Genesis of CIL VI 990* and CIL VI 991*

This paper aims at providing a detailed analysis of two epigraphic forgeries transcribed by Pirro Ligorio under the lemma “Accursia” in his Enciclopedia del mondo antico: CIL VI 990* and CIL VI 991*. In particular, we make an attempt to identify the genuine inscriptions that might have provided Ligorio with the necessary inspiration to compose these two forgeries and to shed new light on the curious choice of the nomen ‘Accursius’, which appears in both texts.


Gian Luca Gregori, Alessandro Papini
Mariangelo Accursio and Pirro Ligorio forgery, Pirro Ligorio happened to merge two different figures (ministrator and ab argento scaenico), the second of which is also hardly attested within both Latin literary and epigraphic sources.
For all the aforementioned reasons, almost all ancient and modern scholars have ignored this text, as (with the exclusion of Ligorio) the inscription appears to be reported only by the German humanist Marquard Gude (Rendsburg 1635-Glückstadt 1689. 10 After that, Theodor Mommsen definitively relegated it to the pars V of CIL VI, together with all the other non-genuine inscriptions. 11 Interestingly, the forgery also attests some linguistic forms which deviate from the standard 'norm' codified by the so-called 'Classical' Latin. For example, the spelling <Omolla>, instead of the correct and customary form <Homulla> (l. 6), shows both the dropping of the initial /h/ and the use of the grapheme <o> instead of <u>. Moreover, there is a gender confusion between the masculine and the feminine in the sentence bene de se merito (instead of bene de se meritae) in line 8, as the expression surely refers to Accurtia Omolla, wife of the freedman Accursius Plocamus, that is, the presumed owner of the grave. To conclude, the same nomen Accurtius is spelled both with the digraph <ti> (cf. <Accurtia>; l. 5) and with the simple grapheme <s> (cf. <Accursius>; l. 2). 12 It is worth underlining that these kind of 'misspellings' are extensively attested within Latin imperial inscriptions; 13 therefore, it seems possible that Ligorio (perhaps unwittingly) 'copied' these forms from those genuine texts that often provided him with the necessary 'inspiration' to create his forgeries. 14 As is well known, one of the main 'strategies' used by Ligorio was precisely creating "fake but (at least in part) plausible epigraphic texts, reconstructed on the basis of information from literary sourc- 10 Gude 1731, 188, no. 2. As Vagenheim 2004 highlights, this scholar has transmitted several Ligorian forgeries.
11 Cf. Orlandi et al. 2014. 12 Cf. Herman 2000Barbato 2017, 78-80. 13 For the use of /h/ in Latin see, among others, Leumann 1977, 159-63;Weiss 2011, 62-3;Adams 2013, 125-7. For the gender confusion between masculine and feminine see Adams 2013, 409-13. For an overview concerning the <o>/<u> graphemic oscillation in Latin epigraphic and other non-literary sources see Adams 2013, 62-7. For inscriptions in particular see, among others, Galdi 2004. 14 It is not rare to find such 'misspellings' within a false inscriptional text. To give some examples, we could quote: 1) the form <enptus> (pro emptus) in the ligorian forgery CIL VI 937* or 2) the systematic spelling <e> for /ae/ and the single consonant (within the lexeme Collatinus) in CIL VI 13*. See, respectively, Orlandi et al. 2014, 50 and 56. Ligorio might have used misspellings of this kind within his forgeries in order to "imitate the illiterates" (Abbott 1908, 28). Nevertheless, this particular topic does not seem to have been studied in detail. It is therefore our intention to address the problem in a future contribution.

Gian Luca Gregori, Alessandro Papini
Mariangelo Accursio and Pirro Ligorio es, coin legends, or genuine inscriptions". 15 In particular, he is likely to have often used epigraphic texts "which did not" necessarily "deal with important historical figures or events", 16 which seems to be the case in our inscription. Indeed, considering both the mention of a freedman who served under more than one emperor, 17 and (above all) the mention of the office ab argento scaenico, which is scarcely attested in Latin inscriptions from the city of Rome (and from the Empire), it seems reasonable to suggest that the specimen (or one of the specimens) used by Ligorio to create CIL VI 991* might have been CIL VI 8731, which is the only genuine inscription known to refer to this particular office.
Interestingly, the elements mentioned above do not seem to be the only textual analogies between CIL VI 991* and CIL VI 8731. First, the 'structure' of the two texts appears to be suspiciously similar, as both the inscriptions refer to a freedman of more than one emperor and to his coniux, respectively: M. Accursius Plocamus and Accurtia Homulla (CIL VI 991*), T(itus) Aelius Ameptus and Pomponia Cleopatra (CIL VI 8731). 19 Moreover, the two female characters are preceded by the same formula fecit se vivo of the two inscriptions. Here we see, yet again, the use of an expression that is not particularly common in Latin epigraphy, as the verb fecit usually appears after, and not be- 15 Orlandi et al. 2014, 45. Cf. also Abbott 1908, 27-8. 16 Orlandi et al. 2014, 60. Cf. also Vagenheim, 2011. 19 On the contrary, both the mention of two other characters (Ameptus' brother Niceta and his friend Alypus) and the expression lib(ertis) libertabusq(ue) posterisq(ue) eo/rum are omitted in CIL VI 991*.

Gian Luca Gregori, Alessandro Papini
Mariangelo Accursio and Pirro Ligorio fore (as in our case), this peculiar 'ablative absolute' construction. 20 Apart from the evident textual similarities between the two inscriptions, the proposed hypothesis, according to which CIL VI 8731 may have been used by Pirro Ligorio as the 'template' for the realization of CIL VI 991*, seems to find further confirmation in the peculiar 'story' of the genuine inscription, currently in the 'Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli' (inv. No. 2811).
The inscription was part of the rich epigraphic collection hosted by the Cardinal Rodolfo Pio di Carpi (Carpi 1500-Rome 1564) in his 'vigna', which was located on the 'Quirinale' hill. 21 As H. Solin rightly states, 22 the Cardinal Rodolfo Pio was a major figure in the ecclesiastic and pontifical environment of the 16th century-Rome, and he was also one of the greatest collectors of classical antiquities of his time. Indeed, his research of classical antiquities was continuously inspired by a genuine 'scientific' interest towards the 'Classical world'. For this reason, he became patron to some of the main 'scholars' of his time, including Pirro Ligorio, who "senza dubbio studiò spesso le sue collezioni". 23 In particular, it seems that Ligorio had the opportunity to see CIL VI 8731 during one of his visits to the vigna Carpensis, as is testified by the fact that he registered this particular inscription in the quire 79r of the manuscript Neapolitanus XIII B 8, 24 which contains the so-called Libro XXXIX dell'antichità di Pyrrho Ligorio napolitano nel quale sono raccolti alcuni epithafi dell'antiche memorie de' sepulcri.
Considering this information alongside the above discussion of textual similarities between CIL VI 991* and CIL VI 8731, it seems probable that the genuine inscription was used as a the 'template' for the creation of the Ligorian forgery.

2
CIL VI 990* One might wonder why Pirro Ligorio chose the curious name M. Accursius for this specific forgery. As is well known, most of the nongenuine inscriptions (both on paper and on stone) 25 produced between the 16th and the 17th century happen to refer (more or less explicitly) to some of the most outstanding personalities of the time, one of the main reasons for this fact being the 'counterfeiter's' will to heighten the prestige of a particular noble family or personality. 26 One could, for instance, refer to the forgeries on stone 27 invented by the Italian humanist Girolamo Falletti in order to 'prove' the descendance of the house Este (whose members often carried the name 'Azzo') from the Roman gens Atia, also celebrated by the Latin poet Vergil as the family of Atia, mother of the Emperor Augustus. 28 Along the same lines, the members of the Roman family of the 'Porcari' used to exhibit a false epitaph celebrating Marcus Porcius Cato 29 by the entrance of their residence in Rome, with the clear intention of suggesting that the famous Latin statesman and censor was one of their ancestors. 30 As far as our particular forgery is concerned, one might therefore ask whether Pirro Ligorio wanted to 'pay some tribute' to a specific contemporary personality (or family) by creating CIL VI 991*.
In order to answer this question, we might refer to a statement made by the same Neapolitan epigraphist and 'counterfeiter'. As is well known, 31 Pirro Ligorio hardly ever makes a direct reference to those 'modern' contributions that represented the 'source' for the inscriptions registered within his two main works which deal with antiquities and Latin epigraphy (the book Delle Antichità di Roma and the Enciclpopedia del mondo antico). Nevertheless, an explicit reference seems to be found in the initial (and unnumbered) pages of the Ligorian work on the Antiquities, as the author states that the 'lost' inscriptions collected in this particular manuscript could be found "'in quel libro delli epigrammi' (c. 17v), in cui è forse possibile riconoscere gli Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis stampati a Roma nel 1521 dall'editore Mazzocchi". 32 25 These two categories are addressed individually in Orlandi et al. 2014. 26 Billanovich 1967.

Gian Luca Gregori, Alessandro Papini Mariangelo Accursio and Pirro Ligorio
This work, which represents the starting point for the creation of epigraphic collections in Italy, 33 was published only after long and difficult vicissitudes, as is well testified by the fact that four full years passed between the concession of a seven-years privilege (to print) by Pope Leo X (1517) and the publication of the book (1521). In particular, while the first edition of the manuscript was being entirely revisited and corrected, 34 Giacomo Mazzocchi devoted himself to the publication of the De notis antiquarum litterarum of the Latin grammarian Marcus Valerius Probus, whose critical edition, edited by the Italian humanist Mariangelo Accursio, was eventually added at the beginning of the very same Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis, as the editor considered this book as a necessary contribution "per poter accedere alla lettura delle stesse epigrafi". 35 Moreover, it is not impossible to suppose that the same Mariangelo Accursio was one of the main scholars involved in the re-edition of this specific epigraphic collection (from which, as mentioned earlier, Ligorio seems to have copied several inscriptions later included in his books Delle Antichità di Roma). In particular, this fact seems to be further confirmed by an annotation that the very same Mariangelo Accursio wrote about one of the inscriptions included in the collection edited by Giacomo Mazzocchi. 36 Mariangelo Accursio was one of the greatest humanists and scholars of Latin epigraphy and classical antiquities during the 16th century. As A. Campana points out, 37 not only his involvement in the reedition of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis, but also the fact that he was planning to publish a new, more 'scientific', edition of the socalled Inscriptiones Sacrosanctae Vetustatis (published in 1534 by P. Apianus and B. Amantius), 38 clearly indicates his innovative desire for a methodological renewal of Italian classical studies which, in his time, could already boast of a more than secular tradition. In particular, Mariangelo Accursio was the first 'epigraphist' to stress the importance of respecting the division into lines when transcribing the inscriptions and to understand the necessity of comparing the texts that were known from the manuscript tradition with the origi-33 Cf. Bianca 2009, 107. 34 Testimony of this fact is, for instance, borne by the several errata corrige which the editor Angelo Mazzocchi decided to include at the end of the work. Cf. , 111-12. See also Campana 1960, 127. 35 Bianca 2009 36 CIL VI 4*: C. Iulianus Caecyus (!) Ant. F. ppn. Aldianum d(onum) d(dedit). About this particular inscription Mariangelo Accursio writes: "Iulianus is qui hunc lapidem inscribi fecit, adhuc vivit et eius etiam frater Pomponius" (CIL VI, pars V, p. 6*). The inscription, once collected in the DAI of Rome is actually lost (we are deeply grateful to M.G. Granino Cecere for this information).

Gian Luca Gregori, Alessandro Papini
Mariangelo Accursio and Pirro Ligorio nal exemplars on stone. Moreover, even though other scholars (like, for instance, Andrea Alciato) undoubtedly a better use of the epigraphic records for the study of classical history, Accursio extended the research for epigraphic texts to several, still largely unexplored regions, such as Spain and Hungary. In particular, he was the very first corporis conditor to look at the inscriptional material from his homeland, Abruzzo. 39 Given the importance of Mariangelo Accursio in the context of the Renaissance studies on Latin epigraphy, it could be hypothesized that, in creating CIL VI 991*, Ligorio might have intended to 'pay some tribute' to the figure of the other illustrious Italian epigraphist. Moreover, it is not impossible that these two personalities might also have had the occasion to meet each other in Rome, where they both lived for a certain period.
Indeed, Mariangelo Accursio (1489-1546), born in L'Aquila, was already in Rome in 1513, when he published his first literary work, entitled Osci et Volsci dialogus ludis Romanis actus. 40 He remained in this city until 1533, when he went back to his hometown. Moreover, from the year 1520 onwards, he also had the opportunity to travel across Europe serving, at first, under the marquises Giovanni Alberto and Gumberto of Hohenzollern, and after that under the wealthy banker Antony Fugger. Nevertheless, Accursio continued to visit Rome even after his eventual return to L'Aquila. For example, in the decade 1535-45, he took part in a series of diplomatic missions that brought him back to Rome (among other places) and that constituted an important phase "della lunga vicenda delle trattative condotte dalla sua città per ottenere dalla corte imperiale la reintegrazione dei diritti sui castelli, che erano stati tolti al comune ed assegnati ai baroni del principe d'Orange dopo la rivolta del 1528". 41 Moreover, as highlighted by A. Campana, during this period Accursio also had the occasion to come back to Rome in order to follow his own epigraphic and antiquarian interests. Therefore, he might have had the opportunity to meet Pirro Ligorio in the decade 1535-45, since the Neapolitan humanist was also in Rome from 1534 to 1568, and shared Accursio's erudite interests. 42 Moreover, although it is impossible to find definitive proof for both a personal acquaintance between the two Renaissance humanists and (above all) for the fact that Pirro Ligorio might have had the occasion 39 Campana 1960, 130. 40 The Dialogus, in particular, seems to have been composed in occasion of the socalled Ludi Romani, the celebration following the acquired Roman citizenship of Giuliano and Lorenzo de Medici, respectively, Pope Leo X's brother and nephew. Campana 1960, 126. 41 Campana 1960 42 Cf. Bortolotti 2005.

Gian Luca Gregori, Alessandro Papini Mariangelo Accursio and Pirro Ligorio
to read (at least in part) some of Accursio's works dealing with Latin inscriptions (such as his re-edition of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis), the same thing cannot be said for Accursio's literary work, since Ligorio himself directly praises the poetic talent of his illustrious 'colleague' from L'Aquila in the 14th volume of his work Delle Antichità di Roma. 43 When this last piece of information is added to what we have already said about the (possible) direct acquaintance between Pirro Ligorio and Mariangelo Accursio, and (above all) about the latter's likely involvement in the re-edition of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis, it is possible to hypothesise that, behind the fictional character invented by Ligorio for CIL VI 991*, may be hidden the figure of the great Italian humanist Mariangelo Accursio. In particular, this would also permit us to clarify why the Neapolitan 'counterfeiter' decided to choose such a scarcely attested function like ab argento scaenico for his forgery. In fact, by using this particular expression, Ligorio may have intended to allude to Accursio, who had served under the wealthy banker Antony Fugger.
To conclude, a similar rapprochement between the name M. Accursius invented by Ligorio for CIL VI 991* and the actual Italian Renaissance humanist Mariangelo Accursio might also permit us to shed new light on the 'identity' of a second Accursius, which is 'quoted' by Ligorio in another forgery, also 'transcribed' by the Neapolitan writer under the very same lemma 'Accursia' of his 'Enciclopedia del mondo antico'. The text (also reported by Gudius) 44 refers to the grave set up by two men: the freedman C. Accursius Livinus, the cubicularius of an impossible-to-identify Imperator Titus Flavius and P. Accursius Albus, a freeborn absurdly connected again with the office ab argento (in this case, not scaenico but potorio).
Like the office of ab argento scaenico, the office ab argento potorio was usually held by Imperial freedmen (and slaves) working under a praepositus argenti potori. Nonetheless, if the former were the

Gian Luca Gregori, Alessandro Papini Mariangelo Accursio and Pirro Ligorio
'personnel' responsible for the silver objects used in the theatre, the latter had the task of taking care of the silver furnishings used in the context of the imperial banquets. 45 Interestingly, even the latter office ab argento potorio appears to be hardly attested in the epigraphic records from Rome, as it is only quoted in two Roman inscriptions. 46 Nonetheless, Ligorio happened to know directly (at least) one of these two epigraphic texts (CIL VI 8730), as he had had the occasion to see it in person, probably in the 'vigna' of the Cardinal Rodolfo Pio di Carpi, where the inscription was seen by Martin Smetius. 47 Therefore, just like CIL VI 8731 is likely to have been used by the Neapolitan 'counterfeiter' as the 'template' to create CIL VI 991*, it is not impossible to hypothesise that CIL VI 8730 might have provided Pirro Ligorio with the necessary 'inspiration' to create CIL VI 990*.
Along the same lines, if (as it seems very likely) the M. Accursius quoted in the first Ligorian forgery might actually hide the figure of the great Italian humanist Mariangelo Accursio, it seems reasonable to identify the C. Accursius in CIL VI 990* with Casimiro Accursio, the son whom M. Accursio had had with Caterina Lucentini Piccolomini after his definitive return to L'Aquila in 1533. 48 To conclude, considering the fact that most of the inscriptions transcribed by Ligorio in the manuscript Taurinensis "devono […] essere […] mere invenzioni sulla carta, perché l'edizione torinese fu redatta dopo la partenza da Roma di Ligorio", 49 it would seem reasonable to see in both CIL VI 991* and CIL VI 990* two forgeries created by Pirro Ligorio with the intention of paying tribute to the figure of his illustrious 'colleague' Mariangelo Accursio.
In fact, not only does Ligorio seem to have been acquainted with the literary (and, perhaps, also with the epigraphic) works of his illustrious contemporary poet, philologist and epigraphist Mariangelo Accursio, but it is not possible to exclude that the two humanists might have had the occasion to meet in person in Rome during the decade 1535-45. 48 Campana 1960, 129. The young Casimiro seems to have been a particulary promising Classical student. Nevertheless, he died at an early age while he was studying medicine in Padova during the year 1563.