THE SYSTEM OF ADDRESS IN SAMBAS MALAY SPEECH COMMUNITY: A REPRESENTATION OF SOCIOLINGUISTIC COMPETENCE

Whithin the scope of kin and neighbourhood relationship, this study was conducted for two purposes. The first was to identify the system of address used in the Sambas Malay speech community. The second was to interprete how the system represents the speakers’ sociolinguistic competence. The data were collected through fieldwork. Participant observation, unstructured interview and voice recording were simultaneously implemented. The componential analysis and the analysis of alternation rules were applied as the model. The findings show that the address terms in Sambas take various linguistic forms of the language. birth order labels are typical kinship terms of the community, and these terms are also commonly used as address terms in both kin and neighbourhood relationship. Some address terms from other languages also exist. Beside indicating the role relationship between the addresser and the addressee, the use of an address term indicates the physical characteristics and the social status of an addressee, in addition to reciprocity or otherwise. Honorific, academic and other status terms refer to the higher status of the addressee and the social distance between participants. The use of such terms denote solidarity, intimacy and power relationship.


INTRODUCTION
Every single speech community has its own system of address. The system does not only represent the language the speakers share but also the rules of how to use the exponents of the system. The address terms in a Malay speech community, in particular, take various linguistic forms. They are not only limited to second person pronouns but also include proper names, status terms, titles, kinship terms and labels, and epithets. The system of usage is usually in accordance with the socio-cultural system of the community (Amat Juhari Moain, 1989;Sumalee Nimmanupap, 1994;Media Sandra kasih, 2004). The Sambas Malay speech community is a Malay speech community which inhabit the Sambas Regency (Kabupaten Sambas), located in the Northern part of West Kalimantan Province, Indonesia. Being a representation of the bigger Malay speech community spread all over the Malay Archipelago, the Sambas Malay speech community definitely has its own characteristics in terms of its socio-cultural system which has a bearing on the system of address in the community.
The Sambas which is the subject of this study has its own kinship system with a number of kinship terms. In addition, other terms not indigenous to the community, are also used. When it comes to usage, the community members normally have the ability to choose which address form can or cannot be used to address someone. Being an addresser, he/she has the competency of how to categorize or identify the addressee's status in terms of the social relationship to himself/heself, as well as the addresee's

THE SYSTEM OF ADDRESS IN SAMBAS MALAY SPEECH COMMUNITY:
A REPRESENTATION OF SOCIOLINGUISTIC COMPETENCE rank in terms of age and gender. To some extent an addresser may use the addressee's ethnic identity that may help in choosing address terms.
A communicative competence such as the one described above shows that the people in the community share not only the linguistic codes but also the ways in using them appropriately in any given situation (Saville-Troike, 2003, p.18). Furthermore, it is also stated that this competence will allow the speaker to be polite according to the situation he/she is in and to be able to infer the intention of others. Specifically, this kind of competence is called sociolinguistic competence. It is about knowing how to use and respond to language appropriately, given the setting, the topic, and the relationships among the people communicating (Savignon, 1997;Boersma, 2001). In other words, the appropriate usage of a particular address form in addressing someone in a given situation represents the addresser's sociolinguistic competence.
Referring to such a conceptual framework, this present study was conducted for two purposes. The first was to identify the system of address occuring in the Sambas Malay speech community. The second was to interprete how the system represents the speakers' sociolinguistic competence. Data collection was conducted through field work, using the techniques of participant observation, recorded unstructured interviews, and note-taking.

The Socio-Cultural System of Sambas Malay Speech Community
In this study, the Sambas Malay speech community is defined as a group of people who are identified as Sambas Malay ethnic origin. However, due to an almost impossible effort to strictly split them from those who are not, for the purpose of this research this particular speech community is identified as the people who speak Sambas Malay and practice the socio-cultural system of the community.
From the sociolinguistics perspective, language and society or language and culture are like two sides of a coin, as they are interrelated, or in Sapir's words, 'deterministic' (in Wardaugh, 2006, p.222). Casson (1981, p.19) clarifies this relationship by stating that language competence is a variety of cultural competence, and speech behaviour is a variety of social behaviour.
If the usage of address forms occurs in Sambas Malay speech community is regarded as a part of language system in the community, it should be in accordance with the socio-cultural system pursued by that community. A social system usually consists of elements which are interrelated and interdependent, and is influenced by several factors, such as geography, demography, culture, personality or psychology and historical background (Jacobus Ranjabar, 2006;Doddy Sumbodo Singgih, 2007). With reference to this conceptual framework, the Sambas Malay speech community can specifically be identified or characterized through the elements of the social structure, the systems of belief, values and norms, and kinship. The rest is about the language used in their daily communication.
As for demography, the population of Sambas (as of 2009) stands at 496,464, the majority being Malays (82.43%), followed by Chinese (8.24%), Dayak Selako (6.54%), Bugis, Jawa, Madura and some others (2.20%) as given in Bakran Suni, 2009. In terms of social structure, the Malays can be categorized into several groups based on the following factors: geography, economy, politics, social status, education and occupation. As such, they can be identified as the urban (orang kote) versus the rural people (orang kampong); executives and law-makers versus the common or laypeople; the rich versus the poor; government officers and professionals versus farmers and fishermen; scholars and educated people versus the uneducated ones, the elderlies versus the youngsters, and so forth.

Second Person Pronouns, Common Nouns and Personal Names
Previous studies of address terms in European language speech communities have illustrated how the second person pronouns in the languages are used as address terms (Brown and Gilman, 1960;Lambert and Tucker, 1976;Ferguson, 1991;and Winchart, 2001). For the pupose of explicating the usage of second person pronouns in Sambas Malay, three different levels of Asmah Haji Omar's sociolinguistic categorization of personal pronouns in Malay -neutral, polite, and intimate -is adopted (see Asmah Haji Omar, 2008, p.72). They are given in Table 1 below.

THE SYSTEM OF ADDRESS IN SAMBAS MALAY SPEECH COMMUNITY: A REPRESENTATION OF SOCIOLINGUISTIC COMPETENCE
According to (Brown and Ford (1966) as well as Lambert and Tucker (1976) personal pronouns in English are mutual-reciprocal. However, this is not the case with Malay personal pronouns, where factors of relationship such as age, social distance, and rank (kinship as well as social) are taken into account in the choice of the appropriate pronoun(s) to be used.
Common and proper nouns may also play the role of address terms in many languages (Brown dan Ford, 1966;Ervin Tripp, 1972;Amat Juhari Moain, 1989;Luong, 1990;Asmah Haji Omar, 2008). So is the case in Sambas where kinship terms, such as bapak/ayah (father), ibu/umak (mother), nenek/uwan (grandmother) or long, ngah, ude are also used to address to those who are not of one's kin.

Titles and Epithets
Titles from various types of social groups are also used as address terms. (See also Amat Juhari Moain, 1989;Dickey, 1996). In historical times when Sambas was a sultanate, titles from the palace were only awarded to those of the royal family, and these were handed down through the generations. Table 2 below shows some of these heritage titles which are still used by those concerned although the sultanate no longer exists. A number of epithets are usually used to label particular physical appearances. This form of address is used to indicate an intimate-friendly or antagonistic relationship (Asmah Haji Omar, 2013), as in Si Panjang for a tall person, Si Pendek or Si Cebol for a short person, Si Gemuk for a fat person, Si Tuyak or Si Bungol for someone who is a bit slow or thoughtless, Si Dajjal for a naughty kid (especially a boy), and Si Bogoh for someone who likes to eat a lot. The label Si is commonly used in animal stories, such as Si Landuk (from the word 'pelanduk' which means a mousedeer. Epithets (without Si) are also used to label smart people, as well as members of the family according to their order of birth, such as Itam (for the fourth or fifth child), and for the youngest.

Kinship and Address Terms in Consanguinal Kinship
Consanguinal or affinal relationship refers to one where interactants are kins-men, in the collateral as well as in the lineal axes. They are specifically whithin the scope of two levels of generation above and two below the ego, as well as within the two-step-sided cousins (saudara dua pupu) from both the mother's and father's side. With reference to such a frame, the following tables display the list of kinship terms as well as address terms used in the community. For the purpose of brevity, Table 3 gives only ayah and uma' to refer to father and mother respectively. However, in reality, there are several alternatives to each of these two terms, and it is for the family to choose. These alternatives or synonyms are taken from other languages which have had an influence in the community, from standard bahasa Indonesia, from Arabic which came with Islam, and through community contact and education. From standard bahasa Indonesia one gets ibu, bunda, bapak, and ayahanda. Arabic contributes abah (father) and umi (mother). Papa and mama which originate from the English speaking world could have come via bahasa Indonesia (originating in the mass-media), while papi and mami appear to be traces of the Dutch colonial period and could have entered Sambas through bahasa Indonesia. These alternatives are usually chosen by those who live in the Sambas city, especially by families with a particular social status, marked by education, wealth or a high place in the governance of the community. On this basis, these kinship terms are status indicators.
Although their denotations imply the direction of usage from child to parent, they are also used laterally by husband and wife in addressing one another, such that ayah is used by the wife when addressing her husband, and bunda by the husband when addressing his wife. The same goes with abah -umi, papa -mama and papi -mami. This follows the tradition in Malay communities where tekonyms seem to be the preferred choice when one becomes a parent or a grandparent, where a tekonym consists of the kinship term followed by the name of the eldest child. For example ayah Fatimah, or emak Abdullah. (See Asmah Haji Omar, 2006, pp. 199 -203). The only difference is that in Sambas, the name of the child does not appear in the system of address.
The kinship and address terms for siblings are used in accordance with their gender, such as bang and kak to refer to elder brother or sister by the younger ones. These terms are usually followed by the addressee's personal names. In addition, there are 'birth order labels', given according to the chronological order of birth of siblings in a single family. For example, along refers to the first born, Between angah and usu, there are variations for the choosing. Among these are anjang, acik, uning, uteh and andah. When in use among siblings, each one of these terms is preceded by bang or kak by the younger sibling, such as Bang/Kak+Long; Bang/Kak Ngah, Bang/Kak Uteh, and so on.
The next is the list of the kinship and address terms consisting of those used to address and refer to members of the extended family. Given in Table 4 are those showing lineal as well as collateral kin relationship within two levels of generation above ego. No differentiation is made for terms used for relatives on the father's and mother's sides.  Table 5 shows kinship terms labelling relatives who are of the same generation as one's mother and father. This being the case, the usage of each of these terms begins with the 'prefix' pak or mak depending on the gender of the referent, followed by the label which indicates his or her order of birth. Hence, Pak Long, Mak Ngah, Pak Uteh, Mak Usu, and such like. In addressing cousins, the format is the same as that applied to one's own siblings, i.e. with bang or kak followed by the birth order label. However, in referring to this type of relationship, the word sepupu (cousin) is used. See Table 6. The terms for nephew and niece are anak kemenakan and anak buah which are synonymous with one another. Uncles and aunts from both sides address them by their personal names, as shown in Table 7. Relatives of both genders who are two levels below ego (grandparent) are identified as cuccok, only that in the collateral context the component kemenakan modifies the main term cuccok, hence cuccok kemenakan. That is to say cuccok refers to one's own grandchild, while cuccok kemenakan to that of one's siblings, or of the siblings of one's spouse. See Table 8 below.

Kinship Terms and Address Terms in Affinal Relationship
Besides blood relationship as discussed above, kinship also includes that engendered through marriage. This type of relationship is known as affinal kinship. In the Sambas Malay speech community the term used is keluarge ipar or saudare ipar, and its signication is confined to two levels above and two levels below ego (husband or wife).  Table 9, it is obvious that there are various linguistic forms used to refer to the relatives with their various designations in affinal kinship. In general, the word ipar is used as modifier to designate such kinship relation, as in abang ipar, kakak ipar, and adik ipar. Other words which indicate the 'inlaw' or affinal relationship are mertua, in ayah/ibu mertua, and minantu, such as in anak minantu or kemenakan menantu. In addition, descriptive phrases are also used to refer to relatives with the status of affinal kinship, as in nek uwan dari belah isteri/suami, and nek aki dari belah isteri/suami. In short, the system of address in Sambas Malay kinship does not distinguish 'mother's family from father's family.

Address Terms in Neighbourhood Relationship
In the Sambas Malay speech community, neighbours are considered as relatives, especially the ones who just live nextdoor or nearby. Usually, a neighbour is always present whenever the other needs him/her for a favour or support. A metaphorical expression 'Tetangga lebih dari keluargê' (Neighbours are more esteemed than relatives) is commonly stated by the people in the community. A neighbourhood relationship is viewed as figurative blood relationship, and in Banks' terms (1983) it is called 'spiritual kinship'. To a certain extent, their social relationship is considered even more intimate or much closer compared to the real blood relationship itself, because they do not only live nearby but also perform social activities together and share things in their day-to-day life. Therefore, they always try to maintain their social interaction and communication with each other. Accordingly, the address terms used between neighbours represent the closeness or the distance in the relationship between them. Table 10 gives the various alternatives of address terms in the context under discussion. (1) personal name/ birth order label + (personal name) (2) Pak + personal name to an older man (1) birth order label + (personal name) (2) Pak + personal name to a younger man personal name/ Pak + personal name between women of about the same age (1) personal name, birth order label + personal name (2) Bu + personal name (3) Mamak (umak) + personal name of the woman's eldest child.
to an older woman (1) birth order lebel + personal name (2) Bu + personal name to a younger woman personal name/ Bu + personal name between neighbours with different generation level to a neighbour of the same generation as own mother/father (1) (Mak/Pak) + birth order label -(male) (2) Bu/Pak + personal name -(female) to a neighbour of the same generation as grandmother/ grandfather (1) Wan/Aki + (birth order label + personal name) (2) Bu/Pak + personal name to a neighbour of the the same generation as own children personal name to an older boy/girl Kak + (personal name/birth order label) -(male) Bang + (personal name/birth order label -(female) between children/teenagers and adults of a different generation level to a neighbour of the same generation as own mother/father (1) Mak (female) + birth order label + (personal name) Pak (male) + birth order label + (personal name) (2) Pak/Bu + personal name (3) Pak/Bu + status term/title to a neighbour of the same generation as own grandmother/ grandfather (1) Wan/Aki + (birth order label + personal name) (2) Pak/Buk + personal name (3) Pak/Buk + status term/title by an adult to a teenager or a child (1) personal name (2) term of endearment (Anong) From Table 10 above, it is clear that certain kinship terms such as birth order label (BOL), Pak, Mak, Uwan, Aki, Bang or Kak are normally used to address a neighbour. Nevertheless, other alternative address terms such as 'Pak/Bu + personal name' and 'Pak/Bu + status term/title' are also used to address a neighbour who has a particular status or position in the society. Beside being indicators of respect, such address terms are also used to indicate the distance between the addressee and the addresser. Furthermore, it is not only chosen to refer to a particular social status of the addressee but also to refer to the addresse's identity that he/she does not belong to a member of Sambas Malay ethnic; in other words he or she belongs to an outgroup.

Rules of Alternation in Kin Relationship
The rules of alternation or co-occurance can be applied to describe further the address system of particular speech communities (Ervin-Tripp, 1972 andTyler, 1972). Mutual exchange or reciprocity in solidarity relationship on the one hand, and non-reciprocity in power relationship on the other are also discussed in many studies of address system (Brown and Gillman, 1960;Brown and Ford, 1966). Such rules do occur in the system of address in Malay speech communities in general (Amat Juhari Moain, 1989), and this includes the Sambas Malay speech community.

THE SYSTEM OF ADDRESS IN SAMBAS MALAY SPEECH COMMUNITY:
A REPRESENTATION OF SOCIOLINGUISTIC COMPETENCE 101 Flow Chart 1: Address System in Nuclear Family To decide which term must be used to address a member of the kinship, especially within the extended family and between affinal members, the addresser has to take various factors into consideration. Besides having to bear in mind the status in the kinship existing between them, the addresser also has to consider factors relating to generation level, age and gender. Following the rule of alternation introduced by Ervin-Tripp, the process of choosing an appropriate address term within the kin relationship of Sambas Malay speech community can be drawn through flow charts (see flow chart 1, 2 and 3).

Flow Chart 2: Address System in Extended Family
Firstly, Flow Chart 1 illustrates how the rule of alternation occurs in the system of address in a nuclear family. In this case, the process of choosing an appropriate address term is not complicated because the role relationship between members of a nuclear family is still simple and restricted. They only include the relationship between husband and wife, parents and children or vise versa as well as between siblings.
Secondly, the illustration of how the rule of alternation accurs in the system of address in an extended family is drawn in Flow Chart 2. From this flow chart it is obvious that whenever a member of an

THE SYSTEM OF ADDRESS IN SAMBAS MALAY SPEECH COMMUNITY: A REPRESENTATION OF SOCIOLINGUISTIC COMPETENCE
103 extended family wants to address another family member, he/she has to firstly start identifying the generation level of the addressee. The next is to identify his/her age. At the same time, he/she has to take into account the factors of gender, status, and birth order. Finally, the rule of alternation for affinal kinship is illustrated in Flow Chart 3, using the same factors applied in Flow Charts 1 and 2

Rules of Alternation in Neighbourhood Relationship
The rules of alternation occur in neighbourhood relationship stipulating the addresser to consider the factors in determining the address term to be used appropriately in addressing a neighbour. The first one is identifying the addresse's ethnic identity (in-group or out-group), the other is the status of his/her generation level as well as his/her special status in the society. This process is illustrated in flow chart 4 below.

Conclusion
As mentioned in an earlier part of this article, kinship and address terms in the Sambas Malay community take the form of various lexical categories: personal pronouns, personal names, common nouns, proper names, status terms or labels, titles, kinship terms as well as epithets. Birth order status of a child in a single family creates a number of kinship terms. Certain kinship terms are also used in relationship with neighbours. At the same time, there are also those which are borrowed from other languages as a preferred choice of families with a certain standing in the community.
The rules of both reciprocity and non-reciprocity occur in the address system. They indicate solidarity and power relationship. In both kin and neighbourhood relationships, the non-reciprocal use of second person pronoun and personal name to an addressee indicates his/her status (in terms of age) as lower to the addresser, but both are in intimate social relation with one another. Honorific and academic titles are a reflection of social status; in other words they refer to the higher social standing of the addressee as well as the social distance between the two participants in the interaction. The rules of alternation apply when an addresser is having to choose an appropriate term to address someone with a certain status in terms of gender, age, family ranking or social standing in society. They require that choice is made from the stock of address terms in existence in the speech community. Correct application of these two blocks of rules is a testament to the sociolinguistic competence of the speaker.