A View of the CP/DP-(non)parallelism from the Cartographic Perspective

The aim of this paper is to reconsider some aspects of the so-called clause/noun-phrase (non-)parallelism (Abney 1987 and much subsequent work). The question that arises is to find out what is common and what is different between the clause as a Complementizer Phrase (CP)-structure and the noun as a Determiner Phrase (DP)-structure in terms of structure and derivation. An example of structural parallelism lies in the division of the clause and the noun phrase into three domains: (i) the Nachfeld (right periphery), which is the thematic domain; (ii) the Mittelfeld (midfield), which is the inflection, agreement, Case and modification domain and (iii) the Vorfeld (left periphery), which is the discourseand operator-related domain. However, we will show following Giusti (2002, 2006), Payne (1993), Bruening (2009), Cinque (2011), Laenzlinger (2011, 2015) among others that the inner structure of the Vorfeld and of the Mittelfeld of the clause is not strictly parallel to that of the noun phrase. Although derivational parallelism also lies in the possible types of movement occurring in the CP and DP domains (short head/X-movement, simple XP-movement, remnant XP-movement and pied-piping XP-movement), we will see that there is non-parallelism in the application of these sorts of movement within the clause and the noun phrase. In addition, we will test the respective orders among adverbs/adjectives, DP/Prepositional Phrase (PP)-arguments and DP/PP-adjuncts in the Mittelfeld of the clause/noun phrase and show that Cinque’s (2013) left–right asymmetry holds crosslinguistically for the possible neutral order (without focus effects) in post-verbal/nominal positions with respect to the prenominal/preverbal base order and its impossible reverse order.


Introduction
Since the very beginning of Generative Grammar the parallelism between the deverbal nominal construction the enemy's recent destruction of the city and the clause The enemy recently destroyed the city has been questioned. Lees proposes that such derived nominals are the result of transformational rules that apply in syntax [1]. Chomsky argues against this syntactic approach and assumes that such constructions are derived through lexical rules within the framework of what will be called the Lexicalist Hypothesis [2].
As will be shown in this paper, there is also derivational parallelism in the possible types of movement occurring in the CP and DP structures: short X-movement, simple XP-movement, remnant XP-movement and pied-piping XP-movement. Nevertheless, we will see that there is non-parallelism in the application of these sorts of movement within the clause and the noun phrase. To be more precise, in this article we will study the order among adverbs/adjectives, DP/Prepositional Phrase (PP)-arguments and DP/PP-adjuncts in the Mittelfeld and the Vorfeld of the clause/noun phrase and test if Cinque's left-right asymmetry [28] (see (2) below) holds for the possible neutral order (without focus effects) in post-verbal/nominal positions (2c) and (2d) with respect to the base order in (2a) and the impossible reverse order in (2b).

2.
Left-right asymmetry GermanV-final/Tatar/Japanese a. The paper is organized as follows. After the introduction Section 2 deals with the structure of the left periphery for the clause (Section 2.1) and the noun phrase (Section 2.2). We will present arguments in favor of a split-CP/DP structure on the basis of multiple complementizer and determiner occurrences, fronting of arguments and adjuncts for topicalization, focalization and other 1 See also work in the framework of Distributed Morphology (Marantz [13], Alexiadou [14]) where the parallelism between clauses and derived nominals is also striking (the category of the root is defined syntactically, i.e., syntax feeds the lexicon, see also Borer's [15] exo-squeletal lexical approach). 2 In this context it is important to make a distinction between event-denoting nouns (deverbal/derived nominals) and object-denoting nouns as well as between state-denoting and event-denoting verbs.
As will be shown in this paper, there is also derivational parallelism in the possible types of movement occurring in the CP and DP structures: short X-movement, simple XP-movement, remnant XP-movement and pied-piping XP-movement. Nevertheless, we will see that there is non-parallelism in the application of these sorts of movement within the clause and the noun phrase. To be more precise, in this article we will study the order among adverbs/adjectives, DP/Prepositional Phrase (PP)-arguments and DP/PP-adjuncts in the Mittelfeld and the Vorfeld of the clause/noun phrase and test if Cinque's left-right asymmetry [28] (see (2) below) holds for the possible neutral order (without focus effects) in post-verbal/nominal positions (2c) and (2d) with respect to the base order in (2a) and the impossible reverse order in (2b).

Left-right asymmetry
German V-final /Tatar/Japanese a. ( The paper is organized as follows. After the introduction Section 2 deals with the structure of the left periphery for the clause (Section 2.1) and the noun phrase (Section 2.2). We will present 1 See also work in the framework of Distributed Morphology (Marantz [13], Alexiadou [14]) where the parallelism between clauses and derived nominals is also striking (the category of the root is defined syntactically, i.e., syntax feeds the lexicon, see also Borer's [15] exo-squeletal lexical approach). 2 In this context it is important to make a distinction between event-denoting nouns (deverbal/derived nominals) and object-denoting nouns as well as between state-denoting and event-denoting verbs.
Languages 2017, 2, 18 3 of 24 arguments in favor of a split-CP/DP structure on the basis of multiple complementizer and determiner occurrences, fronting of arguments and adjuncts for topicalization, focalization and other informational prominence effects. Section 2.1 is concerned with the Nachfeld involving a vP shell structure for the clause and its corresponding nP shell for the noun phrase and their left periphery. The arguments merge in the thematic domain according to the Universal Thematic Hierarchy. Immediately above vP/nP, there are discourse-related positions (e.g., a focus position). In Section 3 the midfield of the clause (Section 3.1) and of the noun phrase (Section 3.2) is described and analyzed comparatively in some languages of different families. The relevant constituents whose respective ordering is studied are adjectives/adverbs, DP/PP-adjuncts and DP/PP-arguments. We will show that Cinque's left-right asymmetry holds for several languages according to their V/N-initial and V/N-final configurations. Section 4 contains the conclusion.
'It is this book that I chose, not that one' 4 The celerative adverb lentement 'slowly' externally merges in a position lower than the modal projection hosting the adverb probably. The data in (6) indicate that PP-adjuncts target a Top projection rather than a Mod(if) projection provided that there is no Relativized Minimality effect from the intervention of an adverb (Top vs. Mod(if)). 6 The different occurrences of complementizers (que/that si/if, de, à, etc., see Rizzi [25,30]) are further arguments in favor of a rich split-CP structure. It is assumed that they occupy distinct positions in the left periphery (Force, Interrogative (Int), Finite (Fin)). The fact that complementizer doubling exists in some languages (Irish English, Dutch, Picard, Northern Italian dialects, early Romance, spoken Spanish, European Portuguese; see McCloskey [31], Villa-García [32] and Paoli [33] for data and references) gives further support for the split CP. The higher complementizer occurs in Force and the lower one in Fin and a topic or a focus can be sandwiched between them. 5 Note that, akin to complementizers, determiner doubling and determiner spreading are attested in languages like Swedish, Romanian, Hebrew and Swiss/German dialects for the former and Greek for the latter. These facts will be discussed in the next section. As regards complementizer 'spreading', Villa-Garcia reports the example of spoken Spanish in (7) with multiple topics [32]. 7

The Noun Phrase (DP)
By analogy with Rizzi's split-CP analysis, some authors (Giusti [5][6][7], Laenzlinger [10,11,24], Aboh [27], Puskás and Ihsane [35], Ihsane [36] among others) propose a split-DP structure. What corresponds to Force is D deixis/specificity and, similarly, Fin is equated to D definitness/determination . Laenzlinger [10,11] puts forth the structure in (8) which also contains dedicated positions for fronted constituents (topic, focus, etc.). 8. Structure: (QP) > DP deixis > FocP > TopP/ModifP > DP det According to Laenzlinger [10,11] and Cinque [37] the focus projection hosts emphatic fronted adjectives in Romance. This is illustrated in (9a) for French. The ungrammaticality of example (9b) shows that there is a single FocP available in the left periphery. 9 French and other Romance languages also have a low FocP (see Samek-Lodovici [38]), situated near NP, as illustrated by the following example (see Sections 2 and 3.2). 5 A similar analysis can be adopted for subjunctive clauses in languages like Greek and Romanian where a subjunctive marker co-occurs with the higher complementizer. The latter merges in Force, while the former merges in Fin which is a mood-related head (see Soare [34] for Romanian). The specifier of TopP in (8) is a position for topicalized arguments and adjuncts, while the specifier of ModifP (Modifier Projection) is a position for fronted non-focalized adjectives. The order among TopP, FocP and ModifP is difficult to establish given that the left periphery of the noun phrase is more constrained in terms of constituent fronting than that of the clause. In other words, the information structure of the noun phrase is poorer (less developed) than that of the clause. This restriction is arguably due to the fact that DPs are usually embedded within CP (except in elliptic constructions, e.g., responses to questions or non-verbal expressions, e.g., interjections) and hence have indirect access to discourse contexts.
The paradigm below exemplifies movement of arguments to TopP or FocP in Serbo-Croatian, Hungarian, Russian and Greek. In (11a/a') the Dative complement is topicalized in front of the adjective of quality as the result of movement of the DP to the specifier of a left-peripheral TopP. This is also the case of the Genitive DP complement in (11b/b'). The Hungarian example in (11c') is an instance of movement of the noun's Dative complement to a topic position in the DP-layer. The Russian example in (11d') as compared to (11d) shows that the Genitive complement is fronted for topicalization or focalization effects. In (11e/e') one can observe that the Genitive Possessor DP can move to the specifier of a left-peripheral focus projection (see originally Horroks and Stravou [39]). Finally, the Romanian example in (11f') illustrates movement of the noun's Genitive complement (see (11f)) to a topic fronted position as a marked option. 11 Note that movement (fronting) of arguments can target a Case position in the left periphery, as in the Saxon Genitive constructions in (12a,b) and the possessive construction in Hungarian in (12d) in which a Dative Case (vs. a Nominative Case in (12c)) is assigned to the possessor. 12 As already mentioned, adjective fronting can be triggered by focalization. This is the case not only in French (example (9a) and (13a)), but also in Greek (example (13b)). English also displays movement of adjectives to a left-peripheral focus position (example (13c,d)) and to a quantifier position (example (13e,f)). 13 As in Romance, adjectives can be fronted in Serbo-Croatian for prominence effects (see Guisti [5] for data and discussion). The adjective lepa 'beautiful' in (14)  In addition, there are other types of movement to the left periphery. They concern demonstratives, possessives (Genitive DPs, pronouns) and universal quantifiers in Italian, Spanish, Romanian and Greek. In the same vein as Brugè [42,43] we propose that demonstratives occur in two different positions. They externally merge in the high portion of the midfield (unlike Brugè for whom it is in the low portion near NP) and possibly move to DP deixis , a noun phrase initial position. This is represented in (15 As in Romance, adjectives can be fronted in Serbo-Croatian for prominence effects (see Guisti [5] for data and discussion). The adjective lepa 'beautiful' in (14) moves past the possessive element moya 'my'. 7 14.
[ In addition, there are other types of movement to the left periphery. They concern demonstratives, possessives (Genitive DPs, pronouns) and universal quantifiers in Italian, Spanish, Romanian and Greek. In the same vein as Brugè [42,43] we propose that demonstratives occur in two different positions. They externally merge in the high portion of the midfield (unlike Brugè for whom it is in the low portion near NP) and possibly move to DPdeixis, a noun phrase initial position. This is represented in (15). 8 7 As regards DP/PP-adjuncts, their fronting to the left periphery is very restricted in the languages studied in this paper. A case in point is Russian where a few PP-adjuncts can move to the DP-domain as a contrastive (focus) effect. This is illustrated in (v) and (vi) below. See also Julien [44] for a similar proposition, but also Bernstein [12] who argues against Brugè's analysis.

[DPdeixis …[DPdef/indef …[DemP DEM [QuantP-adj [QualP-adj …[NP ]]]]]
The pairs of nominal constructions in (16) show that the demonstrative can occur in two positions and, when it is initial, it is in complementary distribution with the definite article. 16 The structures in (17a) and (17b) show that (i) the demonstrative can move from DemP to DP deixis ; (ii) (case 1) the NP alone can move to an agreement position (AgrP NP related to D), which corresponds to example (16b); (iii) (case 2) the QualP including the prenominal adjective and the noun phrase raises to AgrP NP-D (example (16c)) and finally (iv) (case 3) the projection AgrP NP-Adj whose specifier is realized by the raised NP and which includes the adjective-related projection moves to AgrP NP-D (example 16a).  The structures in (17a) and (17b) show that (i) the demonstrative can move from DemP to DPdeixis; (ii) (case 1) the NP alone can move to an agreement position (AgrPNP related to D), which corresponds to example (16b); (iii) (case 2) the QualP including the prenominal adjective and the noun phrase raises to AgrPNP-D (example (16c)) and finally (iv) (case 3) the projection AgrPNP-Adj whose specifier is realized by the raised NP and which includes the adjective-related projection moves to AgrPNP-D (example 16a).

a.
[ Greek displays even more complex DP-internal transformations involving a universal quantifier, a demonstrative and a definite determiner. 9 18. a.
The tree in (20) corresponding to example (18c) shows that the noun raises as an NP to DPdet, while the determiner moves from Ddet to Ddeixis. As for the demonstrative, it remains in its base position. 20. 9 Note that the prenominal raised demonstrative is compatible with a definite determiner in Greek contrary to Spanish and Romanian QPuniveral QPuniveral DemP …NP NP kósmos aftós The tree in (20) corresponding to example (18c) shows that the noun raises as an NP to DP det , while the determiner moves from D det to D deixis . As for the demonstrative, it remains in its base position. The example (18a) is assigned the structural representation in (19). 19.
The tree in (20) corresponding to example (18c) shows that the noun raises as an NP to DPdet, while the determiner moves from Ddet to Ddeixis. As for the demonstrative, it remains in its base position. 20. 9 Note that the prenominal raised demonstrative is compatible with a definite determiner in Greek contrary to Spanish and Romanian The structure in (21) holds for the order in (18d). On the basis of the order in (20) there is further pied-piping movement of DP deixis to the specifier of QuantP, hence the final position of the universal quantifier. The structure in (21) holds for the order in (18d). On the basis of the order in (20) there is further piedpiping movement of DPdeixis to the specifier of QuantP, hence the final position of the universal quantifier.

21.
One should notice that the reverse prenominal order cannot be derived from any types of movement on the basis of the base order in (20). This constraint is reminiscent of Cinque's left-right asymmetry (see Section 3).
As in the case of double/multiple complementizers, determiner reduplication provides further evidence in favor of the split-DP structure. Consider first the case of French superlatives, as in (22) Following recent proposals, the projections labeled SuperlP in (22) contains Corver's DegP [45] and can be identified as Alexiadou's PredP [46], Kayne's Small Clause [47], or Cinque's Reduced Relative Clause [37,48]. Given the derivation in (22) the lower DP2 moves to the specifier of DP1 past the superlative projection. Each D is realized lexically as a definite determiner. 10 Romanian also displays determiner doubling, but with two different determiners, namely -ul and ce(l) in (23a-c). One should notice that the reverse prenominal order cannot be derived from any types of movement on the basis of the base order in (20). This constraint is reminiscent of Cinque's left-right asymmetry (see Section 3).
As in the case of double/multiple complementizers, determiner reduplication provides further evidence in favor of the split-DP structure. Consider first the case of French superlatives, as in (22). We can observe that there is definite determiner doubling. 22.
[ Following recent proposals, the projections labeled SuperlP in (22) contains Corver's DegP [45] and can be identified as Alexiadou's PredP [46], Kayne's Small Clause [47], or Cinque's Reduced Relative Clause [37,48]. Given the derivation in (22) the lower DP2 moves to the specifier of DP1 past the superlative projection. Each D is realized lexically as a definite determiner. 10 Romanian also displays determiner doubling, but with two different determiners, namely -ul and ce(l) in (23a-c). 23 The determiner-like element ce(l) can be prenominal in front of quantifier-like prenominal elements (as a last resort strategy according to Cornilescu [49]), as in (24). 24.
cele două legi the two laws The postnominal ce(l) is associated with predicative elements, hence it is involved in a predicative structure (Cornilescu [49] and Cinque [48]; see also Marchis and Alexiadou [50] for an analysis in terms of pseudo-polydefiniteness, Cornilescu and Nicolae [51], Sleeman and Perridon [52], and Sleeman et al. [53] for discussion and references therein).
In Scandinavian (e.g., Norwegian, Swedish) a definite determiner (article) and a definite suffix co-occur only when a prenominal adjective is used. 25 We assume that den stands in D deixis and -en in D determination . The noun plus the adjective (extended NP-movement) moves to the specifier of D determination . The question arises as to why determiner doubling is restricted to the context of prenominal adjective occurrence. The presence of adjectives is a trigger for multiple determiner occurrences in languages like Greek, Romanian and Scandinavian. However, Alexiadou shows that the multiple determiner is not a unified phenomenon crosslinguistically, and this was also the case of the multiple complementizer [46].
Hebrew also displays some sort of determiner reduplication (see Alexiadou [46]), as the example in (26) shows with the use of the prefix ha-. 26. ha-rabanim ha-fanatim ha-'elo the-rabbis the-fanatic the-these 'these fanatic rabbis. ' Shlonsky argues that the case in (26) differs from determiner reduplication/spreading in that the reduplicated morpheme hais analyzed as an agreement marker rather than a true determiner [54].
Determiner spreading in Greek is a much debated topic in Generative Grammar, especially within the framework of the DP-hypothesis (Alexiadou [46], Alexiadou and Wilder [55], Panagiotidis and Marinis [56]). The split-DP analysis sheds new light on this phenomenon. Consider first some facts. Determiner spreading is only possible with the definite determiner, as shown by the contrast between (27) and (28). 27 In addition, determiner spreading in (27), which is not obligatory, is possible with prenominal and postnominal predicative adjectives. 11 It is also interesting to point out that determiner spreading can be total or partial. This is illustrated by the examples in (29) taken from Alexiadou and Wilder [55] and Leu [57]. 29 On the basis of these facts we propose that determiner spreading is a phenomenon of the left periphery involving D det -to-D deix movement (see (31)) through the head of Modifier Projections whose specifier is occupied by the prenominal fronted adjective (see (32)). Such movement may leave possible spelt-out copies of the raised determiner and the chain of copies cannot be broken, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (30) (see Larson and Yamakido [58,59] for a similar analysis in terms of spell out of D-copies). 12 In addition, determiner spreading in (27), which is not obligatory, is possible with prenominal and postnominal predicative adjectives. 11 It is also interesting to point out that determiner spreading can be total or partial. This is illustrated by the examples in (29) taken from Alexiadou and Wilder [55] and Leu [57]. 29 On the basis of these facts we propose that determiner spreading is a phenomenon of the left periphery involving Ddet-to-Ddeix movement (see (31)) through the head of Modifier Projections whose specifier is occupied by the prenominal fronted adjective (see (32)). Such movement may leave possible spelt-out copies of the raised determiner and the chain of copies cannot be broken, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (30) (see Larson and Yamakido [58,59] for a similar analysis in terms of spell out of D-copies). 12 11 Determiner Spreading is not possible with non-predicative adjectives such as alleged, Italian and with adjectives selecting a complement like proud of his son N (see Alexiadou and Wilder [54], Cinque [37,48], Laenzlinger [24] and Alexiadou [46]). 12 There are alternative proposals in the literature, especially in terms of Reduced Relative Clause or Small Clause (Alexiadou and Wilder [55] on the basis of Kayne [47], Cinque [37,48]; see Alexiadou [46] for a review). The analysis of the example (29b) is quite complex: the adjective of size moves to the left-peripheral ModifP, the noun to a topic position within DP and the adjective of color to a focus or Modif position. This is represented in (33). 33 A question arises from the impossibility of determiner spreading with indefinites in Greek contrary to some German/Swiss dialects and Northern Swedish (e.g., ein ganz ein guete Wi 'a totally a good wine', en store n kar 'a big a man', examples drawn from Alexiadou [46] (pp. 96-97). Again, this contrast shows that "multiple determiner" is not a uniform phenomenon crosslinguistically. 13 So far, we have observed some structural and derivational parallelism in terms of split-C/split-D, Fin-to-Force/D det -to-D deix -movement and complementizer/determiner doubling and spreading. However, there are differences in the occurrence and inner configuration of discourse-related projections between the CP and DP layer, and the CP-domain is richer than the DP-domain in terms of information structure.

vP/ nP and Their Left Periphery
vP and nP are the thematic domain of the clause and of the noun phrase, respectively. Arguments externally merge in this domain according to the following Universal Thematic Hierarchy 14 (Grimshaw for the clause [61], Jackendoff [62], Baker [63]) and Universal Thematic Assignment hypothesis (Baker [64]).

(POSS >) AGENT > (EXPER) > BENEF > THEME/PATIENT > LOCATION
Right above the thematic domain, there are focus and topic projections at the left-border of vP (Belletti [65,66], Lahousse et al. [67]) and possibly nP (Laenzlinger [24], Samek-Lodovici [38]). As far as the clause is concerned, the right periphery (Nachfeld) looks like (35 As for the noun, deverbal and agent-related nouns (destruction, gift, picture, painting, etc.) are particularly relevant to the hierarchy in (34) (e.g., the bank Agent 's gift of money Theme to the poor Beneficiary ). As proposed by Laenzlinger [10,11], the left periphery of NP is also the locus of a focus position and a predicative projection. In (36a) the right-hand focalized adjective occurs in the low focus position, and the predicative participial adjective in (36b) occupies the specifier of a low predicative projection (or reduced RC). The noun and the other adjectives/adjuncts are situated at Spell-Out in positions higher than FocP/PredP and the NP-domain (see Section 3.2 for details). 36 As for arguments, they leave the domain where they externally merge to reach dedicated positions where their case-and ϕ-features as well as their information structural features can be valued. This is expressed in the full nP/vP evacuation principle in (37). 16 13 As suggested by an anonymous reviewer, this difference may be due to the fact that indefinites are quantifiers, not articles, in Greek (see Laenzlinger [24] (p. 178) for a similar proposal). 14 See the references cited in Alexiadou et al. [60] (pp. 503ff) for the thematic hierarchy within the noun phrase. This analysis in terms of NP-internal thematic hierarchy has been challenged by Grimshaw [61] among others. 15  Laenzlinger [24] proposes that the information structural features are parasitic on Case/Agreement features in the Mittelfeld and are realized on dedicated heads/projections in the left and right periphery (Rizzi [25,29], Belletti [65,66]). Within the same framework it is argued that verb raising is realized as (possibly extended) vP-movement and noun raising as (possibly extended) nP-movement. Since the arguments have evacuated the vP/nP domain, such movement is an instance of remnant movement. Recall that head movement is very local and limited to V to v, N to n, Fin to Force, and D det to D deix .

The Midfield: The Order Among Complements and Adjuncts
In Section 1 we have introduced Cinque's [28] left-right asymmetry schematized as (38). 38.
We will test the validity of this asymmetry for portions of the Midfield of the clause, where the head H • in (38) corresponds to the verb (V), and, similarly, for portions of the noun phrase, where H • corresponds to the noun (N).
On the basis of (38), Cinque accounts for Greenberg's Universal 20 involving the respective orderbof demonstratives, numerals and adjectives in pre-and postnominal position [70]. Given the base order in (39) realized in English (no NP-movement), it is possible to have the same linear postnominal order in (40) realized in Kîîtharaka, a Bantu language. This order results from successive NP-movement past the demonstrative, the numeral and the adjective. In Gungbe (example (41) from Aboh [27]) the postnominal order of Dem, Num and Adj is the mirror-image one of the prenominal order in English (39). This order is obtained after successive pied-piping roll-up movement (Cinque [70] (p. 324)). Leaving aside some other postnominal possible orders, the prenominal sequence in (42) is not attested crosslinguistically. In fact, without NP-movement, there is no way to derive such a prenominal reverse order from the base order in (39). 39 Another illustration of Cinque's left-right asymmetry within the noun phrase is adjective ordering in pre-and postnominal contexts. The sequence of adjectives in Germanic illustrated in (43) for English is considered the basic one. The postnominal order of adjectives in (44) is linearly the same as in the prenominal order in (43). This order is attested in Romance and Gaelic and results from NP-movement past the adjectives. The examples of French (Romance) and Hebrew in (45), which contain adjectives of different types, display the reverse order of postnominal adjectives as compared to the basic prenominal order in (43). Such an order results from pied-piping roll-up movement (extended NP-movement, see Laenzlinger [11], Shlonsky [54] for details). As in the case  (45), which contain adjectives of different types, display the reverse order of postnominal adjectives as compared to the basic prenominal order in (43). Such an order results from pied-piping roll-up movement (extended NP-movement, see Laenzlinger [11], Shlonsky [54] for details). As in the case  (44) is linearly the same as in the prenominal order in (43). This order is attested in Romance and Gaelic and results from NP-movement past the adjectives. The examples of French (Romance) and Hebrew in (45), which contain adjectives of different types, display the reverse order of postnominal adjectives as compared to the basic prenominal order in (43). Such an order results from pied-piping roll-up movement (extended NP-movement, see Laenzlinger [11], Shlonsky [54] for details). As in the case of (42), the reverse order of prenominal adjectives with respect to the basic order in (43) is not possible unless the first adjective is focalized ('These are black small dogs, but not white ones'). In the absence of NP-movement, this order cannot be derived. The case of adjective focalization results from movement of the adjective to a left-peripheral focus position (see Section 2.2). 43 Let us now consider whether the left-right asymmetry in (38) holds for the distribution of complements and adjuncts around the verb within the clause (Section 3.1) and the noun within the noun phrase (Section 3.2).

The Clause
Cinque proposes the universal hierarchy of adverbs in (47) [22]. 17 However, there are limits to such mirror-ordering of adjectives under focalization, as shown by the contrast between (i) and (ii).
viii. beautiful small black dogs ix.
*BLACK beautiful small dogs/*BLACK small beautiful dogs. Cinque explicitly points out that there should be DP/PP-related positions among (some classes) of adverbs for verb's complements [22]. Along the same lines, Laenzlinger [24,71,72] argues in a crosslinguistic study that the verb and its arguments can float among adverbs depending on Case and Information Structure conditions. For instance, in French the participial verb and its direct complement can occur before or after a temporal adverb and a manner adverb. This is illustrated in (48). 18

48.
Jean a probablement fini dernièrement (fini) son travail soigneusement (fini) (son travail) Jean has probably achieved recently his work carefully In addition, there is a hierarchy of Case-and P-related positions in the Mittelfeld for DP/PP-complements and DP/PP-adjuncts (Cinque [28], Kayne [73], and Krapova and Cinque [74]). Recall that all arguments left their thematic domain to reach dedicated position in the Mittelfeld. As for adjuncts, they externally merge in the midfield according to the hierarchy proposed by Krapova and Cinque [74,75] and expressed in Cinque [23] as (49). 49.
DP time > DP location > . . . > DP instrument > . . . > DP manner > . . . > DP agent > DP goal > DP theme > V (Cinque [23] (p. 10)) In order to know whether there is a hierarchy of Case and P-related positions in the midfield, we have to take into consideration Case-marking languages with V-final configurations like German or Japanese (Soare [34], Laenzlinger [24,71]). The German sentences in (50a-c), which display the neutral order of constituents, show that the manner PP-adjunct most naturally precedes the verb's complements and the Dative complement precedes the Accusative complement which gives rise to the midfield neutral preverbal order in (51) (see Laenzlinger [71], and Pittner [76]). 50 In V-initial contexts (SVO), where adjuncts and complements follow the verb, as in French and English, the neutral order of constituents is the mirror-image of the order in (50/51) (see Cinque [77], Schweikert [78], Tescari Neto [79] for relevant discussion). 19 This is illustrated in (52) and represented in (53). 52. a. La banque a récemment donné de l'argent aux pauvres avec une grande générosité.
b. The bank recently gave some money to the poor with great generosity.
53. [V < DP Acc < DP Dat < PP adjunct ] 20 The reverse order in (52) is obtained after successive roll-up derivation giving rise to "snowballing" effects. This is represented in (54) in a simplified way. After the Acc-and Dat-arguments have evacuated vP and reached their Case-related position, the verb raises cyclically, first as vP past the Acc-argument, then as the extended projection containing the verb and its Acc-object past the Dat-object and finally as the extended projection containing the verb and two object arguments past the PP-adjunct position which merges in a position higher than the objects, hence the "snowballing" effect. In V-initial contexts (SVO), where adjuncts and complements follow the verb, as in French and English, the neutral order of constituents is the mirror-image of the order in (50/51) (see Cinque [77], Schweikert [78], Tescari Neto [79] for relevant discussion). 19 This is illustrated in (52) and represented in (53). 52. a. La banque a récemment donné de l'argent aux pauvres avec une grande générosité.
b. The bank recently gave some money to the poor with great generosity.

[V < DPAcc < DPDat < PPadjunct] 20
The reverse order in (52) is obtained after successive roll-up derivation giving rise to "snowballing" effects. This is represented in (54) in a simplified way. After the Acc-and Datarguments have evacuated vP and reached their Case-related position, the verb raises cyclically, first as vP past the Acc-argument, then as the extended projection containing the verb and its Acc-object past the Dat-object and finally as the extended projection containing the verb and two object arguments past the PP-adjunct position which merges in a position higher than the objects, hence the "snowballing" effect.

54.
As such, this is a (partial) illustration of Cinque's [23,28] left-right asymmetry in natural language applied to the Mittelfeld's neutral order (Adjunct OV vs. VO Adjunct).
To summarize, the possible types of movement that apply to the clausal internal structure are given in (55).

55.
Once the arguments evacuated from vP, the verb alone can undergo remnant (possibly extended) vP-movement. As further steps, the verb and its extended projection can undergo pied-piping 19 This is similar for the noun phrase (Laenzlinger [24] and see also Section 3.2).
x. a. le récent don d'argent aux pauvres (par la banque) avec/d'une grande générosité b. the recent gift of money to the poor (by the bank) with great generosity 20 In German V2 contexts, as in the SVO configuration in (ia-b), the reverse postverbal order is also possible, although this word order is rather marked (Accusative preceding Dative and the PP-adjunct occurring in sentence-final position In addition, the order in (iia) is also marked. The less marked order is the one given in (iib), as in V-final clauses.
xii. a. Die Bank gab den Armen das Geld aus Großzügigkeit.
b. Die Bank gab aus Großzügigkeit den Armen das Geld.

(less marked)
As such, this is a (partial) illustration of Cinque's [23,28] left-right asymmetry in natural language applied to the Mittelfeld's neutral order (Adjunct OV vs. VO Adjunct).
To summarize, the possible types of movement that apply to the clausal internal structure are given in (55). 55. Once the arguments evacuated from vP, the verb alone can undergo remnant (possibly extended) vP-movement. As further steps, the verb and its extended projection can undergo pied-piping movement of two types: whose-picture (Spec-head, i.e., [V + Adv]) or picture of whom (Head-Compl, i.e., [ Adv + V]). If pied-piping movement is successive, roll-up effects are obtained (snowballing). 19 This is similar for the noun phrase (Laenzlinger [24] and see also Section 3.2).
x. a. le récent don d'argent aux pauvres (par la banque) avec/d'une grande générosité b. the recent gift of money to the poor (by the bank) with great generosity 20 In German V2 contexts, as in the SVO configuration in (ia-b), the reverse postverbal order is also possible, although this word order is rather marked (Accusative preceding Dative and the PP-adjunct occurring in sentence-final position In addition, the order in (iia) is also marked. The less marked order is the one given in (iib), as in V-final clauses.

The Noun Phrase
As in the case of adverbs within the clause, there is a hierarchy of adjectives within the noun phrase. Following Cinque [4], Laenzlinger [10,11,24], and Scott [80], the simplified hierarchy can be established in (56) for event-denoting nouns and (57) for object-denoting nouns Laenzlinger [11] (p. 650). 56. Adj speaker-oriented > Adj subject-oriented > Adj manner > Adj thematic 'the probable clumsy immediate American reaction to the offense' 57. Adj quantification > Adj quality > Adj size > Adj shape >Adj color > Adj nationality 'numerous wonderful big American cars' 'various round black Egyptian masks' Cinque provides a more fine-grained hierarchy with dual positions for direct/indirect adjectival modifiers [37] (see also Sproat and Shih [81,82], Larson [83]) and the possible position for the noun in Germanic and Romance. See (58) and Table 1. 58. a. English: AP in a reduced RC > direct modification AP > N > AP in a reduced RC b. Italian: direct modification AP > N > direct modification AP > AP in a reduced RC Table 1. APs in reduced RCs vs. APs in direct modification.

APs in Reduced RCs (Only Predicative) APs in Direct Modification (Only Non-Predicative)
intersective (bald, blonde, ...) adverbial (former, total, mere, ...) 'for a N' subsective (tall, big, ...) modal (possible, alleged, ...) 'as a N' subsective (skillful, beautiful, ...) privative (false, fake, ...) This paper is not only concerned with adjective ordering and positioning, but also with the respective order of complements and adjuncts before and after the noun. 21 The order of DP/PP-complements/arguments and adjuncts is tested with deverbal nouns since they overtly express a thematic and Case-hierarchy. We first consider N-final languages like Japanese and Tatar which display neutral order of prenominal elements, as illustrated in (59) and represented in (60). 59. Japanese (=Tatar, a head-final Turkic language) a. kooseinoo bakudan-de-no Amerikajin niyoru machi-no yôshanai hakai high-tech weapon-with-GEN American by city-GEN brutal destruction 'the destruction of the city by the Americans with high-tech weapons' b. ginkô niyoru mazushii hito e no okane-no kandaina kifu bank by poor people to-DAT money-GEN generous gift 'a generous gift of money to the poor by the bank' 60. PP adjunct > PP argument > DP Dative > DP Genitive > Adjectives > N Japanese and Tatar (unmarked/neutral order) The nominal constructions in French and English given in (61a-d) show that the neutral linear order of postnominal elements is the mirror-image of the prenominal order in (60), as represented in (62). 61. a. the brutal destruction of the city by the enemy with heavy artillery b. la destruction brutale de la ville par l'ennemi avec de la grosse artillerie c. a recent gift of money to the poor by the bank with great generosity d. le don récent d'argent aux pauvres par la banque avec/d'une grande générosité 62. of/de (GEN) < to/à (DAT) < by/par (OBL) < PP Adjunct Given the base order in (60), the nominal structure in (62) contains a hierarchy of PP-related projections 22 in the Mittelfeld between the DP-border and the adjective-related projections. The unmarked sequences of PPs in (61a-d) are derived from successive roll-up movement, as schematized in (63). More precisely, as a first step the arguments leave the nP-domain and move to their dedicated argumental PP-related position (FP by > FP to > FP of ). The adjective-related projection which contains the adjective and the noun undergoes successive roll-up movement through PP-related projections and reaches a position higher than that of the PP-adjunct. D So far, the higher part of the French Mittelfeld has been made of the following sequence of PPs: (recursive) de-phrase < à-phrase < par-phrase. Such an order can be refined if we take the co-occurrence of de-PPs into consideration, as exemplified in (64) (see Laenzlinger [10] for a thematic hierarchy of PP-positions in the French noun phrase). 23 structure, especially concerning the order of adjuncts and arguments in the midfield, on the basis of a comparison between head-final and head-initial configurations. The so-called parallelism between the clause and the noun concerns (i) the division of both the clausal and nominal structures into three parallel domains and (ii) the possible types of movement (short head-movement, single XP-movement, remnant movement and pied-piping movement). However, there are differences in the conditions of application on some of these movement types between the clause and the noun phrase. More precisely, the derivational steps of vP and nP movement proceed differently due to Case and agreement properties. This is also the case for possible derivations involving complements/arguments within the clause and the noun phrase.
In addition, we have observed that the left periphery as well as the midfield of the clause and the noun phrase show significant differences (i.e., non-parallelism) in their internal organization involving the respective distribution of adverbs/adjectives, 24 DP/PP-arguments and DP/PP-adjuncts. More precisely, we have seen that the left periphery is richer, or more developed, in terms of structures and discourse properties in the clause than in the noun phrase. This is attributed to the fact that the noun phrase has a less direct access to the discourse context being usually embedded within the clause.