ARTICULATION OF THE JAVANESE ISLAMIC MYTHIC IDEOLOGY IN THE KRUCIL KEDIRI PUPPETS

The Cipto Manunggal Kebatinan Community is a mystical community that has developed in the Kediri area of East Java, which strengthens its ideological identity through the Krucil puppet art. Krucil is constructed as a performing art from the kebatinan community, which displays the concepts in the kebatinan teachings they profess. The main concepts in kejawen teachings are reconstructed through symbols in the Krucil puppets, so that the core concepts in kejawen teachings have new meanings. This study uses a critical ethnographic approach to dissect the ideological concepts in the wayang Krucil which is used as an ideological representation of the Cipto Manunggal community. The results of this study indicate that there are 3 main aspects in Cipto manunggal's kebatinan teachings that acquire new meanings,


INTRODUCTION
The existence of the kebatinan community in Indonesia has been going on since before the era before independence. The mystical community is spread across several regions in Indonesia, including several mystical communities in the Kediri Regency area.
Kediri Regency is one of the largest centers of kebatinan organizations in Indonesia, in addition to the areas of Madiun, Jakarta, Surakarta and Yogyakarta (Hadiwidjojo, 1983:27).
The situation that affects the style of Kediri culture in general, considering that some kebatinan teachings are one of the pillars of the socio-cultural life of the local community.
Although the practice of kebatinan is very personal, many spiritual activities are carried out communally, involving certain cultural products, including the use of wayang as part of the ideological and ritual system adopted. For some mystical communities, wayang is considered a representation of a metaphysical and ethical system that is able to explain the origin of the universe, so that the existence of wayang as a mystical property is relatively common (Anderson, 2016:14). One of the kebatinan communities in Kediri that uses wayang as a medium of metaphysical and ethical representation is the Cipto Manunggal kebatinan community in Senden village, Kayen Kidul sub-district, Kediri regency. The Cipto Manunggal Mystical Society, is a spiritual community that places the Krucil puppet as the ideological medium for Kejawen teachings. One of the kebatinan communities in Kediri that uses wayang as a medium of metaphysical and ethical representation is the Cipto Manunggal kebatinan community in Senden village, Kayen Kidul sub-district, Kediri regency. The Cipto Manunggal Mystical Society, is a spiritual community that places the Krucil puppet as the ideological medium for Kejawen teachings. One of the kebatinan communities in Kediri that uses wayang as a medium of metaphysical and ethical representation is the Cipto Manunggal kebatinan community in Senden village, Kayen Kidul sub-district, Kediri regency. The Cipto Manunggal Mystical Society, is a spiritual community that places the Krucil puppet as the ideological medium for Kejawen teachings.
Senden Village, which is a typical village that is socially and culturally open. The Senden community consists of various beliefs, where the Muslim community lives side by side with the Hindu community, Christian community to believers. Krucil Kediri's wayang art that developed in the village is side by side with Jaranan art which has magical nuances and is identical to the Abangan and Hindu communities, wayang kulit art which is identical to the mythical art of the Priyayi, campursari art which is identical to folk art, and Jemblungan art which is identical with Islamic art belonging to the santri (santri) community. Krucil Kediri's wayang performances have been adjusted to the current socio-cultural situation, both in visual appearance, characterizations and the variety of plays presented.

The ideological orientation held by the puppeteers and the puppet crew of Krucil
Kediri is channeled into the performance of the performances. Krucil Kediri's wayang art can be seen as one of the cultural capitals that function to defend or fight for a certain ideology.
The involvement of the mystical community that supports the existence of the Krucil puppet in several places cannot be ruled out. The puppet actors position Krucil's wayang as the embodiment of their ideology. Wayang Krucil functioned not only as a means of entertainment, but also functioned as an ideological medium of the kebatinan community in the Kediri area. The ideological approach is used by the puppeteers, to internalize socioeconomic, symbolic and spiritual capital through the arts. The ideological interests of these puppeteers make Krucil's wayang performance different from other puppets. This study wants to analyze the role of the Krucil Kediri wayang as a medium of ideological articulation for kebatinan adherents in the Kediri district of East Java.

RESEARCH METHODS
This research is a qualitative research with an ethnographic approach and is interdisciplinary. The ethnographic approach was chosen because in the discipline of cultural studies (cultural studies) emphasizes the role of agency (actor). This emphasis on the role of the actor means that in cultural studies, the role of the individual, in his socio-cultural relations and interactions, is not seen as a passive consumer of meaning, but is seen as a producer of meaning. The interpretation process is expected to find the causes, forms and implications of ideological contestation in the Krucil Kediri puppet. The ethnographic approach was chosen because the main objective of this research is to understand and interpret a particular culture or social group system, in this case the cultural ideology of the This mystical synthesis also produces accurative cultural forms between Islamic and pre-Islamic cultures. The formal unification of Islamic teachings and Javanese beliefs has actually started since the era of Sultan Agung in the 17th century. The Mataram dynasty tried to synthesize Islamic and Javanese culture, for example using a hybrid calendar system that was not completely based on the Old Javanese calendar system, but still adopted the Javanese calendar system hijri calendar (Islam). In its development, the Mataram kingdom tried to build a political culture that was different from its predecessor, the Demak kingdom.
The synthesis of Islam and Java became the peaks of acculturative Mataram culture. The Kejawen Islamic Library is one of the products of the synthesis of Islam and Java. Kejawen Islam is a library that contains Javanese traditions with elements of Islamic teachings, especially Sufism teachings. The names that are often used to refer to Kejawen Islamic literature are primbon, wirid and suluk (Simuh, 1988  This mystical synthesis practice will at a certain point lead to the strengthening of a new cultural identity, which will gradually shift the original identity. This concern was expressed in Mangkunegara's fourth Wedatama fiber. Mangkunegara IV's concern about the political revival of Islamic identity is quite reasonable considering that some Muslim figures began to stay away from the noble teachings of Java in the early 19th century. The number of pilgrims experienced a significant increase in the first half of the 19th century. The predicate of Hajj became a marker of new social status in society in that era, shifted the role of traditional priyayi who were oriented to the palace. Several Islamic figures who had just returned from Mecca began to adopt a different da'wah model from the era of the Wali Songo era. These preachers can be called a reformer group (tajdid) and are starting to stay away from the teachings of Sufism as taught by the initial wave of Islam's arrival in the archipelago (Azra, 2013: 312). In Java also began to develop tarekat movements which began to distance themselves from the teachings of Javanese Mystics. KH Ahmad Rifai, the founder of the Tarekat, Rifaiah in the Kalisasak area of Tegal, is an example of a cleric who forbids all forms of Javanese art, including wayang art, which is considered heretical. The wave of Islamism at the beginning of the 19th century was felt to be quite disturbing for some Javanese kebatinan communities the founder of the Tarekat, Rifaiah in the Kalisasak area of Tegal, as an example of the ulama who banned all forms of Javanese art, including wayang art, which were considered heretical. The wave of Islamism at the beginning of the 19th century was felt to be quite disturbing for some Javanese kebatinan communities. the founder of the Tarekat, Rifaiah in the Kalisasak area of Tegal, as an example of the ulama who banned all forms of Javanese art, including wayang art, which were considered heretical. The wave of Islamism at the beginning of the 19th century was felt to be quite disturbing for some Javanese kebatinan communities.
On the one hand, the mystical synthesis process carried out since the Mataram era did not change the priyayi's perception of elite art and their position in society. The distance between folk art and elite art is always created, starting from the way of dress, the model of the house to the art objects that are collected. The priyanyi were actually individuals appointed by the kingdom as rulers of a certain area, although in practice the priyayi did not always have inheritable positions. These priyayi acted and behaved as feudal aristocrats, regardless of their position in the state structure (Kartodirdjo, 1993:6). This phenomenon was deliberately created to take social distance with the underprivileged. The little people in Javanese terminology can consist of farmers or traders. Javanese society was initially divided into 3 groups, namely kings (princes), nobles and peasants before the Dutch feudalization era (Muchtarom, 1988:3). This social stratification changed with the decline of feudalism and the arrival of the Japanese in Java. Each social strata ultimately creates symbols of their respective cultures.
The social distance between art belonging to the priyayi and the Wong cilik and art belonging to the priyanyi and the santri became increasingly prominent in the early 19th century. The Dutch East Indies government began to appoint new priyayi in its territory, namely the foreign and pasisir areas as regents or wedanas. These priyayi received a fixed salary from the colonial government. A phenomenon that opens up opportunities for the birth of new foreign or pasisir nobility, or priyayi who are not of noble descent. These foreign aristocrats then positioned themselves as royalty of the palace, both in terms of dress and taste in the arts. This effort was actually a movement for the defeodalization of the Javanese aristocracy in foreign and coastal areas by the colonial side, because these areas were indeed under Dutch control. The birth of these foreign and coastal aristocrats, including in the East Java region further strengthens the local identity that is different from the Mataram area. The colonial government gave power to the gubernatorial regents (appointed by the Dutch) to develop their respective identities. The Regent of Pasisir is as if he were his own kingdom, with all the customs and symbols of each (Kartodirdjo, 1993:14).
East Java is a coastal area and a foreign area of Mataram (Kartodirdjo, 1993:11).
Mataram itself divides its territory into 4 cultural zones, namely the Kutanegara area, the Great Country area, the foreign area and the coastal area. The foreign and coastal areas are areas that are outside the great state (core area) which are only ruled by a regent, which is socioculturally considered inferior to the territory of the great state. The regents in foreign and coastal areas have a lower social position than the bekel, as rulers of the great state. It is this historical background that creates a wider cultural distance between the territory of the core country and foreign countries. The rulers of foreign and coastal countries, covertly began to carry out resistance, both in the political realm, social and cultural. The political resistance of the coastal priyayi was in the case of Senopati's expansion to the north of East Java to stem the power of coastal Islam, as well as the conflict between Prince Pekik and Prince Sedo Krapyak regarding the seizure of the northern coast of Java. It was realized by Mataram that the coastal area had begun to build its own identity that was different from the Mataram kingdom, so that it needed to be limited in its space of movement. The politics of attacking coastal areas by Sultan Agung was also understood as Mataram's effort to restore the profession of coastal communities to become farmers like the Mataram kingdom in the interior. and the conflict between Prince Pekik and Prince Sedo Krapyak over the seizure of the northern coast of Java. It was realized by Mataram that the coastal area had begun to build its own identity that was different from the Mataram kingdom, so that it needed to be limited in its space of movement. The politics of attacking coastal areas by Sultan Agung was also understood as Mataram's effort to restore the profession of coastal communities to being farmers again like the Mataram kingdom in the interior and the conflict between Prince Pekik and Prince Sedo Krapyak over the seizure of the northern coast of Java. It was realized by Mataram that the coastal area had begun to build its own identity that was different from the Mataram kingdom, so that it needed to be limited in its space of movement. The politics of attacking coastal areas by Sultan Agung was also understood as Mataram's effort to restore the profession of coastal communities to become farmers like the Mataram kingdom in the interior.
The conflict between Mataram and its territories in the East Java region continued to an ideological level. The coastal area is considered a more conservative area with stricter Islamic teachings than the interior area. The coastal rulers also tried to develop a more collaborative form of culture than the acculturative inland areas. This process is what produces a different type of art in the interior. The Kediri area, although geographically located in the interior and received dominant influence from Mataram, has developed in a more open and acculturative culture. Kediri grew as an inland area with a maritime situation.
Kediri's role in political dynamics in Java lasted until the Mataram period. Kediri was involved in a conflict with the Mataram palace during the Trunojoyo rebellion in the early 17th century, which led to the fall of this area into the hands of Amangkurat II troops and the VOC (Riklefs, 1981:83). The incident that more or less changed the ideological position of the Kediri area, became an area that was viewed more carefully by the Mataram kingdom. In the era after the Giyanti agreement, the Kediri area was included in the Surakarta Palace area.  These forces are found in various aspects of human relations, for example, relations between humans and other humans as well as human relations with their environment and situations, and others (Bertens, 2000:302). The phenomenon that encourages the practice of hegemony.

Dynamics of Symbols of Javanese Islamic Teachings in Wayang Krucil Kediri
Javanese society is a society that glorifies the use of symbols in their social relations.
These symbols become part of the cultural system which is reflected in their ritual activities.
The The teachings are represented in several slametan activities or rituals of respect for ancestors, because seeing the existence of a phenomenon today has a correlation with events in the past. The phrase lakone must be ngene or the story must be like this, as a justification for the social conditions that are being experienced. An attitude that shows submission and obedience to God's will. This principle is referred to as the concept of following nature or melulakuning nature.
In general, Javanese people believe that someone who understands Sangkan paraning dumadi will understand his essence. This concept can be found in the story of Dewa   DraftSangkan paraning dumadistarting from the initial phase, namely the meeting with the Essence of God, such as the meeting between Raden Panji Asmorobangun and Dewi Sejartaji. This phase is referred to as the attainment stage at the levelBait-al-makmur.
Bait-al-makmur is the phase where rahsa (rasa) and the state of teak reside. The state (kahanan) of teak, is a term to describe the state or nature of something that is true. Teak is a term to indicate existing existence. There is in terms of essence and in terms of nature.
The explanation of kahanan teak is explained in the fiber Jatimurti book. Fiber Jatimurti is one of the books that is discussed regularly in the pasinaon meeting every month in the Cipto Manunggal community devotional movement. The fiber explains the meaning of kahanan teak (Joyoboyo: 1980:19).
Teakis a condition of true being that is united with the essence of God, so that Ada is the essence of divinity. The birth or meeting of Raden Panji and Dewi Sekartaji is seen as the union of rahsa (taste) through lust. In Hidayat Jati's wirid fiber, it is said from rahsa that the state of teak or the essential one is born. Krucil puppet performance is interpreted as the implementation of the stages in the makrifat teachings. The concept of makrifat which contains Sufi teachings is expressed in stages of performance, so thatCipto Manunggal Associationgain spiritual legitimacy by performing wayang performances.

Symbol of Three Elements
The spiritual movement of the Cipto Manunggal Community believes that all elements in nature have supporting elements, including plants, animals and even inanimate objects, namely spirits, urip and wadag. Elements are constituent substances in the structure. A term used to describe an element whose existence describes the origin of something. The term can be maintained or resurrected in another form. The Krucil puppet performance is seen as an activity to maintain life (urip) in inanimate objects, so that every wayang will be respected as a living creature. Each Krucil puppet figure is seen as a form (wadag)  sees the essence of God as one with the spirit, which is called the spirit of ilapi, an element that will not be separated from God (Drewes, 2002:36).
The environment outside of humans is an area that must be respected, considered to have their own guardians and owners. The guardian of the supernatural realm is called danyang. For the perpetrators of the kebatinan movement, respect for danyang is a representation of respect for ancestors. Danyang is considered a figure who occupies one house, one area to objects, including the Krucil puppet and the accompanying gamelan. The concept of spirit, urip and wadag elements in the mystic terminology of the Cipto Manunggal Society places the position of every essence, both living and inanimate objects, as elements that must be respected according to their respective roles. This respect becomes a mechanism to control every activity to be carried out. Wayang Krucil is seen as a wadag that has a spirit, so it needs to be treated as a respect for objects that have a spirit. This concept of spirit means divine power, supernatural or supernatural power.
For the Javanese people, all objects that are considered to have a spirit will be wrapped in something, like the warongko concept on a Keris. The function of the wrapper is to control the supernatural power of the object so as not to disturb the balance of its at the ends of twigs. The fruit is oval in shape with a hard fruit skin and has a cleavage in the middle. The fruit is brown in color, will break when old and the seeds will be scattered.
The choice of wood in the Krucil puppet is associated with the concept of the existence of spirits in plants or objects.The wood material in the Krucil puppet is interpreted as a form of dhikr Ya hayyu ya qoyyum bi rahmatika astaghiits, wa ash-lihlii sya'nii kullahu wa laa takilnii ilaa nafsii thorfata 'ainin Abadan. Ya hayyu ya qoyyum means the one who is almighty and independent. The dhikr sentence is commonly said in the morning and evening by Muslims. The sentence Ya hayyu ya qoyyum is also a wirid practice that is read in a certain amount. The word Ya hayyu ya qoyyum is considered capable of giving life force to the puppet. Yes hayyu is interpreted as living wood. Some puppeteers of Krucil's puppets also use the toponymous approach of the word ya hayyu as a logical explanation of the use of wood in Krucil's puppets. The word wood is considered a derivation of the word ya hayyu.
Yes, hayyu is translated into wood. The concept of ya hayyu is translated as the command of dhikr through wayang. Some Krucil puppet makers in the past would always make dhikr while carving puppets. The dhikr that is commonly said is dhikr Ya hayyu ya qoyyum. The Krucil puppet craftsmen believe that by doing dhikr, the puppeteer will be able to bring the puppets to life on stage. The use of wood as a spiritual material in Java also cannot be separated from the concept of kalpa wreksa, in Hindu religious belief kalpa wreksa or also called the tree of life (Kasdi, 2002:102).

The Symbol of the Order's Movement
The teachings of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban kebatinan movement in their interaction process show the same approach patterns as the tarekat approach. The spiritual movement of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban emphasizes the strong cultural relationship between students and teachers or mursyids. Teachers make their cultural and spiritual understanding as a symbolic capital to show their existence. Tarekat was originally one of the methods in achieving the spiritual level of a Muslim to reach the stage of purification of the soul. In later eras, tarekat became religious institutions that had strong socio-emotional ties. In the institutionalization of the tarekat, the process of teacher-student interaction, the interaction between students or members of the tarekat, and the norms or rules of religious life that underlie the pattern of friendship between them. Organizationally, The tarekat is an organization based on obedience or extraordinary obedience, which is institutionalized The spiritual movement of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban in turn also offers certain technical mystical doctrines to reach the level of perfection in understanding divinity. The spiritual method commonly used by this kebatinan movement is the use of the sinamar strategy (metaphor) to understand the essence of divinity. The character of the use of this sinamar strategy is one of the modes of da'wah of the guardians carried out at the beginning of the arrival of Islam on the island of Java. The first generation guardians were educated in a Javanese environment and had no direct relationship with the Middle East (Muchtarom, 1988:23). The principle of da'wah was later adopted by the poets of the Mataram palace in teaching the essence of divinity, through wirid books. Wirid books are books that teach makrifat knowledge about the nature of life so that humans are wise towards the perfection of sangkan paran or the glory of the state of identity (Simuh, 2019:276). The wirid books are a kind of life guide to prepare for death which are conveyed in a disguised manner, so that the use of metaphors is common, for example to determine the level of makrifat using a concept called sinamar ing warno or disguised in colors.
This cinnamar principle is used to read the signs in the Krucil Kediri puppet story.
Wayang Krucil Kediri is seen not only as a performance of cultural products, but also as a cultural symbol that displays bright concepts, so that it requires interpretation and interpretation. For example, to determine the level of makrifat using a concept called sinamar ing warno or disguised in colors. This cinnamar principle is used to read the signs in the Krucil Kediri puppet story. Wayang Krucil Kediri is seen not only as a performance of cultural products, but also as a cultural symbol that displays bright concepts, so that it requires interpretation and interpretation.
The cinnamar strategy in Kejawen teachings is commonly used to avoid conflicts that may arise. The position of the mursyid of the Cipto Manunggal hermitage is fully realized, so that the use of the tarekat movement model is seen as more appropriate. The tarekat movement in addition to using the sinamar strategy also believes in the law of certainty (pinesthi) to maintain an order as is believed by the Javanese people in general. Pinesthi law believes that all existence must pass a predetermined path, and life is an inevitable project in which each individual must submit and obey fate, goals and desires that have been set (Mulder, 1996:25).
The story in wayang Krucil is a human story in a wantah context, which is not related to the story of divinity as the story in wayang kulit. The story of the journey of life described in the wayang Krucil is seen as a process of undergoing the pinesthi law, so that the tarekat approach with maktifat teachings is seen as more appropriate to translate the pinesthi laws.
In Pinesthi law, events do not occur by chance, but manifest themselves because of coordination with the unseen (Mulder, 1996:27). It is in this context that the calculation of the good and the bad can be done, so that preventive measures can be taken.

CONCLUSION
The existence of the Krucil puppet in Kediri cannot be separated from the existence of the Cipto Manunggal community as a mystical community. This association builds its cultural identity based on Kejawen concepts and uses these teachings as a moral basis for daily activities. The Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban takes a position as a mystical community that rejects the stigma of being part of those who believe in beliefs, because they feel that their activities, including the Krucil puppet show, are an effort to preserve culture. Wayang Krucil functions as an ideological medium, which acts as a reinterpretation of mystical teachings. Wayang Krucil Kediri is a reinterpretation medium for the concept of manunggaling kawulo Gusti, the concept of sangkan paran, the concept of three elements and the form of the tarekat movement. The teaching of manunggaling kawulo gusti, as the basis of the teaching, is seen as kejawen which is represented in the form of a non-screen performance on the Krucil puppet stage. The teachings of sangkan paran, are teachings that understand the essence of the origin and purpose of life. The story of the panji, as the story of the meeting of men and women in the story in the wayang Krucil, is seen as a symbol of the teachings of sangkan paran. The concept of the three elements is the concept of a life system in Javanese Islamic teachings, which consists of spirit, urip and wadag. The concept of the three elements is used to explain the essence of using wood in wayang, as a representation of living or living essences. The Cipto Manunggal Society as a spiritual community uses the tarekat approach in its teaching system.