believers confirmed their attachment to small, old or old-looking icons, crosses and other religious artefacts. The dominant role of domestic icons was associated with the situation of migrating, hiding and separated groups. Staying in the private sphere allowed the Old Believers to remain outside the control of the state and the official Church. The presence of "icons of the ancient piety" or "icons of the fathers" gave a guarantee of ties with the old tradition. Press. Polnoe sobranie postanovlenij 1875. Πoлнoе сoбрaнiе пoстaнoвленiй и рaспoряженiй пo в domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ". 13 "В дому своемъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на иконахъ, по существу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со светилники, въ них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и по пѣнии погашают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и брежения".

Domestic Icons in the Space of the Church
In June 1657 tsar Aleksey Mikhailovitch decided the issue of domestic icons (Kämpfer 1982). However various reasons, were placed in churches (Kotkov increasingly taken from the churches to houses 10 on a were often later they were restored to their original lo church to the house for a special occasion and then they covers were taken from these icons by people from th Kämpfer 1982). The anxiety of the authorities rose. Thos want to say what the purpose of these actions was and (Kotkov 1974, pp. 309, 311;cf. Kämpfer 1982). The inves the ambiguities of the events, it seems that all these acti in 1655, a similar controversy had arisen, when Pat removed from the western walls of churches. People bro addressed them, and placed them on the western wall, 1990, p. 12).
This pious practice is mentioned by travelers who the ambassador Augustine Mayerberg, who noticed church and turning to them (with one's back to the alta 1874, p. 171). Nikon decided that the presence of pri 9 "Иконы свое моление". 10 "И увидели де как несут из цркви ѡбразы по домом" 11 "А по какому указу кто из цркви выносил ѡбразы того цркви бжие млсрдие ікон свое моление выносили и д слыхали". Испoв sova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of mostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to he holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their 6-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the le we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites t up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons t only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" hat Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with vino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their ntions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, tions and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, akuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and ody of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to veness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion иянину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со ред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и акрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и дaнi Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian ere were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their LDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang ity holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to ring prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their tion" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier tury account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the ce of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" o 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons m. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" o 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with rticles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old . ever, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their . Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were ) prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not iest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the e Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and oon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion ы частныхъ лицъ". му своемъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на хъ, по существу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со ники, въ них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и нии погашают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и ния".
ты. Нaпечaтaны съ пoдлинникa. Мoсквa: ТипoгрaфїяΠ. Π. Р migrating, hiding and separated groups. Staying in the private sphere allowed the Old Believers to remain outside the control of the state and the official Church. The presence of "icons of the ancient piety" or "icons of the fathers" gave a guarantee of ties with the old tradition.
Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".

XVII в
Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their re practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (B 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every R house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the num domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the room by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candle be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the serv covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and fo preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confir importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Mus removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite m (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had the with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ik profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could chang meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until ey swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear o unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to do personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the be who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in fron icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small p take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive comm 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".

13
"В дому своемъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы напис иконахъ, по существу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшением светилники, въ них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии бо по пѣнии погашают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния р брежения". кa oписaннoе егo сынoмъaрхидiaкoнoмъΠaвлoмъAлеппскимъ. Πер. Г. Муркoсa, т. II. Мoсквa: Унверитетскaя Типoгрaфiя. [Putešestvie Antiohijskago Patriarha Makarija v" Rossiju v" polovine XVII veka opisannoe ego synom" arhidiakonom" Pavlom" Aleppskim". Per. G. Murkosa, t. II. Moskva: Unveritetskaja Tipografija.]. PAP III 1898. ΠутешествiеAнтioхiйскaгo Πaтрiaрхa Мaкaрiя въ Рoссiю въ пoлoвин that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".

13
"В дому своемъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на иконахъ, по существу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со светилники, въ них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и по пѣнии погашают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и брежения". XVII в that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons betw house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in t century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic i their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners rel Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their re practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (B 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every R house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the num domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the room by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candle be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the serv covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and fo preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confir importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Mus removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite m (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had the with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ik profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could chan meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until ey swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear o unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to do personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the be who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in fron icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small p take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive comm 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".
Putešestvie v" Moskoviju 1874. Πутешествiе въ Мoскoвiю бaрoнa Aвгустинa Мaйербергa ( . . . ) къ цaрю и великoму князюAлекс esumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for gthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction f the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. ere symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the hurch in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in ses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that t go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious ovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova ording to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian e at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their 85, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of as very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang y images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to ayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier count of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the rivate icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites ly images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" , p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons evino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" , p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old or the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their um in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were rs in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, ts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, er option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not st (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the our and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and th a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to con, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion ыхъ лицъ". мъ всякому християнину во всякой храмине святыя и честныя образы написаны на существу ставити на стенах, устроив благолѣпно со всякимъ украшениемъ, и со ъ них же свѣщи пред святыми образы возжигаются на всякомъ славословии божии, и гашают, завѣсою закрывются всякия ради чистоты и от пыли, благочиния радии и ю Михaйлoвичу. Мoсквa: Изд. Имперaтoрскaгo Обществa Истoрiи и Древнoстей Рoссiйскихъ при Мoскoвскoмъ Университет by the faithful approach to their private icons.
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".
It can be presumed that the bringing of private icons to the church and keeping them there for some time strengthened their sacred status. However, it could also be due to the opposite conviction that the space of the church itself gains something though the presence of these domestic icons. Private icons were symbols of an old tradition and had additional, sentimental family value. This surely resulted from the question of understanding hierarchy and sanctity. It is also worth noting that the official Church was reluctant to support such practices. The moving of icons between the house and the church in official Orthodoxy, and which took place in the 17th and even in the 18th century, has an analogy in the practice of the Old Believers, who began collecting domestic icons in their prayer houses. This could be due to practical reasons. The accounts of foreigners relate that Russians did not go to churches very often and that private devotion was central to their religious practices (Bushkovitch 1992, p. 48), and they almost never parted with their private icons (Brjusova 1984, p. 11). According to Domostroy, written after the middle of the 16 th century, in every Russian house there were at least a few icons and wealthy people would have a whole iconostases in their homes (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Brjusova 1984, p. 11), which is why in Eastern Slavdom the number of domestic icons was very large. Domostroy recommends: "Each Christian must, in all the rooms, hang by seniority holy images, adorning them beautifully, and place light-holders in which candles are to be lit during prayers in front of the holy images, and are then extinguished after the service, are covered with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness from dust, for correct order and for their preservation" 13 (PLDR 1985, pp. 76-77;Tarasov 2002, pp. 38-39;cf. Kaiser 2011, p. 126). An earlier 16th-century account of Antonio Possevino, about the Russians who came to Italy, confirms the importance of private icons: "While we were staying with the Governor of Arimini, the Muscovites removed the holy images and set up tiny ikons of their own, painted in the Muscovite manner" (Possevino 1977, p. 24). As we can see, the Russians, having embarked on a journey, had their icons with them. Possevino noticed not only that "every single Muscovite wears a cross on his breast" (Possevino 1977, p. 40), but also that Russians "consider it a disgrace to confuse [a] holy ikon with profane articles of clothing" (Possevino 1977, p. 40). This principle was always maintained by the Old Believers.
However, for the Old Belief, because of the situation of believers, the icons could change their meaning. Avvakum in his Life mentions long, even all-night long and full-of-tears ("until eyes were swollen") prayers in front of icons. The prayers were motivated by the fear of the world, fear of death, unclean thoughts, sexual temptations and sins, and almost always were directed to domestic, personal icons (Žitie protopopa Avvakuma 1979, pp. 22, 23). Avvakum suggested also to the believers, who had no other option, for their cult to be concentrated around their domestic icons: "If you do not find a priest at last (…), if you are traveling or whatever happens. (…) Light the candle in front of the icon of the Saviour and cover the box with a handkerchief, pour a little water into a small pot and take a spoon with a piece of the body of Christ with a prayer, incense all and cry (…). Then bow to the front of the icon, pray for forgiveness and stand, kiss the icon, cross yourself, receive communion 12 "Иконы частныхъ лицъ".