Indigenous knowledge and community-based risk assessment of climate change among the Fulani Herder Community of Kpongu, North-Western Ghana

Given rising concerns about climate change and development in Africa, this paper draws on Community Risk Assessment for mapping the risks of Fulani Herders to climate change in NorthWestern Ghana. Herder communities are seldom explored in climate change related studies although their livelihoods largely depend on the natural environment. Thus, a case study of the Fulani Herder Community of Kpongu in the Wa Municipality was conducted. The design employed Participatory Rural Appraisal instruments for data collection and analysis. The results reveal multiple indicators of climate change, including longer dry seasons and dry spells, shrinking sizes of water bodies, formation of iron pans on top soils, stunted growth of grass species, smaller grass stalks and less concentration of grasses. These have culminated into scarcity of fodder and water and increased distances of cattle herding under excruciating sunshine and temperatures in search of feed and water as an adaptive mechanism. The paper underscores that herder knowledge of climate change reveals a drying trend in climate and de-concentration in vegetation, especially grass species. The paper advocates climate change adaptation planning and policy attention to providing supplementary sources of water and feed in support of cattle herding and herder communities for climate change adaptation. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Licence (CC BY 4.0), which permits copying, adaptation and redistribution, provided the original work is properly cited (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). doi: 10.2166/wcc.2020.236 om http://iwaponline.com/jwcc/article-pdf/12/2/484/866228/jwc0120484.pdf er 2021 Lambert Abatanie Napogbong Maximillian Kolbe Domapielle (corresponding author) Department of Governance and Development Management, Faculty of Planning and Land Management, University for Development Studies, P.O. Box UPW3, Wa, U.W.R, Ghana E-mail: mdomapielle@uds.edu.gh Emmanuel Kanchebe Derbile Department of Planning, Faculty of Planning and Land Management, University for Development Studies at Wa Campus, P.O.Box UPW3, Wa, U.W.R, Ghana


INTRODUCTION
In the specific context of developing countries, the livestock sector contributes significantly to sustainable rural development (Food and Agriculture Organization ). This notwithstanding, there is growing concern that the growth of the sector will be adversely affected by rising temperatures that will impact on the quality of feed crop In regions with hot weather and low rainfall, evaporation can result in the loss of significant quantities of water, and subsequently, drought. For example, studies have projected that countries like Iran and Syria, which have witnessed severe and prolonged droughts in the past, may experience more severe droughts in the future due to a decline in precipitation. This will aggravate the water crisis and agriculture, which is an essential source of livelihood for rural populations (Qasem et al. ; Homsi et al. ).
Several other studies (Nyssen et  Tesfahunegn et al. ) that sought to uncover climate change indicators within sub-Saharan Africa have found that drought frequently occurred and temperature has been increasing in the climate data. Frankl et al. () observed the struggles of herdsmen and their herds in Ethiopia, arising from inadequate rainfall, to fully support agro-pastoral activities. These studies, however, fell short of reporting on the frequency and duration of dry spells, a knowledge gap that this paper has sought to bridge.
Additionally, climate change research, risk mapping and adaptation studies tend to utilise remote sensing aerial photography and climate change modelling that relies on modern scientific tools. This technocratic approach to climate change assessment focuses on global and regional assessment and forecast to the neglect of smaller geographic specificities, socio-economic and localized assessments, although this is where the exposure and effects of climate change are felt by local populations. Although nationwide studies have contributed knowledge to the discourse on climate change, the methodology is often based on the use of scientific models that do not set the right tone or form a strong basis for localised climate change adaptation and miti- showed that the LGP model has a better accuracy in comparison to other models and can be utilized to successfully estimate PE.
According to Homsi et al. (), recent knowledge of global climate change comes from general circulation models (GCMs). However, whereas these models have generated reliable data on a mean annual temperature for the planet, it has so far not managed to generate reliable data on regional and local temperature and precipitation due to their coarse spatial resolution (Flato et   The paper begins by introducing the subject of climate change, climate risk assessment and its effects on livestock production. Next, the paper takes a look at communitybased risk (CBR) assessment as the conceptual framework and the role of indigenous knowledge in facilitating and strengthening the process. The paper goes further to introduce the study community, the methodology, results and discussion along the lines of broad climate risk indicators, and ends with some implications for climate change assessment and policy planning to reduce future climate risks.

COMMUNITY-BASED RISK (CBR) ASSESSMENT AND INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE
The term 'indigenous knowledge' refers to the knowledge systems developed by societies with long histories of interaction with their natural environments, as opposed to the sophisticated scientific knowledge of the natural world that is generally referred to as 'modern' knowledge. In many rural communities, indigenous knowledge informs decision-making about important aspects of their day-today activities (Ajibade ). Its value goes beyond the boundaries of the culture in which it evolves to being the source of knowledge for scientists striving to improve living standards in rural areas. In line with this view, the discourse on adaptation planning for climate change has placed local people at the heart of decision-making and implementation of climate change risk management activities. Unlike GCMs, ANFIS, ANN, FG, SS and LGP methods, which provide global data on the climate change, reliance on indigenous knowledge has the advantage of providing specific and contextualised evidence of climate change adaptation as well as creating workable adaptation strategies that are cost-effective, participatory and sustainable (Makondo & Thomas ). It has been observed that the integration of these context specific indigenous knowledge systems into other scientific evidence bases of knowledge could lead to a more effective and sustainable implementation of climate change adaptation. In this regard, the CBR assessment framework, which involves hazard assessment, vulnerability assessment, capacity assessment and people's perception of risk, has proved to be an effective participatory approach for engaging local people and using indigenous knowledge in adaptation and climate change mitigation planning. Evidence of this is extracted from a variety of CBR assessments which have shown that the approach fosters community engagement in climate risk reduction (Chambers ; Bruce et al. ; African Development Bank ). In these contexts, integration is fostered by capturing local knowledge and experiences through bottom-up risk assessment. These are organised and moderated by the community folk to identify and build local capacities, bringing on board all those with relevant generational knowledge and with the willingness to participate. An assessment of climate change risks is often the starting point, such that the people work in teams to establish their climate change challenges and the risk that they face in the course of their economic activities (Warrick ). Unlike GCMs, which rely on computer generated quantitative data for understanding the climate, and forecasting climate change at a global or regional scale, the CBR assessment framework adopted is in tune with the qualitative methodological orientation of the study.
This approach made it possible to zoom in on the smaller geographic specificities, socio-economic and localized assessments of the exposure and effects of climate change.
Although we have alternatives approaches such as the  The completion of each step leads logically to the next, or ends the process if the particular climate change risk is resolved. It is iterative, and each step can be revisited if new information becomes available.

STUDY AREA AND THE FULANI PEOPLE
The study community is Kpongu, located in the south-western part of the Wa Municipality.  Historically, they are nomads that are always on the move with their families and cattle. In recent times, they are becoming sedentary and settle depending on the dictates of the climate. They depend on the returns that they obtain from their stockbreeding practices, such as cattle for the animal markets and cows' milk for sale or for barter/trade. As they assume a sedentary life, they combine their stockbreeding responsibilities with the cultivation of food crops in the rainy season to meet the consumption needs of their families.

RESEARCH CONTEXT AND METHODOLOGY
A case study research approach was adopted for this study.
Case studies are in-depth studies of a few units with multiple variables aimed at obtaining as complete a picture as possible of a situation, a phenomenon or event. A unit in this sense refers to an individual, a group, or a local community.
An in-depth study of a specific unit provides greater insight for understanding the interaction between a specific context and a phenomenon under investigation (Bryman ). This approach was adopted in this study because it allowed room for an up-close and detailed exploration of the phenomenon of climate change adaptations as well as its related contextual issues in the specific case of cattle herding in the Kpongu community.

SOURCES OF DATA
This study employed diverse qualitative tools for gathering data from the Kpongu community and relevant institutions in the Wa Municipality. These include key informant interviews (KIIs), focus group discussions (FGDs), seasonal calendar and observation. The use of these tools was influenced by the qualitative orientation of the studyto dig deeper for greater insights into herder experiences of climate change as the basis for analysing indigenous knowledge and adaptation to the phenomenon. It also made it possible to triangulate conflicting responses for clarification before proceeding to analyse the data. These tools were mostly applied sequentially so that the findings from the use of initial tools informed the design of succeeding ones. This approach was helpful in filling gaps in the data collected as well as exploring some interesting issues that emerged from initial interactions.

Key informant interviews
The first source of data for this research was through key informant interviews. A total of 18 in-depth interviews were conducted with key informants at the institutional and com- Because of inherent power differences, FGDs gave the youth, in particular, an opportunity to freely share their experiences of climate change and adaptation strategies adopted in the community. Their accounts were consistent with those of the elderly, aside from the elderly having longer experiences and adaptation to the phenomenon.

Direct observation
Non-participant observation was also carried to compliment data gathered via interviews. Three observation visits were made by authors to the community and cattle grazing fields to obtain firsthand physical information on climate change and adaptation strategies employed by herdsmen in the community. The purpose was to generate supplementary data to triangulate important findings that emerged from the KIIs and FGDs. By employing this tool we were able to obtain physical evidence of climate change and climate variability affecting the pasturing activities of herdsmen in the community. We also observed indigenous adaptation strategies to climate change, particularly the diverse strategies adopted by herdsmen to source varieties of feed, and the ways in which they manage the stress of cattle.

Seasonal calendar exploration and analysis
This tool was used in conjunction with interviews and focus group discussions to collect data mainly from herdsmen.
Used in a group setting, local communal events such as festivals and agro production cycles were highlighted to refresh the memory of participants and to ensure that they maintained the chronology of identifying the native names for the months of a lunar calendar. These were plotted in a tabular form, corresponding to the various activities or phenomenon reported. It has the advantage of guaranteeing a robust data collection and analytical process as it draws on the memory and perspectives of participants, supplemented by large-scale meteorological data and external social records. The data collected using this instrument were analysed by drawing linkages between the monthly events and occurrence to identify triggers of climate risks and precursors of vulnerability. Data were also analysed by looking at periods of resource fluctuations or even loss and how these create changes in livelihood for the herdsmen and their households. The seasonal calendar was also analysed by looking out for patterns and inconsistencies that could form the basis for further probing.

Analysis of data
The framework approach to thematic analysis was employed to analyse the data. The analytical framework  There was a general consensus among the herdsmen that in the last three decades the conditions that mark the dry season used to last for five months, starting in the month of Sewtoranu (November) and ending in Gaanii (March). However, they have observed an increase in the duration from five to seven months, starting earlier than before in the month of Juldanu (October) and stretching further to Nii Gaanii (April). For the herdsmen, conditions that mark the dry season include strong winds from the east (waking of the sun), trees shedding their leaves, lower temperatures at dawn, drying up of grasses (that facilitate bush fires) and diminished water sources for their cattle.
Recounting some youthful experiences in relation to an extension in the duration of the dry season, one elderly herdsman mentioned during a focus group discussion that the rains used to start earlier than they do now. In his own words, he said: 'I remember that when I was learning pastoralism, the duration of the dry season was shorter than now. The rains usually started early with less intense winds and the dry season was about five months each year (Zibrim Baari, FGD, 14/11/2017, Kpongu).' Speaking on this phenomenon during a focus group discussion, one herdsman made a very profound statement that relates to the implication of this phenomenon for their pastoral activities and their general livelihoods. He said that: 'Now we observe that the dry season is becoming longer than before, meanwhile the number of months in the year are still the same. This means that the rainy days have become fewer and we have to endure a lot more hardships in taking care of our herds (Iddrisu Ahmadu, FGD, 14/11/2017, Kpongu).' Similar to the increase in the length of the dry season is the increase in the frequency and duration of dry spells during the rainy season. Each year, the rainy season is known to be punctuated by a number of days without rainfall. Such a prolonged period during the rainy season without rainfall is referred to as a dry spell. The herdsmen reported how the number of dry spells used to be few or far between and only lasted for a maximum of one week. According to them, the situation is no longer the same. The herdsmen reported that the dry spells during the rainy season are now more frequent and that they also last longer than they used to. From the narratives of the herdsmen, there are some signs that characterise the occurrence of dry spells with little or no cloud cover; higher temperatures, the leaves of trees begin to coil and twist and various grasses, which serve as fodder for cattle, lose their freshness.
Apart from the more frequent occurrence of the dry spells, the herdsmen were also concerned about the length of the dry spells. It was revealed in a focus group interaction that dry spells during the rainy season are now longer as compared to what used to be the case some three decades ago. From a maximum of a one-week period of dry spell experienced in the past, dry spells can last for as long as two weeks. The experiences shared in their narratives reveal that frequent dry spells caused distortions in the amount and quality of fodder that is available for their cattle. In the course of a key informant interview, one herdsman underscores this and other impacts when he said that: 'A lot of heat accompanies dry spells and that causes distress in the animals. The grasses in grazing fields always start to lose their freshness when a dry spell sets in.
Leaves would begin coiling up and twisting in the heat and the animals are unable to feed well (Iddrisu Adama, KII, 08/10/2017, Kpongu).' The narratives of the herdsmen are corroborated by data on the number of rainy days that was obtained from the Wa Station of the Meteorological Agency. The data covers several years, from 2006 to 2017, and is shown in Table 1. It reveals the non-occurrence of rains during the months that make up the dry season and also reveals by inference, the length of dry spells that occurred during the rainy seasons of those years. Table 1 shows that although the total number of rainy

Shrinking sizes of water bodies
One of the most critical means of existence for cattle, apart from forage, is a source of water. However, it has been observed by many herdsmen, particularly the aged, that their water bodies have been reducing in size over the years. This forms another experience and a way by which the herdsmen recognise and measure climate change.
From the narratives of the herdsmen, the water bodies are not only shrinking in overall size but also lose significant amounts of water during dry spells and often completely dry up in the dry season.
Recounting his experience regarding the shrinking water bodies that are sources of drinking water for their livestock, one herdsman commented that: 'Growing up, we used to swim in that pond, even in the dry season. We often left the animals by the riverside and went for a swim. Now the water in the pond cannot even reach my knee level during the dry season, let alone enough for swimming (Zibrim Baari, FGD, 14/ 11/2017, Kpongu).' This reflects the herdsman's experience of climate change and the challenge this poses to livestock herding in the area. Their cattle used to stay at the banks of the pond to graze and drink because the pond was so large and deep that the cattle would not risk going into the water. There is now a change in the climate and the cattle can easily wade through the water and cross over to the other side.
During prolonged dry seasons, the pond is reduced to a murky mass of suspended particles and the cattle can hardly drink from it. One such pond in the community that has shrunk in size is shown in Figure 3. During a focus group discussion with the herdsmen, the issue of shrinking water bodies was probed further so as to  This is what he said regarding the kind of water that the animals drink: 'When I go round on inspection and treatment, it is clear that some illnesses that attack the animals are due to the kind of water that they drink. Sometimes I ask questions and in response the herdsmen would say that their options of water sources are limited (RVO, KII, Wa19/ 10/2017).' The herdsmen admitted that they know that the water quality is poor in the dry season but conceded that they allow the cattle to drink it because they have always preferred this option to the option of trekking several kilometres for good quality water, with the risk of exposing the animals to severe heat and stress.

Formation of iron pans on top soils
One of the experiences of climate change as recounted by herdsmen is the widespread incidence of iron pans. An iron pan on the surface of a piece of land is a form of clay that is rich in iron but very poor in humus, resulting in the hardening of top soils. This kind of hardened top soil is unable to support the growth of grasses that herdsmen require to feed their herds. The increasing formation of these iron pans on hitherto humus land surfaces is one indicator of climate change for the herdsmen.
The herdsmen are well aware that several factors contribute to the exposure of top soils to heat, aridity and eventually the formation of iron pans. These include erratic and fewer rains, higher temperatures, deforestation through charcoal burning and bush burning (wild fires) that destroy the land surface. This in-depth understanding of the climate and climate variability by the herdsmen is corroborated by the responses of the Senior Veterinary Officer at the Regional Veterinary Unit of the MoFA in Wa. He revealed that through his interactions with herdsmen there is an appreciable understanding amongst them that temperatures are now higher and intolerable, the weather patterns are unpredictable, that rainfall is now more erratic than ever, and the distribution across the landscape is also intermittent and unreliable.
During a key informant interview, one herdsman noted with concern the numerous locations where iron pans can be found when they go away from their homestead with their herds. This is what he had to say: 'Some years ago, we only saw iron pans in rocky or stony areas. This situation has changed now. We see them in any direction that we move. Iron pans have now taken over grasslands. The way it is now, grasses cannot grow there again (Key Informant, KII, Kpongu, 20/10/2017).' According to the herdsmen, the spread of iron pans on vegetation in plains that once had grasses is only one aspect of the impacts of climate change. They observed that the iron pans are increasing in size, expanding further to affect the surrounding forage. This is the apprehension of another key informant. Expressing this uneasiness, he mentioned that: 'The iron pans are growing and are taking over our grazing fields, spreading into many areas. The rate of the spread might be gradual but they are becoming bigger as compared to when we first saw them. Now we are afraid of how big and how far they would grow (Key Informant KII, Kpongu, 13/10/2017).' Herdsmen who spoke on the issue of the formation of iron pans observed that the appearance and spread of iron pans happens gradually. Figure 4 gives a visual impression of an iron pan. The picture was taken during the data collection at Kpongu in 2017.
The iron pan that is shown in Figure 4 is located in the northern extremes of the study community, next to a stretch of green field. The herdsmen reported that this area was previously a grassland that is losing its green forage. This is evidenced by the fact that the area still has some patches of grass as the iron pan is expanding. The few patches of grass that remain would be lost in the coming years as the iron pan is expected to expand over a wider area.
Some of the narratives expressed by the herdsmen brought to light their understanding of the causative linkage between the occurrence of drought and frequent dry spells on the one hand and the formation of iron pans on the other hand.
Their narratives are indicative of the fact that periods of prolonged droughts and dry spells influence the occurrence of iron pans in such a way that make the iron pans become more visible, and the top soils become more hardened.
Speaking on this linkage, a key informant mentioned that: 'When we experience continuous rains, the iron pans are not able to form or expand easily. In the rainy season when we spot the iron pans, they become partially covered by creeping plants. So if the rains are continuous, we might not even be able to locate the iron pans again (Key Informant, KII, Kpongu, 13/10/2017).' The herdsmen reported the impacts of the iron pan formation on their pastoral activities and by extension, their livelihood. The first and obvious impact is that some grazing 'So many years ago, when we went into the bush, the grasses were so tall that they would prevent us from seeing far ahead. Grasses that hitherto could shield and match up to the height of a fully-grown man have now shrunk to about half that size. The grasses have become so short even when we are experiencing heavy rains (Discussant, FGD, 14/11/2017, Kpongu).' To measure the actual height of the grasses, the best period