Is there Discrimination against Women in Arab Universities ? A Study on the Status of Female and Male

Volume XXIII-XXIV, Nos. 114-115, Summer/Fall 2006 12 13 Introduction The challenges facing women across the world are numerous and require hard and long-term effort. Adding to this burden are the unobserved obstacles latent in the minds of many women resulting from their need to develop contemporary lifestyles and identities. These mental barriers harbored by women repress, and even block, their ability to become self-actualized and achieve empowerment. In other words, a conflict arises within modern women's psyches between the requirements innate in social progress and education on the one hand, and commitment to cultural and traditional values on the other. This study seeks to address the questions: What is the situation of the teaching staff, especially women, in Arab universities? Is there awareness about gender discrimination among faculty members of Arab universities? Moreover, if such discrimination is detected, what are its forms, aspects and degrees? By responding to these questions, the desire for a clearer understanding of women's roles in higher education, and their effects, can be fulfilled.


Introduction *
The challenges facing women across the world are numerous and require hard and long-term effort.Adding to this burden are the unobserved obstacles latent in the minds of many women resulting from their need to develop contemporary lifestyles and identities.These mental barriers harbored by women repress, and even block, their ability to become self-actualized and achieve empowerment.In other words, a conflict arises within modern women's psyches between the requirements innate in social progress and education on the one hand, and commitment to cultural and traditional values on the other.This study seeks to address the questions: What is the situation of the teaching staff, especially women, in Arab universities?Is there awareness about gender discrimination among faculty members of Arab universities?Moreover, if such discrimination is detected, what are its forms, aspects and degrees?By responding to these questions, the desire for a clearer understanding of women's roles in higher education, and their effects, can be fulfilled.
The Situation in the Arab World: An Overview Higher education institutions in Arab societies are relatively recent phenomena; their creation was motivated by national and economic factors.In modern history, especially during the second half of the twentieth century, the Arab world has had increasing experience with more developed countries, which has strongly influenced and largely shaped the Arab vision of how their universities should be defined and later developed. 1In 1996, the number of Arab universities reached 175, whereas in 1950 there had been about ten universities in the region.University construction started relatively slowly, but increased with each passing decade.An average of ten new universities opened each year throughout the 1990s.Subsequently, four-fifths of Arab universities were built in the last quarter of the twentieth century alone, and until the mid-eighties most universities (62 percent) had been in existence less than 15 years. 2 At the same time, enrollment in secondary education institutions in the Arab world increased dramatically during this period yet varied significantly among Middle Eastern countries. 3

Deficiency and Modernization
Observers of higher education development note the increasing demand for "university reform" in all Arab countries, identifying that most higher education institutions are incapable of meeting current developmental Fadia Hoteit and Rose Debbas Fadia Hoteit is a Professor at the Faculty of Education, Lebanese University.Rose Debbas is a social researcher in Development and Civil Society.

Is there Discrimination against Women in Arab Universities? A Study on the Status of Female and Male Professors
File File File demands.Researchers most often highlight obsolete instructional methodologies, and the growing gap between the insufficient numbers of professionals with higher educational qualifications and the continuously increasing need in the workforce for such qualified individuals as the most pressing problems.The Western paradigm of higher education manifests itself in its self-acclaimed liberal arts educational requirements, setting the standard of international accreditation, and therefore mandating that other nations follow suit if they desire worldwide recognition.In emphasizing conformity to such standardizations, Arab universities have adopted the Western model without carefully regarding the different and specific cultural and societal requirements of their particular region.Consequently, under a liberal arts educational system, with an overemphasis on the humanities rather than the theoretical or applied sciences, there is a lack of graduates specializing in fields that fulfil the needs of the employment sector of the Arab world.Some believe that the causes of these deficiencies are due to how and why the universities were first established and developed.By importing readyto-use Western higher education models and not having a comprehensive understanding of the functions and goals of higher education, the higher education system was not fully compatible with the development and cultural requirements of Arab societies from the beginning.Consequently, calls for modernization have been made.According to a document released by UNESCO, the desires for modernization are rooted in the immense cultural diversity, economic disparities and social instability that one sees throughout the Arab region.Furthermore, since the large populations of these countries are predominately young, there is a need to modernize to meet the increasing demand for higher education and assistance in developing and establishing more stability in these societies. 4w is modernization to be implemented?Considering the inadequacies mentioned above, the renewal of higher education in the Arab world must be a process that aims at changing its intrinsic nature based on the more relevant needs and expectations of Arab societies.More pragmatically, some observers stress the importance of modernizing teaching and learning methodologies as well as educational technologies, and of implementing the beneficial resources of information technology.On the managerial level, others believe that "nothing can allow universities to regain their vitality, impetus and ethical and practical values, except the unchaining of their administrations and their supervision from bureaucracy and politicization." 5However, modernization of higher educational institutions is impossible without also tackling the issue of women's positions in them.It is well-established that the status of women in a society is a fundamental indicator of its level of modernization.So what is the status of women in Arab universities?Moreover, what are women's views of their situation in this context?

Female Enrollment
The number of women enrolling in higher education is increasing in many Arab countries, especially in the Gulf.Most of these women come from the middle or upper classes situated in urban areas.In 1995, higher education enrollment for individuals between the ages of 18 and 23 reached 24.5 percent for men and 16.3 percent for women, with significant differences between countries in the region.For instance, in Egypt, enrollment of women has decreased since 1970 from being nearly one woman to every two men to less than one woman to 10 men in 1995; whereas, in Yemen, the average woman to man enrollment ratio has remained less than two women for every 10 men.
Increased enrollment in higher education is mainly due to an increase in the number of women enrolling.In recent years, the average enrollment figures for women have surpassed those for men, reaching 1.18 women for every man in Saudi Arabia, 1.35 in Kuwait, 1.87 in Bahrain, 5.12 in Qatar, and 6.08 in the United Arab Emirates.Even though these statistics can be interpreted to show that Arab countries support the issue of women attending and achieving a higher education, this support remains conditional upon women acting in culturally acceptable ways, and maintaining their opportunities to advance socially.For example, governments have attempted to reduce the possibility of rivalry between men and women by supporting the integration of women in specific fields such as education and medicine, but not in others where men predominate.This means that despite the development of higher education and subsequent modernization in the region, existing policies largely strengthen prevailing gender and class norms and structures.

Women's Academic Specializations
Women in Arab universities, as in universities worldwide, occupy positions of a lesser importance than those of their male colleagues, and often focus on teaching In 1996, the number of Arab universities reached 175, whereas in 1950 there had been about ten universities in the region.and/or learning rather than on research.Paradoxically, in some countries of the Gulf, gender segregation on campuses contributes to the likelihood that women will enroll in universities with such policies.In 1996, women in Bahrain, Qatar and Saudi Arabia constituted 30 percent of the total number of professors on campus.However, in other countries, women comprised a significantly smaller percentage of the faculty; in Jordan (18 percent), Kuwait (19 percent), Palestine (14 percent), Sudan (13 percent), Syria (16 percent), United Arab Emirates (9 percent), and Yemen (12 percent).As for Egypt, Lebanon, Qatar, and Morocco, women's participation in academic teaching largely has stabilized at between a quarter and a third of the total since 1980.Tunisia recorded remarkable progress in the percentage of its female professors, going from 9 percent in 1980 to about 30 percent in 1996.
In general, women's academic successes have not been mirrored in the social and political arenas.While this applies to all academics, both male and female, due to the relative marginalization of the academic sector, women are subject to a double marginalization considering the prevailing gender considerations that still characterize Arab societies.A study conducted by Mohammed Sabour in 1998 7 showed that although most of the female academics included in his study came from the upper and middle classes, their integration into the academic corps remained subject to a series of imposed male practices.In another article, he also found that the goals, power relationships and decision-making processes in Arab academia are fully fashioned to suit men and their mentality. 8 Consequently, women's status in higher education cannot be examined apart from their status or their development in society.In Arab societies that share, despite their diversity, various cultural aspects and traditions that rule gender notions, women still suffer from inequality, and this diminishes their opportunity to contribute to the advancement of society in a qualified professional capacity.
A study conducted by Rafica Hammoud, "The Role of Women in Higher Education Management in the Arab Region," 9 reveals that women's participation in administrative and academic positions is limited.Hammoud links this phenomenon to traditional views and social stereotypes, as well as to: economic factors, the political situation in the Arab world, the influence of the media, and women's self-images.This study adds credence to the widespread view that the higher educational sector as a whole, while witnessing the rapidly increasing enrollment of women on an almost equal basis with men, does not have women participating in the higher echelons of management, and suffers from continuing discriminatory practices which limit women from accessing such strata.These phenomena are also observed in the economic and political sectors of Arab societies as well.
The major question to address is: What should academia in the Arab world do to offset such prejudicial phenomena?The priority for counteracting discriminatory practices inherent in this field must first take into consideration that female academics most certainly have the cognitive capacities, and have raised their social status to the extent that they are well aware of any discrimination leveled against them.In addition, due to the current extensive recruitment of women for academic positions in Arab countries and given the recruiting costs involved, the expected responsibilities of their positions should be equal to those of their male academic colleagues.Furthermore, since social development goes hand-in-hand with an enhanced human resources pool to recruit from, with women constituting half of this pool, female academics' judgments of their current situation should play a significant role in contributing to the improvement of the current conditions, which will eventually progress towards the elimination of discrimination.

The Methodology of the Study
The Background of the Study As stated above, Arab higher education institutions exhibit inequality in promotion to upper administrative and managerial positions among male and female academics (such as university presidencies, deanships and department chairs), and in specialized academic fields that are supposedly open to women. 10e would expect, on a theoretical level at least, that academia, of all arenas of human endeavor, would be the most welcoming to women.This should be the case when one considers the criteria of competence and scientific knowledge used for peer evaluation in academia, as opposed to the criteria of gender, culture or political affiliation, especially since the latter are not the result of circumstances or will, while the former are a reflection of the structure of the higher education working environment.In the absence of such a welcoming spirit for the Women's status in higher education cannot be examined apart from their status in society or their development in society.

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promotion of women to more elevated levels, a university's staff and faculty would be working against their own standards of accepted academic practices.Specifically, a male university professor or staff member cannot object to the ascension of his female colleague to the position of president because she is a woman if she meets the requirements since this would oppose fundamental academic criteria, the essential foundation on which academic professions are built.
Nevertheless, the preservation of laws, rules or privileges related to the positions of the two genders in universities seems remarkably unchanged.The percentage of women in positions of leadership remains far inferior to their percentages as students and professors.It seems that hidden obstacles exist within the university structure, which hamper the promotion of women, and are not apparent in its formal laws.International research has shown that despite the appearance of non-discrimination in the Arab world, there is an invisible "glass ceiling" that female academics cannot rise above.There is also the belief that the obstacles facing Arab female academics are not only equal to, but are more than those facing women in Western universities, and that the glass ceiling in the Arab world is much lower than that in the West, considering the synergy of the more complicated and powerful factors that form this ceiling.Among these factors is the relatively recent increase of Arab women entering academic fields and their consequent lack of academic experience in comparison to male colleagues.Furthermore, customs, traditions and culture create a boundary between the two genders, burdening female academics and in turn affecting university life, as well as a low degree of awareness of university professors to the basic discrepancies between the genders.

The Questions of the Study
How are the obstacles that block the professional advancement of women in Arab universities created?What is the degree of awareness on the part of female academics of these obstacles?What are the personal factors that affect the reality of discrimination?How is discrimination manifested by male and female professors in Arab universities?Do these obstacles differ in form and type between Arab countries?
The Hypothesis There is apparent discrimination against women in Arab universities, which is especially visible in the discrepancies in academic status, and in gender awareness among male and female academicians.

How the Study was Done
To answer these questions and test the hypothesis, the researchers prepared two surveys.One was addressed to officials in Arab universities and sought to collect statistical data related to the gender dimension of public university life: professors' and students' specializations, enrollment percentages, and the composition of academic teaching staff, union or representative committees and decision-making positions, among other issues.The second form, 11 addressed to male and female academics with minor differences, sought to highlight the female academic's reality compared with that of the male academic, and the major obstacles facing female academics, as well as professors' views on the issue.
UNESCO's regional office 12 in Beirut took the responsibility of distributing the surveys to Arab countries and entrusting persons through UNESCO's national committees to follow up on the collection of the surveys.However, relatively few forms were collected from various Arab countries, specifically from Egypt (where university education is the most firmly established), making description of Arab higher education possible but with significant reservations.Failure to collect a sufficient number of surveys impedes accurate assessments of all the Arab countries, and limits the research to the few countries from which a minimum number of forms were received.
Consequently, this study is for factfinding purposes only, and is not fully comprehensive and representative of Arab male and female professors or the overall academic situation.
Nevertheless, the study is useful on the cognitive level; and it lays the foundations from which subsequent studies can form hypotheses.This is especially true in the absence of sufficient detailed studies about universities in the Arab world in general and about the status of female academicians in particular.

The Sample
The study sample consisted of 450 male and female academics.According to the sample constitution (see Table 1 of the annexes), the greatest number of responses came from Iraq, 13 followed by Lebanon, Tunisia, Yemen and Morocco, then the Emirates and Oman.As for Egypt and Syria, only 13 forms were received, whereas no forms were received from the remaining Arab countries.

The percentage of women in positions of leadership remains far inferior to their percentages as students and professors.
More male professors responded to the survey than female professors, except in Lebanon; whereas, in Iraq the number of responses was equal.An interesting observation is that fewer women provided information about their experiences and opinions then their male colleagues. 14The relatively high response rate of male academics is noteworthy since the survey did not deny that its goal was to glean information concerning the reality of female academics and the discriminatory injustices from which they are suffering.

The Results
To reiterate, this study is more of a fact-finding exercise than representative of the male and female professors' situation in the Arab world.Therefore, the study highlights discrimination against women in higher education.A summary of the major results collected in the study follows.
The study showed that the percentage of young and single female professors is higher than that of male professors.The data also show that the number of children for both male and female professors is low.Male and female professors have different criteria for selecting their respective spouses -female professors usually choose spouses from the higher social professional circles than their male counterparts, and most female professors require their partners to have reached a high educational level.
Although the majority of the male and female professors' mothers are homemakers, and the overwhelming majority come from big families of more than five children, the socioeconomic level of female professors is higher than that of male professors.The educational level of the female professors' mothers is higher than that of the male professors' mothers, and the professional status and educational level of their fathers are higher than fathers of the male professors.The data show that female professors choose academia as a profession at an earlier age compared to their male colleagues, mainly because the latter, who take time out from academia to pursue other interests, stop their educational pursuits for that period of time.Furthermore, female professors have less total number of years of education than that of male professors.Although there is no significant difference between women and their male colleagues in academic performance as to the number of courses, the hours of teaching and supervi-sion, and time dedicated to research, their percentage in higher academic ranks and in university leadership positions is inferior to that of their male colleagues.Perhaps this is due to the number of male professors who enjoy higher scientific competence and seniority due to more years of experience, as well as implicit gender discrimination.
Male and female professors are generally satisfied with their relationships with colleagues.Although female professors are less content, they do not feel a sense of rivalry with their female peers, whereas male professors complain about competition with other male colleagues.
In general, there is a remarkable level of participation by both genders in meetings, colloquia, specialized and diverse committees and seminars within university environments.However, male professors participate in such activities more often than their female peers, whereas both genders do not participate frequently in conferences and international academic associations.In public activities, male and female professors' participation in publishing, the media, televised seminars and other such activities is limited overall.However, male professors participate more than female professors.Both genders seldom participate in local associations; perhaps due to limited time, lack of awareness of their importance and a sense of apathy towards certain causes.Participation in women's associations remains very low, even though female professors participate more than male professors.
Surprisingly, the overwhelming majority of both genders do not take part in political parties, perhaps because of the relative lack of democracy in Arab countries, the weakness of most political parties, and an apprehension of authority.The professors could have also refrained from replying affirmatively because this would have contradicted their profession's culture.
Moreover, contending with professional and home responsibilities varied according to male and female professors, especially when juggling both work responsibilities and household tasks at the same time.Male professors resorted to self-organization, whereas female professors resorted to husbands, parents and hired help.However, both male and female professors did not feel that their household duties constituted an obstacle to their professional advancement.
... with age professors tend to be more aware of discrimination, to care more about the women's cause, and to be more willing to participate in public affairs.

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Regarding awareness about discrimination against women, the results show that female professors are less concerned about the women's movement for equality than their male colleagues, and that they are less convinced about the need for equality with male professors.However, those who are more concerned are more committed to turning their convictions into practical applications than their male colleagues.Both groups often raise the issue of equality for women with their students, although they tackle it more as an intellectual issue than a struggle that requires committed action.The male and female professors did not seem to be noticeably affected by a gender perspective in their education, and both resorted equally to refering to gender issues in their courses.
Unexpectedly, female academics did not believe the educational system was unfair to the extent that their male colleagues believed.The latter believe injustice is caused by social and political considerations, while a few female professors did feel that privileges were granted more often to male professors.In general, female professors are satisfied about their profession, especially their social situation.
These are the main results related to discrimination against women in Arab universities.In summary, they highlight a reality generally acceptable to female professors despite discrepancies in status and promotion.In addition, Arab female professors consider that these discrepancies do not require overt opposition, contrary to the statements of female professors in Western universities when they have felt unsatisfied.It can be ascertained that pressure is exerted less on Arab female professors than on Western female professors, since the former can readily obtain support, and consequently can face pressure more easily than the latter.
To substantiate these findings, a comparison was made between the status of female Arab academics and their civil status to determine if marriage, procreation and management of the household are major burdens.The results showed that these burdens were not major and did not affect academic status.Married female professors did not feel any injustice or resentment toward privileges granted to their male colleagues.Furthermore, they were more expressive about gender awareness than their single female colleagues, and had more interest in the women's cause, and were more willing to participate in public affairs.
The female professors were generally positive regarding their social status because they are married to men of high educational and socio-economic levels who usually adopt less stereotyped gender behaviors.Moreover, the majority of female professors come from larger and wealthier families, enabling them to have the possibility of financial, moral and personal support, and the social value they give to academic status is high.All of these factors contribute to reducing the effects of gender discrimination.
As to the age variable, it seems to serve gender awareness.The results showed that with age professors tend to be more aware of discrimination, to care more about the women's cause, and to be more willing to participate in public affairs.Older female professors, who possibly have less household and social duties, can also participate more in public affairs.
Regarding the relationship between gender awareness and the social and political environment, the results showed that it is highest in Lebanon, Tunisia and Yemen.It is known that these countries have democratic political experience, and therefore a correlation can be drawn where democracy may have a direct impact on gender awareness.Conversely, the weakest expression of awareness of the situation of women was recorded in Iraq, where political and social tensions and the domination of nationalism over public political awareness have marginalized the women's cause, rendering it a secondary issue.
Paradoxically, discussions about the women's cause decrease at a time when debates about the situation in the country predominate.
Perhaps this weakness in Iraq regarding the lack of awareness of the Arab women's cause largely explains this weakness throughout the Arab region.Arab political systems suffer from instability, affecting the development of society.In addition to the burden of the Palestinian cause, which is dealt with as a collective Arab responsibility, there are other heavy social burdens, such as illiteracy and poverty, which reduce the importance of, and at the same time deflect attention away from, the women's cause.
The results also show that a society that has a developed education system along with a democratic government has a high level of gender awareness.This awareness cannot be the monopoly of one gender; subsequently, awareness of the women's movement for equality in a certain society is directly linked to the level of men's Country Total awareness of it.Gender awareness by males -even if it is imperative to promote women's awareness -is not enough because it does not necessarily lead to change if women do not struggle for their own rights and encourage their societies to progress.Furthermore, gender awareness is not a mental issue only; it requires a social structure capable of assimilating it.This structure must support and promote education along with democratic political processes, especially regarding the development of a civil society.
The results of the study also indicate that class awareness contributes to gender awareness which leads to taking a stand and acting against gender discrimination.This is why we note that class privileges enjoyed by many female professors did not prod them to take action against discrimination despite their expression of relative gender awareness.The elitist and individual considerations and conditions that often characterize women's academic status reduce their interest in struggling against gender discrimination.Therefore, there is a need for opponents of discrimination against women to work within associations or parties including various social affiliations where interaction promotes and stimulates socially responsible action.
Interaction is not only required on the personal level, but is also required on a societal level in order to promote awareness and enlighten opinions.In this study, it is obvious that female professors who enjoy a sufficient level of gender awareness are those involved in public affairs, and who participate in conferences outside their countries.
From this it can be deduced that social isolation decreases the level of gender awareness.
In conclusion, female Arab professors are committed to their academic roles and they greatly approve of their working conditions.This study highlights their strenuous efforts to prove themselves on the academic level and their yearning to participate in decision-making in their respective universities.However, there still exists a gap in equality between their academic and their social roles as compared to their male counterparts.

Translated from Arabic by Nadine El-Khoury
Reprinted with permission from UNESCO and Bahithat: Lebanese Association of Women Researchers.For space purposes, the study is included here in abbreviated form.
The study first appeared in Bahithat: Vol VII: 2000-2001  The Universities in Lebanon and the Arab World.
The female professors were generally positive regarding their social status because they are married to men of high educational and socio-economic levels who usually adopt less stereotyped gender behaviors.

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* The percentage was counted for all squares where the spouse's profession was mentioned according to the total number of married persons and only those who answered (i.e.222 for the males and 116 for the females)     12. UNESCO's regional office represented by higher education expert Dr. Ramzi Salameh and Dr. Nakhle Wehbi participated in the supervision of the study's orientation, in the examination of the two surveys, and in all procedures.13.Iraqis were very enthusiastic about answering our questions.We also received many responses that included remarks and opinions of male and female professors in the margins.This left us with the impression that the former painful embargo imposed on the Iraqis created a desire to communicate with the outer world once they were able to do so.14.We find it interesting to note that a female professor from Lebanon categorically refused to fill in the form.She said: "I apologize for not filling in the form and I do not see a justification for your focus on the issue of woman [sic].I believe that women are fully enjoying their rights and that there are other more important issues to be raised."Undoubtedly, our colleague was an example of many female professors who refrained from filling in the form, although no one forced them to answer in a way that would contradict their opinions.

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Publications in Social Sciences, No. 11 (Joensuu, Finland: University of Joensuu, 1988).95-98.8. Sabour, M'hammed; Women in the Moroccan Academic Field: Respectability and Power, Mediterranean Journal of Educational Studies 1, No. 1 (1996): 82. 9. Hammoud, Rafica S; The Role of Women in Higher Education Management in the Arab Region, In Women in Higher Education Management, UNESCO & Commonwealth Secretariat, 1993, pp.31-51.10.Cf. the enclosed appendices.11.Dr. Mona Fayyad participated in preparing the first version of the survey and apologized later for not being able to continue work.This survey was discussed by several members of the Lebanese Association of Women Researchers who introduced major changes to it.