Career Persistence Model for Female Engineers in the Indonesian Context

Extant studies about female engineers have suggested their career persistency in the engineering career is influenced by the workplace, which is characterized by male dominated culture making them feel marginalized. In Indonesia, similar studies for reference are limited. This paper is based on an exploratory quantitative study using a questionnaire developed based on the Career Persistence Model. This paper is based on an empirical exploratory quantitative study by adopting Buse’s et al. Career Persistence Model (2013). The intention is to contribute to the literature in the context of Indonesia. It explores the Indonesian cultural dimensions and investigates their relationship to the roles of women in family, society and the workplace, and how women manage to navigate barriers to avoid taking alternative career paths. Contrary to extant studies, findings show women feel equally treated to men in the workplace, however some work demands may hinder. The strong acknowledgement of one’s roles in this collective society outdoes the opinions that the Islamic jurisprudence ( fiqh ) has marginalized empowerment of women, resulting in gender-based injustices and discrimination. Future studies should look into social supports at the workplace in an attempt to retain and increase the share of women in the engineering career in Indonesia. DOI :  https://doi.org/10.21632/irjbs.10.1.23-38 Keywords: female engineer, career persistence, socio-cultural influence, social harmony

Extant studies about female engineers have suggested their career persistency in the engineering career is influenced by the workplace, which is characterized by male dominated culture making them feel marginalized. In Indonesia, similar studies for reference are limited. This paper is based on an exploratory quantitative study using a questionnaire developed based on the Career Persistence Model. This paper is based on an empirical exploratory quantitative study by adopting Buse's et al. Career Persistence Model (2013). The intention is to contribute to the literature in the context of Indonesia. It explores the Indonesian cultural dimensions and investigates their relationship to the roles of women in family, society and the workplace, and how women manage to navigate barriers to avoid taking alternative career paths. Contrary to extant studies, findings show women feel equally treated to men in the workplace, however some work demands may hinder. The strong acknowledgement of one's roles in this collective society outdoes the opinions that the Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) has marginalized empowerment of women, resulting in gender-based injustices and discrimination. Future studies should look into social supports at the workplace in an attempt to retain and increase the share of women in the engineering career in Indonesia).

INTRODUCTION
The competitive advantage of a nation is often associated with its dominance and development in science and technology, so that the engineering profession without doubt plays a vital role to support it. The need for engineers shows a constantly increasing figure to support infrastructure and industrial development (Cochrane, 2016. Nazmudin, 2016. This is also the case in Indonesia; the country requires additional 120,000 engineers to support economic development by 2020 according to the official reports released by the Indonesian Cabinet Secretary Office (2015).
However, Indonesia only has 750,000 engineers (in 2015), and can only produce 35,000 per year, which means there is a shortage of engineers (the Association of Indonesian Engineers (Sujatmiko, 2004). What is the problem? In terms of education, the number of female engineering students in Indonesia is almost equal to that of male students. This is reflected in the Gender Parity Index of 1.0347 (Human Development Report, UNDP 2015).
However, in total, the country can only produce 35,000 new engineering graduates per year. Bigger problems occur after graduation. Only 45 percent graduates decide to work in the engineering career. Many decide to divert from engineering-related occupations, due to lack of job openings in engineering and it is often faster to get a job in other fields (Gareta, 2015).
Besides, working conditions and the workplace are also blamed for causing the consistently low share of women in the engineering professions.
In many cases, the work of an engineer involves risks especially if they are working in factories or laboratories dealing with chemicals and gases; in construction works for buildings, infrastructures as well as in oil and gas. In addition, some engineering works demand long hours and travelling to sites.
Consequently, the number of female engineers entering the engineering profession is low.
stage, the lower the number of women peers (Meiksins, et al. 2016).
Studies on engineering-based firms have also shown that women can understand certain products and services better than men, so they can help with product improvements. For example, in communication technology, more women than men use social-networking apps on mobile phones. They also found to have different contextual ways in remembering people than men, and so might use different ways in searching for friends (Taylor, 2013). Women are also found to be more socially concern than man. Many are motivated to become engineers because they want to be responsible engineers and make a difference in people's lives (Silbey, 2016). Hence, industries and governments need more inclusive engineering workplace to achieve scientific and technological excellence ( 2014).
The situations have invited concerns among academics and practitioners in an attempt to enhance women representation in the engineering career.
Although studies about female engineers around the world have been produced in significant quantities every year covering a broad range of topics, mostly discussing the causes of women's underrepresentation in the engineering fields (Meiksins, et,al, 2016)  suggests that gender bias in engineering and science is still reported existing involving sexist behavior by senior male scientists (Meiksins, et,al, 2016). In addition, even though studies about female engineers have been produced around the world in significant quantities every year covering a broad range of topics, however little is still known on why women are still under-represented in the engineering fields (Meiksins, et,al, 2016). More research is called for to check on how to attract more women to enter the engineering career, and persist in the career for longer time.
Some authors look at the causes of female engineers to persist in the engineering professions and compare them with those who leave the profession. However, there is still lack of comprehensive theoretical frameworks explaining the reasons why female engineers who persist in or depart from engineering career. They use the Career Change Model (Rhodes & Doering, 1983), and suggest that female engineers who continue differ from those who quit in their experience of workplace, which is the process of advancement The following research question guided the study: What are the most important (unique) factors influencing female engineers in Indonesia to retain their engineering profession as compared to their counterparts who quit.

The Career Persistence Model (CPM)
The Career Persistence Model (CPM) by Buse et al. (2013) was founded on the Social Cognitive Career Theory, originally proposed by Lent et al (1994Lent et al ( , 2002, utilizing Bandura's (1986)

Social Cognitive
Theory. This framework explains the relationships between a person's individual social cognitive variables (e.g., self-efficacy, outcome expectation, and personal goals) and how these variables interact with other aspects of the person and his/ her environments (i.e., family and the workplace) that shape the development of the person's career path.
Grounded on Bandura's (1986) SCT, Lent et al. (1994) hypothesized that person, environment, and behavior variables affect one another through complex, and reciprocal linkages. Thus, Lent

Religious beliefs
As the biggest Muslim country in the world in terms of population, the Islamic religious views have strong influence over the majority of the people in Indonesia, especially regarding the role of women in society and in the workplace. Within these Islamic religious beliefs there is a strong tendency of patriarchal Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) which has marginalized empowerment of women, even though national laws recognize the equality of men and women. Consequently,

gender-based injustices and discrimination in this
Muslim community is prevalent (Hasyim 2015).

Javanese socio-cultural values
The Javanese society is the biggest ethnic group in Indonesia, comprising 40% of the country's total population (World Population Review 2017); and the majority of the people in Indonesia (60%) live in Java island. Naturally, Javanese socio-cultural values are reflected in many parts in Indonesia (Geertz, C. 1976). One of the most distinctive values in Javanese society is rukun (harmious unity), expressed a being respectful, polite, obedient, cooperative, mutual acceptance, and harmonious existence (Mulder 1978). Thus, a person's individuality should be expressed through the group; and all overt expressions of conflict should be avoided (Murder 1978;Koentjaraningrat 1985).
In Javanese society, a married woman is expected to remain in close contact with her family to be able to assist older parents. Thus, as a daughter, a woman is still responsible to take care of her parents even though she lives in a separate house (Geertz, 1961).

General cultural dimensions in Indonesia
According to Hofstede's (1984Hofstede's ( , 2005 cultural dimensions in Indonesia is regarded as a collectivist and feminine society, whereby there is a high preference for individuals to be accepted in a particular group or society besides their nuclear families. Thus, regardless of religion and ethnicity, the people in the society care and help each other, live in harmony with kin-based extended families, as well as tend to conform to the ideals of the society and families to which they belong to, including the Islamic religious views discussed above. Geertz (1961) in her study about Javanese women, also found that women accept male domination, restrictive codes of female behavior, the linkage of family honor with female virtue, i.e. being conscious of social judgments and 'punishment,' to avoid being labeled as selfish (Geertz 1961). In the traditional Western society, a similar concept was discussed by Herbert Mead (1925Mead ( , 1930.
According to Mead, in order for the 'I' to develop, the 'Me' has to conform to the society, which Mead referred to as the 'social I'. In some cases, the 'I' is sacrificed for the 'Me' to grow. This is because the human mind makes sense of the world through communication -the use of vocal gestures and through the taking of roles. Socio-cultural values are accepted as conscious acts to conform to the social expectations, which are performed repeatedly, and finally become habits and culture.
In the case of educated women, Mead also argued that educated women, if they are married, they should be allowed work and be part of the intellectual world. Women must accept the judgments of others as long as she is capable of performing her roles as a wife and a mother at the same time. Thus, it is a conscious decision for married women to take on motherhood role and give up their career if they have to. In most Western (individualistic) countries, influential reference groups shift from family members to friends and government agencies. For example, when growing children reach the university age, they are expected to be independent, earn their own money and get government loans to support their studies. When they have children, working mothers can utilize day care facilities.
In Indonesia, it is normal for grown up children to live with their parents and get financial supports, including for education. In most cases, adult women are expected to take of her multiple roles, no matter how conflicting they may be.
Married career women are still placed as the most responsible party for taking care of their children, and for doing domestics errands (Darmaji, et al, 2014). In a more traditional family, however, a woman, even though she is married, is still expected assist older parents. Reciprocally, younger parents normally take care of their younger grand-children. Family members are expected to help each other. For those who earn more, can hire domestic helpers to take care of children and to do domestic errands That is why day-care facilities is not a norm in Indonesia (even in bigger cities, like Jakarta).
The situation is worse for a married woman being a mother and a professional engineer at the same time. Professional female engineers are expected to perform in engineering jobs characterized by male domination, sometimes involving multiple projects at the same time, with complex problems, unpredictable, and risky situations requiring good teamwork, frequent travels and long-hour work. Thus, they have to be able to focus, solve problems, make important decisions and be adaptive (Hewlett, et al, 2008)

METHODS
This paper is based on an exploratory study because the topic discussed here, i.e., career of female engineers in engineering profession, is at its initial stage of study. Consequently, there is not much information available on previous similar studies (Sekaran, 2006;Brown, R.B. (2006). Therefore, the study is not meant to offer final and conclusive evidence or solutions; but the result of it may offer a range of causes and alternative options for a solution of this specific problem in the future (Sandhusen, R.L. 2000). Hopefully, this study can be used as a reference for further research, that it may help improved research design (sampling methodology and data collection method), and can form as the basis of more conclusive research in the future.

Research design
The main survey instrument in this study is an administered questionnaire (Appendix-1), which is generated to accommodate questions relate to career persistence factors. Ordinal data using a five point Likert scale was used to categorize respondents' opinion from strongly disagree (scale 1) to strongly agree (scale 5) to career persistence factors between two groups of female engineers who, during the data collection: a) were still working in the engineering profession; b) already quit working in the engineering profession.

Individual Factors
Self Efficacy Identity Adaptability Other Orientation Work Engagement contextual factors (no.1-10); V) Profession (no.

1-3); VI) Open-ended suggestions on how to
be successful engineers; VII) Willingness to be interviewed for further study.
The survey instrument was employed as a strategy to collect 'snapshot' information to explore a situation of 'leaky pipeline' phenomenon of female engineers in the engineering profession, especially as the further a woman advances in her career stage . Survey was also employed to find important factors and   Table 2. Respondents' current job current jobs reflected in questions 6 and 7: both groups work in teams, and are mostly involved in various projects at one period of time. Strong differences are reflected in questions 2, and 8-10.
The majority of respondents in group A works less than 20 hours/week; while the majority of respondents in group B works more than 20 hours/week. Also, while group A has all 100% male superiors, clients, and colleagues; group B has female counterparts, even though as minority.

Part III: Likeness of job
This part discusses information related to current job/profession. Both groups share the same ideas in questions: 1 -7 regarding their agreement on the statements.  However, the fact that the majority of respondents are unmarried gives an indication that respondents have more freedom to make career choice and decisions.