ROYAL JOSEON SOGYŎKSŎ AND PŎPCHO: THE PHILOSOPHICAL ENCUMBRANCE OF SARIM IN THE KIMYO LITERATI PURGE (1519) 1

. The early modern history of the Joseon dynasty (1392–1910) in East Asia is often depicted as an era of political conflict between the king, the Hun’gu faction, and the Sarim faction. The four major Sahwa (literati purges) reflect its seriousness through which Neo-Confucian scholars were sacrificed by the punishments of execution, exile, or dismissal. The Kimyo Sahwa was the most notorious incident for the Chinese ideology of the Sarim political party. What, then, happened in 1519? What kind of social transformation occurred in relation to the Sungkyunkwan scholars (the national university of the era)? Why did the public office of Daoist Sogyŏksŏ become one of the most controversial issues at the Joseon court? How was the royal shrine of Samch’ŏngjŏn criticised by the leaders of the Sarim faction? This paper explores the politico-religious landscape of early modern Korea through the key features of Jungjong coup (Royal Coup of 1506), Jo Gwangjo (1482–1520) and ‘the Literati Purge of 1519’, and argues the critical insight that the Daoist rituals and sacred sites (altars for the sky, stars, and gods) were traditionally maintained in the Pŏpcho philosophy of the royal sovereignty even if the culture of Jongmyo (ancestral altars) and Sajik (altars of soil and grain) were legally implemented at the beginning of the Confucian Joseon.


Introduction
Early modern East Asia commonly went through a domestic political trans formation during the 15th and 16th centuries.The death of Yongle Emperor (永樂, 1360-1424) of the Ming dynasty (Han Chinese, 1368-1644) caused to lose the geopolitical influence in the region of Manchuria (northeast of China), as under control of the Mongols of the Northern Yuan dynasty (1368-1635) (Fisher 1988).Ashikaga Yoshimitsu (1358Yoshimitsu ( -1408) ) of the Ashikaga shogunate united the Northern and Southern Courts during the Muromachi period (1336-1573) of Feudal Japan, but the peace did not also last (Henshall 2012).When they lost the Ōnin War (応仁の乱, 1467-1477) to the daimyōs (大名, powerful Japanese magnates), the country was divided as hundreds of independent states.The chaotic Japan, further, encountered the emergence of the first Europeans (Portuguese) in 1543, who brought the musket, a muzzle-loaded long gun (Perez 1998).
The Joseon dynasty of Korea (1392Korea ( -1910) ) was established by Yi Seong-gye (李成桂, 1335-1408) after Ming China (1368). 2 Over the course of one hundred years, the Joseon court was transformed into four different factions of political philosophy.Chŏrŭip'a (節義派) was the group of officers who complained about the immoral conduct (leading a coup d'état) of the 7th king Sejo (世祖, 1455-1468) over the dethronement of the 6th king Danjong (端宗, 1452-1455).They dishonored the wicked Sejo, who had forced to exile, demote and poison his young powerless nephew king (less than fifteen years old) to Yeongwol (寧越, an Eastern mountain country). 3Ch'ŏngdamp'a (淸談派) was another ideological group of literary people and poets who were strongly disappointed by the political decomposition of Sejo and his followers.They were not interested in obtaining public posts but organised a comrade party located nearby Dongdaemun (modern Seoul) (東大門 or Heunginjimun 興仁之門, Great East Gate) (Kim 2012: 155-201). 42 His father was Yi Ja-chun (李子春: 1315-1361), an official of Korean ethnicity serving the Mongolled Yuan dynasty .The royal category of Kaeguk Kongsin (開國功臣, contributors of dynastic foundation merit subjects), for the establishment of the new dynasty, were divided into the three levels: Chwamyŏng Kaeguk Kongshin (佐命開國功臣, exclusive helpers of the one becoming the founding king: 20 people), Hyŏpch'an Kaeguk Kongshin (協贊開國功臣, sponsors of the one becoming the founding king: 13 people), and Iktae Kaeguk Kongshin (翊戴開國功臣, contributors of a meritorious deed: 22 people).See, 沈之伯 開國原從功臣錄券 (Certificate of Meritorious Subject Issued to Sim Ji-baek), written in 1397.3 Sayukshin (死六臣, six martyred ministers) and Saengyukshin (生六臣, those royal officers giving up their government post) belonged to these people.Sayukshin (死六臣, six martyred ministers) were those executed by King Sejo for plotting to assassinate him and restore the former to the throne: Seong Sam-mun (成三問), Pak Paeng-nyeon (河緯地), Ha Wi-ji (河緯地), Yi Gae (李塏), Yu Eung-bu (兪應孚), and Yu Seong-won (柳誠源).Saengyukshin (生六臣) were those royal officers who still supported King Danjong (端宗, 1452-1455): Gim Siseup (金時習), Seong Damsu (成聃壽), Won Ho (元昊), Yi Maengjeon (李孟專), Jo Rye (趙旅), and Gwon Jeol (權節). 4 As they regularly gathered at a bamboo grove, the elite group called themselves Chungnim Ch'irhyŏn (竹林七賢, Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove).While avoiding secular honour, they enjoyed reading poetry, singing, and dancing (Nam Hyoon (南孝溫), Hong Yuson (洪裕孫), Yi Jeongeun (李貞恩), Yi Chong (李摠), and Hang Yeonggi (韓景琦)).The Yangban classes of scholars, writers, and musicians wrote the Daoist writings of Soyogŏn (逍遙巾, ritual writing).The classical scholars discussed the The Kimyo Literati Purge of 1519 The Hun'gup'a (勳舊派, the meritorious elite party) 5 were descendants of meritorious families who directly advocated the domination of Sejo's sovereignty and gained the political power in the Joseon court.During the regency process of Queen Jeonghui for her grandson King Seongjong (9th king, 13 years old), they became stronger and monopolised authority in politics.The possibility of marriages with royal families connoted the growth of their influence. 6They exploited various benefits of commerce (trade) and industry, while exhibiting a lack in or carelessness toward the philosophical dimension of Neo-Confucianism. 7Meanwhile, a new group appeared with the abstract ideology of morality and nationalism based on the Confucian teachings.The so-called Sarimp'a (士林派, the scholarly elite party) contained those who did not become involved in the establishment of the Joseon dynasty but continually countenanced the policy of the previous Goryeo dynasty (Jeong 2005: 7-62). 8They were the descendants of those people who dispersed to regions. 9The Sarim scholars had a chance to be public servants from the regency time of Queen Jeonghee (1469-1475) and the reign of King Seongjong (9th: 1476-1493) (Jeong 2005: 7-62).They were mainly employed at the three government watchdog organisations. 10The main roles of the public offices were to evaluate and indict government officials for corrupt or improper actions.They also played as official supervisors for the improper actions and policies of king and ministers (Wagner 1974: 20-27). 11teachings of ancient Chinese philosophers of Laozi (老子, 6th-4th century BCE) and Zhuang Zhou (莊子, 369-286 BCE). 5 or Gwanhakp'a (官學派). 6The reorganisation of the policies of civilisation and institutions was one of the key achievements, along with the social application of practical learning.In particular, they participated in national publication projects of Kyŏngguktaejŏn (經國大典, the State Code or a Complete Code of Law), Tonggukyŏjisŭngnam (東國輿地勝覽, a Korean geography book), Tonggukt'onggam (東國通鑑, a chronical book of the early Korean history), and Tongmunsŏn (東文選, the anthology collected from the poetical works of late Three Kingdoms (18 BCE-935) and Goryeo dynasty (918-1392)). 7Seo Geojeong (徐居正), Yi Geukdon (李克墩), Yi Seokyeong (李石亨), Han Myeonghoe (韓明澮), Shin Sukju (申叔舟), Gwol Lam (權擥), Jeong Inji (鄭麟趾), Jeong Changson (鄭昌孫), Choe Hang (崔恒), and Gu Chigwan (具致寬). 8Jeong presumed that the Sarim scholars are often depicted as three different categories: scholarbureaucrats engaging in politics; rural scholars pursuing Confucian truth; and scholars accepting flexibly Daoist and Buddhist philosophy on the basis of Neo-Confucianism.In this paper the first category of the group is mainly explored. 9The historical lineage is connected with Gil Jae (吉再, 1353-1419), a Goryeo scholar who studied under Yi Saek (李穡, 1328-1396) and Jeong Mong-ju (鄭夢周, 1338Mong-ju (鄭夢周, -1392)).Gim Jongjik (金宗直, 1431-1492) and scholars of the Neo-Confucian school (Gim Sukja (金叔滋), Bae Ingyeong (裵仁 敬), Cho Eullyong (崔雲龍), and Gim Goengpil (金宏弼)) used to advocate maintaining the moral teachings of fidelity, justification, and integrity.The political asylum seekers gradually operated a self-management institute, called Yuhyangso (留鄕所: Local Government Advisory Committee), in order to watch out for immoral politico-cultural behaviour and conduct of the local authorities. 10The function of each government office will be detailed later (footnote 45) in this paper. 11They also professionally analysed Confucian philosophy and responded the king's questions by the custom of Kyŏngyŏn (經筵, lecturing the Confucian philosophy to king) while managing the royal library and research institute.

Daoist Sogyŏksŏ versus Confucian moral ideology
When Yeonsan-gun eliminated many classical scholars through the literati purges of 1498 and 1504, the 10th king started to lose public sentiment and politicians' sympathy.His dictatorial behaviour was demonstrated through such tyrannical policies as the abolition of Kyŏngyŏn (經筵, lecturing the Confucian philosophy to king), the implementation of Shinŏnp'ae (愼言牌, the card of waring in speaking before king), making a banquet place in Sungkyunkwan (成均館, the national (Confucian) university of the era), the demolition of private houses in the 12 km area of the palace, and the abrogation of Korean (Hangeul) books.At that time, the Hun'gu faction, under the leadership of Park Won-jong (朴元宗, 1467-1510), Seong Hui-ahn (成希顔, 1461-1513), Yoo Soon-jeong (柳順汀, 1459-1512) and Hong Gyeong-ju (洪景舟, ?-1521), aroused an anti-royal coup against Yeonsan-gun and successfully replaced Jungjong (中宗, 1488-1544) as the 11th king of Joseon in 1506.Since the throne was not naturally inherited, the new king, who was only 19 years old, was controlled by the Chŏngguk Kongshin (靖國功臣, Meritorious Contributors) of the Hun'gu faction. 15he powerless young king promptly appointed the opposite party of Sarim elites to make a political balance and promote the Wangdo Sasang (王道思想, a political philosophy of government which is based on the Confucian virtues).As they were employed at the three supervisory offices of 'Samsa' (三司, the Three Offices of the Royal Advice), 16 the Sarim faction suggested various radical policies of large-scale reformation for the ideological society of morality (The Academy of Korean Studies 2020: 24-27, Kim 2003: 29-72).While most of the political issues were between the two factions for the power of the royal court, the abolition of Daoist Sogyŏksŏ (昭 格署) and Samch'ŏngjŏn (三淸殿) was a critical policy of the Sarimp'a to challenge the philosophical foundation of the king and royal family, who, based on the Pŏpcho teaching (法祖, the traditional ruling principles of forefathers in terms of filial duty), used to respect the harmony of heaven, king, and earth (citizens).In other words, the semicoercive compulsion of Jo Gwangjo (趙光祖, 1482-1520) symbolically implied that the religio-philosophical conflict between the royal tradition of Taoism and the Yangban thought of Neo-Confucianism anti-thetically co-existed in the early and middle era of the Joseon dynasty (Kim 2003: 29-72).
of the nation (Annals of King Taejo Vol. 9, January 10, 1396).21All the previous Ch'ojaesos (醮齋所 or Chaech'osos (齋醮所, the sacred sites of Daoist rituals and national ritual places)) were then integrated into Sogyŏksŏ (昭格署, Bureau of Brilliant Investigation) located at the north side of the Gyeongbok Palace (景福宮) during the reign of King Sejo in 1429 (You 2006: 130-135). 22The Sogyŏksŏ played the role of a government office in charge of Daoist rituals for the sky, earth, and stars: When the Office of Protocol (禮曹) requested [to the king] that because Pyŏlchwa (別坐, the senior officer of the fifth (court) rank) for Sogyŏkchŏn (昭格殿, Royal Temple of Taoism) has many other responsibilities, he cannot focus on the sacred role efficiently, the king should select two diligent and trustworthy men from Chŏnham (前銜, formal public officers) and Munshin (文臣, those who pass the civil service literary examinations) for the position.It was then carried on (禮曹啓: 昭格殿別坐以他官兼任, 不得 常仕殿內, 諸事虛疎。請自今別坐二員竝擇前銜文臣勤謹者差之, 使專其任, … 從之) (Annals of King Sejo Vol. 18, November 28, 1459).
The general purpose of the rituals include national security and prosperity, blessing and longevity of the king and royal family, guidance of ancestors and dead people into the immortal world, prosperity of descendants, prevention from calamities and climate change, and welfare of the public (Kang 2009: 322-327, You 2006: 135-137, Jung 2015: 242-276).The Annals of King Jungjong (中宗實錄) mentions that many miracles occurred for the nation as worshipping stars of the sky at the Sogyŏksŏ (昭格 署): "the king also claimed that one should not neglect to hold the rituals for stars at the Sogyŏksŏ, for many marvellous things previously occurred (上又問曰: 昭格殿醮星之 事, 靈異屢著, 不可忽也)" (Annals of King Jeongjong Vol. 6, December 18, 1400).In particular, for the lifespan of the king and royal family, the ritual of Sŏngshinch'ojae

Sogyŏksŏ and political debate
Byung Rae You presumes that the Joseon Sogyŏksŏ (昭格署, Bureau of Brilliant Investigation) and Samch'ŏngjŏn (三淸殿, the Daoist temple for the highest deities of Taoism) would have been in different locations of a similar region overlooking Gyeongbokgung Palace (景福宮).The Sogyŏksŏ would have been on the East hill of the current residence (Samch'ŏngdong) of the prime minister.Here, Samch'ŏngjŏn would have functioned as the mental pillar of the king and Joseon dynasty (You 2007: 232-235).The Gwaui Taoism (科儀道敎, Ritual Taoism) of the Joseon dynasty was unable to be formed as a professional organisation; rather, it was conceived as national offering rituals to heaven by the Head of State (Ch'a 1986: 46-54, Byun 1986: 8-12).For the Confucian literati, it was seen as a folk religion "which served as an innately religious function and concurrently as a source of salvation among common people" (Kang 2009: 321-324, Hur 2020: 233-242).On the other hand, such Daoist rituals cooperated within the principles of Pŏpcho (法祖), the supreme role of the king and royal family, in terms of mediating between heaven and citizens for the development and prosperity of Joseon.
Figure 2 depicts the sun, moon, and nature, which used to represent the presence of the king.As such, the Daoist Royal Folding Screen was mainly located behind the throne in the royal court of each palace: Geunjeongjeon (勤政殿, the court of law), Injeongjeon (仁政殿, the court for diplomacy, where vassals came to pay their respects and royal events were held), Myeongjeongjeon (明政殿, the court of Changgyeonggung Palace), Sungjeongjeon (崇政殿, the court for proclaiming political order or legislation and receiving respect from vassals), and Junghwajeon (中和殿, the court for receiving New Year greetings and national events).The Irwŏrobongdo (日月五峯圖), which are composed of five mountain peaks, pine trees, and water streams, was believed to have been objects provided by heaven to protect the king.The symbols of the sun (for king) and moon (queen) reflected the practical method for the virtue of the king.Whenever the king attended various royal or national events, the Daoist Royal Folding Screen was likewise installed behind his temporary throne, connoting his sacred role as a mediator between heaven and earth (citizens) (Irwŏrobongdo 2021).According to the classic novels of Imhwajŏngyŏn (林花鄭延) and Sonch'ŏnsayŏngirok (孫天師靈異錄) (Chae 2019: 125-227), the royal culture of Taoism was transmitted from the Chinese tradition in which emperors build Daoist temples and immortals.The celestial masters worked for the Imperial House.Nevertheless, the royal behaviour was against the basic principle of Confucianism in which the political philosophy of Joseon's Sarim faction was established.They rather wanted their king to respect the ancestral traditions of Jongmyo (宗廟, a Confucian shrine for the deceased kings and queens) and Sajik (社稷, national altars of soil and grain (millet)).In the Confucian thought the Chinese emperor was only allowed to worship heaven.The king of Joseon was not qualified to do so as a feudal lord: "the Sogyŏksŏ is the sacred place to hold a ritual for the stars.As [the Chinese] Emperor can worship heaven, feudal lords [including Joseon king] should only hold a ritual for mountains and streams only.Therefore, it is not right for the traditional manners (則昭格署, 乃祀星辰矣。 天子然後祭天, 諸(后)〔侯〕 只祀山川, 而至於祀天, 殊非合 禮, 革之爲當)" (Annals of King Jungjong Vol. 13, May 12, 1511).The royal Daoist Sogyŏksŏ was the major political encumbrance of Confucian scholars, but it was directly related to the custom and authority of the king and royal families in the political legitimacy of the Joseon Pŏpcho (法祖).
The philosophical issue was the major controversy of the royal court at the time of King Yeonsan-gun.When the political power of the Sarim faction, as mentioned by Hur Joon (Hur 2020: 237-238), became predominant through the successful appeal regarding rehabilitating the status of Queen Dangyeong (端敬王后, 1487-1557) and related events (1515), King Jungjong (中宗, 1488-1544) was pressured to abolish the Daoist office of Sogyŏksŏ and Samch'ŏngjŏn in 1518 (Kim 2003: 29-72).The repressive policy on Buddhism (抑佛政策) diffused into the royal culture of Taoism as well.King Jungjong, who ruled for 39 years, initially carried on the royal tradition of heavenly spirituality.The Daoist office in the place of Prince Yi Hang (李㤚) was regularly repaired (Annals of King Jungjong Vol. 1, October 27, 1506). 35onetheless, The Annals of King Jungjong (中宗實錄) proves that the cultural and political conflict of Sogyŏksŏ occurred 203 times in the 1510s.Figure 3 demonstrates that the proposal number of the Sogyŏksŏ agenda rapidly increased in 1511.In particular, between May and August, 37 of 131 proposals were intensively submitted to the royal court by Confucian scholars (including those working at the Samsa (三司, the Three Offices of the Royal Advice)) for the abolition of the Daoist ritual. 37Jo Sun (趙舜, 1465-1527) from Hongmun'gwan (弘文館, the Office of Special Advisors) argued about the costs of its rituals and maintenance: "Sogyŏksŏ was a cultic religion out of Confucian teachings and it costs a lot (昭格署, 左道祈禳, 耗用不貲, 慢天瀆神, 莫此爲甚)" (Annals of King Jungjong Vol. 13, May 4, 1511.).The unnecessity of worshiping gods of heaven was another reason: "feel empty that our Sogyŏksŏ worships the gods of heaven (我國昭格署, 亦祀天神, 至爲虛誕)" (Annals of King Jungjong Vol. 13, May 15, 1511).The veneration of Chibushiwang (地府十王, ten kings of the dark world (or hell) or Myŏngbushiwang (冥府十王, the ten kings of judging dead people)) was also denounced, as if worshiping of Laozi (Annals of King Jungjong Vol.21, February 21, 1515). 38However, King Jungjong refused their suggestion due the late kings having maintained the convention for a long time and that the tradition was recorded in the Kyŏngguktaejŏn (經國大典, a Completed Book of all Joseon Laws, Customs and Decrees): "For the Sogyŏksŏ is written in the Kyŏngguktaejŏn, we cannot easily change the traditional law of the royal (昭格署, 則載在《大典》, 祖宗舊章, 不可輕革)" (Annals of King Jungjong Vol. 13, May 10, 1511).Hur Joon additionally presumed the relation with the social trends of the 'disorder the government organization,' 'weakening national defence,' 'unfairness in engagement of talent,' 'impoverishment of public welfare,' and 'indolence of vassals' (Hur 2020: 253-254).
Thereafter, it was quiet for four years, but appeals regarding the destruction of Sogyŏksŏ were frequently proposed to the royal court between 1516 (eleven times) to 1517 (eight times).When the political position of the Sarimp'a dominated the royal court in 1518, 39 King Jungjong received sixty appeals in six months between April and September.The removal issue of Sogyŏksŏ was politicised almost every three days before the king.Sung Hwan Kim argued that Jo Gwang-jo penetrated the dilemma of the king (Kim 2003: 54-72, Lee 2010: 315-339).The condition of Sogyŏksŏ was gradually recognised as a cult, but the royal family aspired to keep the long-term tradition of the Laozi belief.Confucian scholars aimed to replace the Daoist thinking with the moral teachings of Confucius (551?-479 BCE).The students of Sungkyunkwan (成均館) also involved the anti-Confucian policy of Sogyŏksŏ (成均館生員權磌等上疏, 請革昭格署, ...) (Annals of King Jungjong Vol.34, August 27, 1518).Jeong Gwangpil (鄭光弼, 1462-1538, the Chief State Councillor), Sin Yonggae (申用漑, 1463-1519, the Second State Councillor), and An Dang (安瑭, 37 Sahŏnbu (司憲府, the Office of Inspector General), Sagwanwŏn (司諫院, the Office of Censors), and Hongmun'gwan (弘文館, the Office of Special Advisors) as well as Taesahŏn (大司憲, the head of the Sahŏnbu (司憲府, the Office of Inspector General) and Taesagan (大司諫, the third rank of the government). 38The Daoist gods (Chibushiwang) is also found in Buddhist temple nowadays.聽輪對。 豐儲倉主簿盧 燮曰: 昭格署醮祭, 佛家所謂地府十王亦與焉, 荒怪尤甚.The Kimyo Literati Purge of 1519 1460-1521, the Third State Councillor) also supported them but were rejected by the solid perception of King Jungjong (領議政鄭光弼、左議政申用漑、右議政安 瑭等, 以昭格署事三啓, 不允) (Annals of King Jungjong Vol.34, August 29, 1518).The petition of Yeo Youngha and Yusaengs (儒生, Confucianists) was continuously presented to the king: Laozi found Taoism as a religion and thereafter, many innocent and gullible ordinary people were blinded to its false truth and bedevilled into believing in the efficacy of its practices and truth.The Daoist practices and its truth are absolutely preposterous and absurd… Historically, because of the falsity and untruthfulness, Taoism has been suppressed and barred by preceding dynasties.Now the king's attitude toward Taoism appears to be improper (Kang 2009: 329).
The consistent political pressure eventually led to the closure of the government office in charge of Daoist rituals for the sky, earth and stars on September 3, 1518 (Annals of King Jungjong Vol.34, September 3, 1518; the Academy of Korean Studies 2000: 45-51).Kang interpreted the chaotic situation of the Joseon court to mean that "the literati or Confucian scholars [only] aspired to serve the dual functions of Neo-Confucianism: the socio-ethical and religious functions" (Kang 2009: 344).As the Daoist institution on the national stage ebbed away, Confucian intellectuals' committed adherence to their own truths got rid of all the ideological oppositions (Kang 2009: 327-331).

Conclusion
The Joseon dynasty witnessed three royal coups through which the throne was replaced under the strategical support of dominant political parties.The Sejo (1455) and Jungjong (1506) coups were led by the Hun'gu faction, while the Injo coup (1623) was conducted by the Seoin (西人, Westerners) of the Sarim faction.When the regal power was weak, the leading party of the royal coups caused four literati purges (1498, 1504, 1519, and 1545) in which Confucian scholars often experienced persecution by their political rivals.For the incident of the Kimyo Sahwa (the literati purge of 1519), the general interpretation often considers the radical issues of sociopolitical reformation of the Sarimp'a, such as the argument of Hyangyak (鄕約, regional autonomism regulation or a self-governing system of community) and the implementation of Hyŏllyanggwa (賢良科, public recruitment system performed by king's personal interview).The critical Sangso (上訴, appeal to king), for the revision of Chongkukgongsin (靖國功臣, the list of recognised contributors for the royal coup; 117 people), further, forfeited the rights and benefits of 76 Hun'gu people.
Those drastic policies were either against the opposite party or for their own political benefits.However, the long-term dispute for the abrogation of Sogyŏksŏ and Daoist rituals was a philosophical and cultural challenge to the royal authority who respected the traditional ruling principles of forefathers (Pŏpcho, 法組).The Sarim scholars did not want their king to keep the cultic teachings of Laozi, the founding figure of Taoism; rather they constantly promoted and espoused the moral and ethical teachings of Confucius in applying politics and customs.The ideological conflict is well demonstrated through various sacred policies of the royal tradition.The Daoist worship of stars at the official temples of Samch'ŏngjŏn (三淸殿), T'aeilchŏn (太一 殿), Chiksujŏn (直宿殿), and Shibiryojŏn (十一曜殿) opposed the ancestral culture of Jongmyo (宗廟, a Confucian shrine for the deceased kings and queens) and Sajik (社稷, national altars of soil and grain).The literati disliked the status of Sogyŏksŏ as the royal agency of 'heavenly worship.'The Yusaeng (儒生, Confucianists) of Sungkyunkwan (成均館, the national university of the era) also disapproved of the royal behaviour towards the star adoration including Big Dipper and constellations.Thus, the Kimyo Literati Purge of 1519, which was the largest purge of the Joseon dynasty, was the religio-political reaction against the young Confucian scholars.The highest pressure on the Pŏpcho (法組) philosophy of the powerless king burst out by the result of the critical reduction of Chongkukgongsin (靖國功臣), which aroused the political rage of the Hun'gu faction in the royal court of the early 16th century.

Figure 1 .
Figure 1.Utensils used for Daoist rituals.© National Museum of Korea.