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Higher Public Servants and the Bureaucratic Elite in Canada

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2014

John Porter*
Affiliation:
Carleton University
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Extract

There is now an extensive literature on bureaucratic organization in general, and on governmental bureaucracies in particular. Recently there has been a tendency to view social power as being distributed through a set of counter-bureaucracies, each of which is a development within a particular institutional order. Modern corporations, the trade unions, the departments of state, the armed services, the church, and so forth are all bureaucratically organized. In other words they have an intensive division of labour, a hierarchical system of command and co-ordination, and an emphasis in recruitment on expert qualifications. Consequently, as bureaucratic organization pervades the entire social structure, we enter the age of the “managerial society,” the “organization man,” and “government by expert.” Hence bureaucracy takes on its true meaning of rule by officials.

While much of contemporary sociology in the fields of industrial relations and business and public administration is given over to improving the techniques of bureaucratic control, less attention is paid to the relationship of the various bureaucracies to one another within the total system of power. In this paper I have brought together data on the careers and social backgrounds of the top men—the élite—of the Canadian federal public service. The ordering of these data has been guided by models of governmental bureaucracy in relation to other institutional structures. Limitation of space precludes a full exposition here of these models, but a brief outline is necessary to give some meaning to the empirical materials that follow. The significant variables in these models are rationalization, rivalry, and openness.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association 1958

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References

1 Dawson, R. MacG., “The Canadian Civil Service,” this Journal, II, no. 3, 08, 1936, 288300.Google Scholar See the discussion of the Royal Commission on Administrative Classification in the Public Service in Cole, Taylor, The Canadian Bureaucracy (Durham, N.C., 1949), 53.Google Scholar

2 Grant, W. L., “The Civil Service of Canada,” University of Toronto Quarterly III no. 4 07, 1934, 428–38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3 Donald Eldon, “Toward a Well Informed Parliament,” and Deutsch, John J., “Parliament and the Civil Service,” both in Queens Quarterly, winter, 1957.Google Scholar The latter (p. 568) says, “The federal government is by far the largest employer in the country of expert and trained personnel.”

4 Canadian Forum, March, 1956.

5 On occasions when university teachers, business men, and civil servants meet at conferences there is always much greater interaction between the university people and the civil servants than between the business men and either of the other two groups. The statement is an impressionistic one, of course, but it would probably be supported by more careful analysis.

6 The appointment of bureaucratic outsiders to high positions is not a recent practice only. Of sixty-eight men appointed between 1900 ana 1937 to the deputy minister level, excluding those appointed to boards and commissions and as representatives abroad, twenty-five were not career men (data from Canadian Parliamentary Guide, Ottawa, annually).

7 The former business men are not those who went to Ottawa during the war as temporary civil servants, for most of those left. (See Dawson, R. MacG., “The Impact of the War on Canadian Political Institutions,” this Journal, VII, no. 2, 05, 1941, 170–88Google Scholar, for an assessment of the business man as bureaucrat.) The only department in which there is any significant borrowing from business is Defence Production, but this practice is negligible as far as the present study is concerned.

8 The interchange between political and higher bureaucratic roles became more marked after 1935, when Mr. Bennett appointed three M.P.'s to posts at the deputy minister level. Thirteen years later Mr. King enunciated the curious principle that the civil service should be regarded as “the stepping stone to the ministry.” (See Forsey, Eugene, “Parliament Is Endangered by Mr. King's Principle,” Saturday Night, 10 9, 1948.Google Scholar) To some extent this notion has been borne out in recent Liberal administrations. Of those who held office in the federal cabinet between 1940 and 1953, six had moved into the cabinet from bureaucratic posts, and three moved out of the cabinet into positions which might well have been given to civil servants, and subsequently have been.

9 The categories in which the outsiders have been placed are not mutually exclusive, Individuals have been put into the most appropriate ones.

10 Currie, A. W., “The Board of Transport Commissioners as an Administrative Body” this Journal, XI, no. 3, 08, 1945, 351.Google Scholar

11 Cmd. 5517 (July, 1937) quoted in Kingsley, J. D., Representative Bureaucracy (Yellow Springs, 1944), 210.Google Scholar The rules applied to principal assistant secretaries and higher ranks.

12 Ibid. The rule does not always work out well in practice, particularly with the great increase in government regulation during and after the Second World War. See Cmd. 7904, Report of the Committee on Intermediaries (1950), esp. s. VIII, “How Big Firms Manage.”

13 It is interesting to note that of 876 entrants by open competition to the administrative class of the British civil service between 1909 and 1939, only eighty had by 1950 left the public service for reasons other than ill health, normal retirement, or, in the case of women, marriage ( Kelsall, R. K., Higher Civil Servants in Great Britain (London, 1955), Table 10, p. 104 Google Scholar). The first five items in Kelsall's table have been subtracted from his total since those who left for these jobs would still be public servants as we have defined them in this study.

14 See his Civil Servants, Ministers, Parliament and the Public” in Robson, W. A., ed., The Civil Service in Britain and France (London, 1956), 23.Google Scholar

15 Ibid., 18.

16 Rt. Hon. Ian MacKenzie, then Minister of Veterans' Affairs, quoted by Flaherty, Frank, “Why So Few French Canadians in the Civil Service?Saturday Night, 07 19, 1947.Google Scholar

17 It can be argued that national unity is a rational aim within the context of the wider social system, but if so, it is like salvation, one of those other-worldly goals which Weber would consider as wertrational.

18 Brady, A., Democracy in the Dominions (Toronto, 1947), 82.Google Scholar

19 Porter, John, “The Economic Elite and the Social Structure in Canada,” this Journal, XXIII, no. 3, 08, 1957, 376–94.Google Scholar

20 The data on the regional distribution of the general population are taken from Census of Canada, 1951, I, Table 1.

21 Porter, “Economic Elite and the Social Structure.”

22 Census of Canada, 1951, I, Table 37.

23 Gerth, H. H. and Mills, C. W., trs. and eds., From Max Weher: Essays in Sociology (London, 1947), 224.Google Scholar

24 Weber, M., Theory of Social and Economic Organization, tr. Parsons, T. and Henderson, A. M. (Edinburgh, 1947), 312.Google Scholar

25 See, e.g.: Floud, Jean E. et al., Social Class and Educational Opportunity (London, 1957)Google Scholar; Warner, W. L. et al., Who Shall be Educated? (New York, 1944)Google Scholar; Ginsberg, Eli and Bray, D. W., The Uneducated (New York, 1953).Google Scholar See also Jackson, R. W. B. and Fleming, W. G., “Who Goes to University?” in Bissell, C. T., ed., Canada's Crisis in Higher Education (Toronto, 1957).Google Scholar The recent report of the Industrial Foundation on Education is relevant here also.

26 Higher Civil Servants in Great Britain.

27 Sheffield, E. F., Canadian University and College Enrollment Projected to 1965 (Ottawa: D.B.S., 1955).Google Scholar

28 It should perhaps be added that it is, at least for the group being studied, an exclusive preserve of men.

29 Porter, “Economic Elite and the Social Structure.”

30 Of the 202, thirty-five (17.3 per cent) attended private schools including the French-Canadian classical colleges. The proportion is higher for the top rank category where twelve of the forty (30 per cent) attended private schools.

31 An individual is considered to have come from an élite family if in the parental generation a member of his family belonged to an élite group as defined earlier in Porter, John, “Elite Groups: A Scheme for the Study of Power in Canada,” this Journal, XXI, no. 4, 11, 1955, 498512.Google Scholar In a few instances where an individual's wife came from such a family and the marriage took place early enough for it to have had perhaps some bearing on the career, the person was considered to have come from an élite family. An upper class family is one which is close to, but not of, the rather small, functionally denned élite groups. Thus where in a person's parental generation there were, for example, judges of the higher provincial courts, directors and executives of large but not dominant corporations, owners of substantial businesses, eminent members of the bar, and the like, that person was considered to have an upper class origin.

32 The programme of higher education for veterans that followed the Second World War did much to “democratize” our universities, but all the people included in these élite studies graduated before the war, and therefore that programme has no relevance here.

33 Brady, , Democracy in the Dominions, 82.Google Scholar It is not clear from the context that these are Professor Brady's own views.

34 To support fully the proposition that the Canadian bureaucracy is unrivalled it would be necessary to compare the proportion of highly qualified experts in non-governmental institutions with the number in the bureaucracy. This process would involve painfully invidious comparisons. The universities are the only other centres in which a large number of persons with high qualifications are found, and I have tried to argue that there are formal and informal links between the bureaucracy and the universities which tend to make experts less available to other institutional systems. There are, of course, highly trained persons in the corporate world, the labour unions, and in the occasional consulting firm, but there are not as many, they do not control vast research resources, and they are not all located in one city.

35 The directors of Crown corporations are listed in their respective annual reports. Canadian National Railways, Trans-Canada Airlines, and Polymer Corporation have been excluded. Their directors and senior executives have been included in the economic élite rather than the bureaucratic. See Porter, John, “Concentration of Economic Power and the Economic Elite in Canada,” this Journal XXII, no. 2, 05, 1956, 207.Google Scholar

36 Porter, “Economic Elite and the Social Structure.” For a discussion of directors of Crown corporations see Hodgetts, J. E., “The Public Corporation in Canada” in Friedmann, W., ed., The Public Corporation: A Comparative Symposium (Toronto, 1954), 74 ff.Google Scholar

37 Experts in the technical sense have been in an anomalous position in the British civil service. See Sir Laurence Helsby, “Recruitment to the Civil Service” and Greaves, H. R. G., “The Structure of the Civil Service” in Robson, , ed., The Civil Service in Britain and France.Google Scholar

38 Most of the biographical data were obtained from numerous biographical dictionaries, newspaper files, and magazine articles. A limited amount of data on education and careers was obtained from the Civil Service Commission.