초록
This study addresses the significance of acculturation, known as cultural adjustment, in examining work values among Korean female nail care workers in New York. In this study, acculturation is measured by both English proficiency and personal comfort in the mainstream cultural comfort, while four indicators are used to measure work values: the subjective evaluation of the nature of the work, both perceptions of occupational status and self-development, and the consideration of quitting the current nail job. Using a sample of 312 responses, this study shows that nail care workers have evaluated the nature of the nail care work less devalued as they experience improvements in English proficiency and cultural comfort. Second, this study also supports that cultural comfort plays a positive effect on their perception of nail care work as an employment sector in a upper-middle or upper occupational status. Moreover, there is evidence that more cultural comfort tends to lower their intention of quitting the nail care job. However, this study suggests that acculturation has little to do with perception of self-development in nail care work.
키워드
Acculturation, Work values, Nail care work, Korean immigrant women
Introduction
Much of the past research on work values has been discussed largely under key factors, such as age, gender, race, family role, education, social origins, job experience, working conditions, and so on
In general, it is not much difficult to infer the general evaluations of their current works among recent Korean immigrant male workers. For instance, many of them have experienced employment in white-collar occupations in Korea. After their emigration to America, these Korean immigrants, with few exceptions, have had trouble finding occupations equivalent to their preceding high-status employment because of their relatively disadvantaged positions in the host labor market that are typically attributed to low English proficiency, less accessibility of job information and job networks, and/or some discriminatory forces against immigrants. Instead of accessing the mainstream labor market in the host society, as an alternative, they tend to pursue a labor-intensive and daily long-hour employment in their own ethnic small-business enclave
There is no question that occasional conflicts with spouses, high stress level, alcoholism, and gambling among Korean immigrant males are further and indirect manifestations of their relatively lower work values in the aftermath of occupational downward mobility
Before emigration to America, the labor force participation rate in Korea has been, overall, far lower among Korean immigrant female workers than their male counterparts. This is particularly true of Korean married women who took full responsibility for only domestic work and family care, without participating in the labor market after marriage, let alone lack of any strong preconception about work values. Even for those who have held jobs in Korea, their general senses of work values, kept ahead of immigration, can fade suddenly on the ground that any option to choose desirable jobs in the host society barely exists. Moreover, work values are also responses to an individual’s life course change and new circumstance
In this new country, the vast majority of Korean immigrant women tend to take part in the labor market because they need incomes to support themselves as well as their family members under the circumstances of expensive living costs in the host society
More specifically, this study is intended to address the significance of acculturation, “cultural assimilation,” in the discussion of work values among Korean female nail care workers in Korean American community. Similar to Korean male workers, first-generation Korean female immigrants in ethnic small business sectors are no exception in their employment activities that aretypically characterized by labor-intensive and long-hour tasks. Faced with new working conditions, low English fluency and cultural differences from their English-speaking customers can make immigrant workers downgrade their work values. Nevertheless, the expectation of this study is that as long as Korean female nail care workers’ cultural adjustment in the host societyadvances, it is less likely to evaluate their works negatively. Thus, it is likely that they will evaluate certain aspects of their works more positively. With all of the aforementioned in consideration, this study employs, as units of analysis, a sample of Korean female immigrants working at Korean-owned nail salons.
In the New York City and Northern New Jersey areas, nail care businesses are treated as a major employment niche sector for many Korean immigrant women who want to pursue employment in an ethnic economic sector
Literature Review and Research Questions
Work values have often been identified by two dominant categories—intrinsic and extrinsic rewards of the job
To examine the effect of acculturation on work values among Korean female nail salon workers, acculturation is understood in this study as the key determinant of their work values. According to
Knowledge of English, regardless of the retention of the ethnic language called “linguistic acculturation,” is regarded as a good reference of immigrants’ acculturative level in the host society
The more the level of English fluency among Korean female nail care workers, the more their work values in their current nail care service occupations.
To immigrants weak knowledge and understanding of the leading cultural patterns in the host society can also cause the similar detrimental effect on their work values. Thus, just as communication problems can easily yield misunderstandings between ethnic immigrant workers and their native customers, it is also possible that immigrants’ own distinctive cultural orientations and legacies can trigger a certain degree of discord and even conflict in the process of interaction with English-speaking customers
The fact is that in 2002, approximately 70 percent of nail salons in New York State (2,500 in 3,559) and almost 60 percent of nail salons in New Jersey State (1,500 in 2,503) have been owned by Korean immigrants and a majority of the employees were Korean immigrant women
The greater the level of personal comfort in relation to the mainstream culture among Korean female nail care workers, the higher their work values in nail care service sector.
In addition, this study of work values among Korean female nail care workers encompasses, in the analyses, some important factors: work-related (work experience before nail occupation, worker’s skill level, duration of work at nail salons, work hours weekly, and job network) and socio-demographic (age, marital status, education, length of residence, and family income)variables.
Data and Method
Participants
In this study, the hypothesis that acculturation will affect work values among Korean female nail care workers is examined mostly by the analysis of quantitative data, which has been collected through three types of sampling methods. Based upon information that Korean nail salons located in New York City have five workers on average
Along with these 230 responses which were collected from nail care workers currently working at nail salons in New York City, I also attempted to collect some data from current nail salon workers who were working at Korean-owned nail salons located in Bergen County in Northern New Jersey. After being unable to obtain a directory of Korean-owned nail salons despite their growing visibility and heavy clusters in local areas, I visited some of these nail salons in June and July of 2007. With the ooperation from some Korean nail care owners and their workers, I further collected an additional 82 responses from this New Jersey County. The two methodological issues that seem difficult to be detected at this point should be mentioned when using these three different types of sampling strategies. First, there is no way to disclose whether questionnaires mailed or delivered to each nail salon were randomly distributed and then responded by its nail salon workers. Moreover, it is unclear about the degree to which the sample collected through my own visits in the New Jersey localities is reliable and representative enough from all NJ Korean nail salon workers and their demographic backgrounds.
Second, another methodological issue unknown comes after combining mail responses with data collected through some nail salon managers and my own direct visits to some nail salons. Despite these two methodological problems, overall, a total of 312 responses collected through these three sampling methods are used in this study.
Measures
As stated earlier, the dependent variables used in this study are four measures of work values: the subjective evaluation of the nature of the work, both perceptions of occupational status and self-development, and the consideration of quitting the current nail job. By conducting a varimax rotated factor analysis,
Acculturation, as the key predictor of work values in this study, was measured by two categories: English proficiency and cultural comfort. As a measure of
This study also used some other demographic variables as the control variables:
3 Only 2 out of 312 respondents were Korean male nail care workers. Since this study aims to examine work values among Korean female nail service workers, these two male responses were omitted in the analysis.
4 Even when nail care workers are not sure of their objective employment status in the occupational ladder, it is natural that they are inclined to evaluate themselves nail care work as part of a middle employment status. In this respect, the fact is that multinominal logistic regression is a better statistical tool in predicting perception of occupational status. But, the sample size of this study limited the selection of this analytic technique, but allowed to use binary logistic regression method.
5 In this study, marital status is treated a dummy variable scored 1 for currently married (N = 196) and divorced, separated, and widowed (N = 27).
Results
Descriptive Analysis
In addition to basic descriptive statistics (means, standard deviations, and range) from all variables used in the analysis,
In general, the overall patterns of responses are quite meaningful in the frequency distributions of three other measures of work values. For instance, the frequency distribution of perceived occupational status in nail care service business indicates that almost 47 percent of Korean female nail care workers have ranked nail care jobs as an employment sector in either a middle-upper or upper occupational status. On the other hand, approximately 63 percent of respondents have mentioned that a prospect for selfdevelopment in nail care work is very limited. Similarly, two-thirds of respondents (67 percent) have considered quitting their current nail care jobs once or more during the duration of the last one month.
The specific levels of acculturation among Korean female nail care workers have been also well identified through the frequency distributions of English proficiency and cultural comfort. It is shown that approximately 48 percent of the respondents have marked their English level as “good” or “excellent,” whereas responses of the two poor categories were, at a relatively low level, 16 percent. Moreover, the frequency distribution of cultural comfort presents their relatively high acculturation level in the host society; almost 59 percent of them, relative to 13 percent in two uncomfortable responses, have uttered feelings of their psychological (or emotional) comfort in the core American cultural patterns.
The frequency distributions and descriptive statistics of work-related and demographic variables as the control variables are also introduced in
Table 1.. Descriptive Statistics for Variables Used in the Analysis (N = 312)
Note: a denotes educational attainments of high school or less, whereas b denotes 4-year college education or advanced degrees. The reference group of both educational variables as an omitted variable is two-year college or vocational education.
In the query of their own skill levels at nail care service jobs, more workers (54 percent) have responded to unskilled or semi-skilled categories. Two additional work-related variables show that the averages of duration of work at nail care service and work hours on a weekly basis are 6 years 3 months and almost 43 hours, respectively. For instance, some of the frequency distributions have revealed that in fact, 26 percent of Korean female nail workers have been working in this job sector for over 10 years, while almost 55 percent of them have been working for more than 50 hours a week. Indeed, almost half of their current nail jobs at Korean-owned nail salons (50 percent) have been obtained through the introductions of close friends, kin, church members, or neighbors. Besides, information on demographic variables (not explained here) provides further details of the respondents’ personal backgrounds.
Workers’ specialties have been, first and foremost, in manicure service only (42 percent), followed by manicure and pedicure (15 percent), more than 4 services (14 percent), manicure and pedicure and waxing (6 percent), and so on. Interesting enough, this frequency distribution also shows that skin care is in the least of work specialties among Korean female nail salonworkers. Aside from workers’ own training and licenses in specific nail service fields, an article in a Korean newspaper issued in New York uncovers that the scale of nail salons, often understood by the total number of nail care workers, tends to determine their workers’ specialties in the workplace
Table 2.. A List of Specialties in Nail Salon Occupation
Acculturation and Work Values
In measuring work values by way of the subjective evaluation of the nature of the work which combines feeling of boredom with perception of task repetitiveness on the job (work devaluation), both indicators of acculturation—English proficiency and cultural comfort—have been statistically significant. When nail care workers have more proficiency in their English skills, they are inclined to evaluate the nature of their nail work more valuable. On the other hand, it can be inferred that their work devaluation in nail care service can occur at the time when nail salon workers suffer from their poor communication skills with English-speaking customers. Otherwise, a good command in English is essential for nail care workers in order to lower their sense of work devaluation (e.g., dullness and monotony) in the nail care profession. For instance, one of my informants, Ms. Bae, who is a skilled manicurist in her early 30s, has been working for almost 6 years in a Korean-owned nail salon in a middle-class residential area of Fort Lee, New Jersey. When I asked the degree of English fluency to her, she responded to me that she can communicate, without much difficulty, with her Jewish customers about the topics related to today’s weather, Koreanfoods, how to deal with manicured hands, or her family. She also said to me, “nail care work seems simple and repetitive, but that is actually not the case. The shapes of customers’ fingers are different and they ask me for diverse services in their finger styles. I really focus on my work.” Likewise, there is evidence that the confidence in the core culture of the host society can enable nail care workers to reduce their level of work devaluation. When nail care workers have better knowledge and understanding of the core culture, let along its language, they can seize better control of their emotions in face-to-face interaction with native customers, which can in turn lead them to reevaluate their repetitive job tasks in more positive ways.
Table 3.. Unstandardized Coefficients for Four Measures of Work Values
Note: Numbers in parentheses are standard errors (N = 312).
* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p <.001 (two-tailed test); +p < .05 (one-tailed test)
Using perception of occupational status as another measure of work values, English proficiency has been by no means its significant predictor. But, cultural comfort as the other indictor of acculturation exerts a significant impact on variation in perceived occupational status in nail care work. Thus, more psychological or emotional comfort in American culture plays a critical role in enhancing nail care workers’ evaluation of occupational status. Indeed, it makes sense that more recognition of limited options for decent jobs and a relative occupational position of nail care occupation across all American occupations, understood as a trait of rising cultural comfort, can cause Korean female workers to evaluate nail care work as an employment sector in a upper-middle or upper occupational status. In the third model of work values, the result demonstrates no critical effects of both acculturation measures (English proficiency and cultural comfort) on perception of selfdevelopment under nail work.
This study has also suggested that acculturation can affect the consideration of quitting the current nail job among Korean female nail care workers. One finding reports that English proficiency as one indicator of acculturation has no significant impact on the intention to quit the current nail care job. The coefficient of cultural comfort however demonstrates that a sense of personal comfort in the mainstream culture affects the consideration of quitting the nail care job. Obviously, nail care workers have had lessconsideration of quitting their current nail care jobs in times of their more familiarity with mainstream cultural values, attitudes, behaviors, or styles. In other words, it is likely that the basis of immigrants’ comfort about the mainstream culture is closely associated with their increased knowledge for the core cultural groups, as well as their greater understanding about American social circumstances. As another inference, in cases where nail care workers have a better grasp of the American labor market structure, its workplace culture, their own credentials, and the harsh realties of life in new world, it is expected that they can take into account their nail care employment as a relatively good occupation to hold in the new country.
As its illustration, Ms. Kim as my informant, who is in her mid-30s, has been working for almost 5 years at a Korean-owned nail salon in Lower Manhattan, New York. She immigrated 17 years ago and graduated from a 2-year college in the city. Before her current employment in nail care service, she worked at a hospital as a nurse’s assistant and a waitress in a Koreanownedrestaurant. When I asked about her consideration of quitting the nail care job during the last month, she replied, “I have never considered quitting. Once you become a skilled worker, pay in nail care employment is not bad and this job is not too physically laborious, either. And I can take a day or two off every week.” Similarly, less intention of quitting the nail care work has been suggested in other informants as well. Overall, five other informants have expressed that nail care employment pays relatively good wages and likewise, it provides flexible work hours (especially for married women) in comparison with jobs in other small businesses in ethnic economy—e.g., restaurants, delis, grocery stores, dry cleaners, or laundry shops. Indirectevidence is also seen in Appendix B where nail care work is even viewed as an alternative channel for a new career to those female immigrants previously engaged in other business sectors. Of work-related variables, workers’ job skill is the important predictor of two measures of work values—the subjective evaluation of the nature of the work and the consideration of quitting nail job. Thus more skilled nail care workers have evaluated the nature of the nail care work much valuable, along with their less intention to quit their current nail jobs. Nevertheless, more duration of work at nail care service has resulted in the consideration of quitting the nail care job. Of demographic variables, monthly family income has been a significant predictor of two measures of work values among Korean female nail care workers.
Discussion
In the setting of an ethnic niche economy—that is, Korean-owned nail care service businesses in New York and New Jersey areas, this study has focused on whether acculturation (cultural adjustment) exerts a substantial effect on work values among Korean female nail care workers. In an emotional labor where recurrent interactions with customers are a central part of work tasks, workers often tend to experience negative feelings about their job
Until now, there has been little systematic research aimed at addressing work values under the influence of immigrants’ process of acculturation. For this reason, any direct comparison is in fact impossible to evaluate how important the results of this study are. To some extent, this is because past research has been predominantly interested in assessing the importance of acculturation in immigrants’ mental well-being without much discussion on the nature, meanings, and values of their work activities
Though limited, this study can be to a certain extent meaningful for future studies exploring how acculturation is linked to work values in different Korean immigrant employment sectors. In turn, this study can be used as a work of reference in discussing the sources of work values for firstgeneration Korean females whose job tasks need relatively quick but many daily interactions with English-speaking (or non-English speaking) customers. For instance, the point that acculturation will affect work values can be further assessed from Korean female workers working in other small ethnic business sectors, such as delis, groceries, producer stores, dry cleaning shops, or restaurants. Likewise, future studies also need to identify gendered work values by acculturation. As a matter of fact, many first-generation Korean immigrants in the United States run small family businesses using their family members as the key labor force so as to reduce the burden of labor costs
Overall, this study is considered to be a first step in addressing the significance of acculturation in Korean immigrant women’s work values in a Korean niche economy—nail care jobs. However, this present study has been exposed to several limitations. First, the other important measures of work values—wage, autonomy, and security in nail care employment - are not included in this study.
6 In nail care employment, the evaluation of workers’ wages is not easy because of their hourly wage rate intermingled with unpredictable tips from customers. As an alternative, it is useful to measure a subjective evaluation of wage satisfaction. As another intrinsic value of nail care employment, autonomy in nail care work often relies upon work days and seasons. For instance, nail care workers’ autonomy in the job can be far limited on weekends—Saturday and Sunday, and in late spring and summer seasons when many customers come to visit their nail salons. Also, security in nail care employment, understood as an extrinsic value of the job, can be measured by the skill level of the nail care workers, which has been used in this current study as a control variable. Thus it is expected that skilled nail care workers can achieve better security in nail care employment because a rapid growth of Korean-owned nail salons in New York-New Jersey areas causes a supply shortage of these skilled workers.
7 In detail, Roelof and her associates (2007, p. 3) report specific impacts of each solvent used in nail/ beauty products on health symptoms or problems. For example, acetone, as a chemical ingredient in nail polish products, can cause such potential health effects as eye, nose, or throatirritation and dermatitis. Likewise, toluene, a colorless liquid used as a solvent, can spawn more health problems to nail technicians—e.g., eye, nose, or throat irritation, headache, anxiety, muscle fatigue, insomnia, and so on.
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1 Work values are defined as “general attitudes regarding the meaning that an individual attaches to the work role as distinguished from his satisfaction with that role”(Kalleberg 1977, p. 129) . He further suggests the differences between values and related concepts, including expectations and needs.
2 It must be true that the intention of quitting the job is affected by some other reasons, such as moving, changes in life cycle or family (marriage, divorce, retirement, birth of child), a pursuit of new career, and so on. Likewise, this study views that the consideration of quitting the current jobsignifies, to a greater extent, a substantial alteration in beliefs and attitudes about the essential meaning of the work.