A HISTORY OF HADRAMI COMMUNITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

Hadrami-Arabs have played essential roles in Islamisation process across Southeast Asian region. This article diachronically examines the history of Hadrami community and their roles in islamisation. It looks at the dynamics, adaptation, and contestation of Islamisation in the region. This article offers actors-centered accounts of how the Hadrami community contributes to Islamic proselitisation activism (dakwah), politics, and contestation within the community. It further argues that, throughout the history of Hadrami in Southeast Asia, political adaptation and contestation have been essential elements that shape the current Islamic-scape in contemporary Southeast Asia. [Komunitas Hadrami-Arab berperan penting dalam proses Islamisasi di wilayah Asia Tenggara. Artikel ini akan membahas secara diakronis sejarah komunitas Hadrami dan peran mereka dalam proses Islamisasi. Artikel ini mengkaji dinamika, adaptasi, dan kontestasi dalam proses Islamisasi di wilayah Asia Tenggara. Kemudian, artikel ini menawarkan pendekatan “aktor” untuk membahas bagaimana komunitas Hadrami berkontribusi dalam aktifitas dakwah, politik, dan kontestasi dalam komunitas Hadrami. Selanjutnya, saya berargumen bahwa, melalui pelacakan sejarah Hadrami di Asia Tenggara, bahwa adaptasi politik dan kontestasi menjadi faktor penting yang menjelaskan terbentuknya Islamic-scape di Asia Tenggara kontemporer ]


Introduction
Long before the invention of motorized ship, a Chinese travelrecords mentions that in 674 the Arabs have stayed in west-cost of Sumatera. They are particularly trader and Muslim scholars (ulama). 1 They travelled to Southeast Asian region through sea-route, from Aden to Gujarat-Kambey-Sailon, and land-route, from Damascus to Khorasan-Balochistan-Bamir-Kasykar-Shina-Khutan-Gobi-Sangtu and Hansyau Desert. 2 These first Arab travelers introduced Islam and established Muslim communities. 3 Another story tells that Islam has arrived in Sumatera during the Prophet Muhammad era. The Prophet Muhammad sent Muaz bin Jabal for a mission to introduce Islam to the region of Yemen. The Muslim coverts in Yemen were particularly traders who traveled across Asia, including China and Sumatera, for commerce. A Chinese source for example reports the presence of a Muslim community in Hainan in 745 and the migration of Arab and Persian Muslim from Canton to Malaka and Pasai in 758. A Muslim tomb of Mahligai in Barus which is dated back to the first century of Islam, demonstrates the arrival of Islam in Sumatera. 4 The Islamisation in Southeast Asian region later escalated following the migration of Hadrami-Arabs. Along with their intention for trade and commerce, hadrami introduced Islam to the Southeast Asian local population. The Southeast Asian history records that the migration of Hadrami community to the region escalated the massive expansion of Islam. The Hadrami are resident of Hadramaut, southern Yemen. Hadramaut is a region that stretches from the coastline that includes the cities of Mukalla and Shihr and the area which is in the vicinity of the valley or Wadi'al-Ayn, Da'wan and Hadramaut. In Wadi Hadramaut, there are cities Shibam, Sewun and Tarim which are known as centers of Islamic education and culture. 5 Hadramaut is a region with a culture that places the Alawiyyin, the descendant of Ali, the son-in-law to the Prophet Muhammad, in a very high position. Alawiyyin are a honorific title for those who are attributed to Alawi bin Ubaidillah bin Ahmad bin Isa al-Muhajir and were born in the city of Yemen after their migration from Basrah, Iraq. 6 They are the descendants of Ali ibn Abi Talib and Fatimah az-Zahra who linked their nasab (origin) to the Prophet Muhammad. They generally have laqob (title) in the form of sayyid, syarif, or habib for male, and sayyidah and syarifah for their female counterparts. 7 The Alawiyyin migrated to Hadramaut during the Abbasid Caliphate. The migration is particularly because of political intimidation of the Mu'tazilite Abbasid Dynasty to the descendant of the Prophet Muhammad. Led by Ahmad ibn Isa ibn Ali Uraidhi ibn Ja'far al-Sadiq ibn Muhammad al-Baqir ibn Ali Zainul Abidin ibn Husein, it is estimated that 70 members of Alawiyyin migrated to Hadramaut. They firstly went to Medina in 317, and moved to Hadramaut Yemen two years later. These early migrants settled in Husaisah which was located between Tarim and Seywun. 8 At the time of early migration of Alawiyyin, Hadramaut settlers were members of the Khawarij Ibadhiyah. This community were well known for their hostility towards Ali and his descendants. The harsh environment that the Alawiyyin faced at their new settlement made them building an exclusive community. They particularly prohibited the marriage with non-Alawiyyin and established naqaba institution. The naqaba is a water reservoir to collect the rainwater for daily uses and agriculture. It creates a limited community in which religious tradition is maintained through a limited number of family. This institution was firstly established by the earliest Alawiyyin settler Ahmad bin Isa al-Muhajir. 9 In Islamic theology, the Alawiyyin were particularly members Imamate Shia with Ja'far Sadiq ibn Muhammad al-Baqir as their theological patron. In later centuries, as the Alawiyyin settled in Hadramaut where the majority of its population were Shafiite-Sunni, the Alawiyyin adapted to the Shafiite school of Islamic law (mazhab) while adapting some aspects of Imamate-Shia particularly on the doctrine the purity of the Prophet's family ('ahl al-bait). One of the Alawiyyin settler in Hadramaut, one of the descendants of Ahmad ibn Isa al-Muhajir, Muhammad ibn Ali Ba'alawi known as al-Faqi> h al-Muqaddam (the prolific scholar in Islamic law) became an expert in Islamic law of the Shafiite and narrated many the Prophet tradition (hadi> th). Al-Faqih al-Muqaddam also established a sufism group (tarekat) exclusively for the Alawiyyin, Tarekat Alawiyya. 10 The influence of Shia and Shafiite is surely observable in current Islamiclandscape in Southeast Asia and this leads us to the story of Hadrami migration to Hadramaut and their circulation in Southeast Asian region. 11 In Hadramaut, the Alawiyyin enjoyed a prestige position for being the descendants of the prophet. They are the sayyid an title exclusively for the Alawiyyin and below them is the masyayikh or non-Alawiyyin scholars. Qabail, dhuafa and masakin form as the lower classes in the Hadramaut. 12 The sayyid began to migrate through Indian ocean since the time of Muhammed Shahib Mirbath who later became the patron of many contemporary sayyids in Southeast Asia. 13 In contemporary periods, the roles of the Hadrami in the Islamisation process of Southeast Asian region include also the genealogical links of the early Muslim saints in Indonesia, the nine saints (Walisongo), to the 'ahl al-bait. For a Hadrami scholar Zain bin Abdullah Alkaf, the members of Walisongo were indeed Hadramis suggesting their genealogical links to the 'ahl al-bait. As with other Southeast Asian Hadrami, the Walisongo were related to the 'ahl al-bait through the lines of Ahmad ibn Isa al-Muhajir and Muhammad ibn Ali, the Fa> qih al-Muqaddam. 14 In popular imaginary, the Hadrami genealogical link of Walisongo goes to the 15 th century figure Jamaludin al-Akbar known as Sheikh Jamaludin Jumadil Kubro. Jamaludin al-Akbar is the father of three, namely Barkat Zainul Alam, Ali Nurul Alam and Ibrahim As-Samarqandi. Barkat Zainul Alam is no other that the father of Maulana Malik Ibrahim or Sunan Gresik, one of the Walisongo. In popular narratives, Ali Nurul Alam is known also as Patih Arya Gajah Mada. He was the Prime Minister of the Kelantan Sultanate in Malaysia and genealogically related to Syarif Hidayatullah or Sunan Gunung Jati. Other members of the Walisongo, such as Maulana Ishaq and Sunan Ampel, were also genealogically related to Ibrahim As-Samarqandi, a son to Jamaludin al-Akbar. 15 Nonetheless, the massive Islamisation in Southeast Asian region is not only limited to the roles of Muslim scholars as the history of Islam in the region explains but also miraculous claims that were attributed to important leaders of Southeast Asian Muslim sultanates. The Hikayat Raja Pasai (the Chronicle of Pasai Kings) tells a story of Merah Silau, a King of Samudra Pasai, who converted to Islam following his dream of seeing the Prophet Muhammad who instructed the king to spell the shahada formula; an important formula signifying the conversion to Islam. The story also goes that the king was miraculously circumcised and he changed his name into a Muslim name, Malikul Saleh (the pious king). The king later invited a religious teacher Sheikh Ismail to the palace to teach Islamic knowledge and to disseminate Islam to his ruled-subjects. The Sejarah Melayu (Malay History) also tells a similar story in which the King of Tengah, the ruler of Malaka, converted to Islam as dreaming the Prophet Muhammad and found his genital was miraculous circumcised. Later, the king invited sayyid Abdul Aziz to disseminate Islam in his kingdom and changed his honorary name to Sultan Muhammad Shah. 16 If we go to the middle part of Southeast Asia, the early history of Islam in Pattani (Thailand) develops also through miraculous attributes. The story goes that the King Phaya Tu Nakpa was suffered from skin disease. The king invited doctors and healers to cure the disease and promised to marry whomever successfully cured him to his daughter. The story tells that a Muslim Sheikh Said of Pasai agreed to heal the disease but with a condition that the king must convert to Islam to which the king agreed to the request. As the king recovered from the disease, he broke his promise to convert to Islam and miraculously suffered from the same disease later. He invited Sheikh Said to the palace and requested him to heal the disease, but again as recovered from the diseases, the king did not convert to Islam. It continued until three times that the king broke his promise and later was suffered from the same disease. Nevertheless, as the final chance of suffering, the king fulfilled his promise to convert to Islam. Thus, Islam became the official religion of the kingdom. 17 Important Muslim figures mentioned in the above story are connected to the Hadrami as they were the sayyids. Sayyid Abdul Aziz, 16  Sheikh Ismail, and Sheikh Said are the Hadrami who were important scholars contributing to the Islamisation of Southeast Asians. Nevetheless, the claim that these figures were the Hadramis is indeed ambiguous as the genealogical link was created later on. Perhaps, a clear contribution of the Hadrami in the Southeast Asian Islamisation is found through the role of the 17 th century Muslim scholar Nur al-Din bin Ali bin Hasanji al-Humaidi al-Aidrusi al-Raniri. Al-Raniri's father was a Hadramaut immigrant from Ranir, India while his mother is a Malay. 18 Despite the ambiguity of genealogical links of the earliest important Muslim in Southeast Asia, the first Muslim settlers particularly bears the sayyid title implying that they were descendants of the Prophet Muhammad Nevertheless, the history of Hadrami communities in Southeast Asian region experienced a major transformation with regard to their religious status for being the members of 'ahl bait. Unlike the earliest settlers of Hadrami in Southeast Asia who demonstrated a high degree of blending with local population, contemporary Hadrami seems to develop their exclusive identity. This particularly happened in 18 th -19 th century when the generation of Hadrami in Southeast Asia, such as the family of al-Faqih al-Muqaddam and Abdurrahman bin Alawi Ammul Faqih, enjoyed a political prestige as political leaders of Southeast Asian sultanates. Abdurrahman Basyaiban, for instance, married to a daughter and the Sultan of Cirebon sultanate, while Sharif Idrus Alaydrus established his Kubu Sultanate and the Al-Qadri family founded the Pontianak Sultanate. 19 The later generation of Hadrami settlers in Souteast Asia further accelerated their religious prestige into the form of exclusive social class. Thus, as a respected Indonesian Muslim scholar Ali Badri argues, the Hadrami is divided into two groups: the integrativism and the Yemenism. The integrativism refers to the group who pursue for acculturation of the Hadrami with Southeast Asian cultures and the figure a Hadrami Sheikh Jumadil Kubro serves as the patron for the group. Unlike the integrativism, the Yemenism group calls for genealogical purity of the 'ahl bait by outlawing marriage with non-Alawiyyin partner (kafaah) and imposes a clear-cut identity separating the Alawiyyin and non-Alawiyyin through their prestigious sayyid or habib title before their names. 20

The Development of Hadrami in Southeast Asia
The invention of motorized-ships in the 19 th century had accelerated the migration of Hadrami to areas of Southeast Asian region. Since the 1820, there had been a proliferation of Hadrami settlements in major trade centers along the north coast of Java. The 1859 census by the Dutch East Indies government recorded 7,786 Arabs-includes the Hadrami and non-Hadrami-lived in East Indies and were 8,909 Arabs in the following year. The number was significantly increasing following the opening of a new route of the Suez Canal in 1869. It is estimated the number reaches up to 13,000 in 1870 and to 27,000 in 1900. The number increases due to the newly migration and the increase of birth-rate among the Arabs. 21 In the 1920s, it estimated 45,000 living in East Indies and increasingly doubled in the following decade. During the Japanese occupation, the estimation points to 80,000 Arabs living in Indonesia.
The majority of Arab immigrants comes from the Katiri region and the Wadi region which stretches from Shibam and Tarim in Hadramaut. Family network is essential to explain their arrival and the formation of their settlements in East Indies as they, upon their arrivals in a new homeland, settled in an area where they could find relatives. 22 These new Arab immigrants seem to blend themselves with the local population and marriage between Hadrami and non-Hadrami couple, at first, was not an issue. Particularly important is the Hadrami marriage with important rulers in Southeast Asia. Thus, it is reasonably true that the marriage with local rulers later gave a birth to a new Sultanate under the leadership of Hadrami sultan as we see to the cases of Muslim sultanates in Kalimantan and Moluccas. In the Hadrami point of views, the blending later invokes a new social class within the Hadrami, the muwallad (mixed descendant). The muwallad particularly refers to a son or daughter of a Hadrami and non-Hadrami couple, in contrast to the aqhah or walaidi, a son or daughter of hadrami couple. 23 Beside the culturally exclusive nature of the Hadrami which mainly prohibits marriage with non-Hadrami, the Dutch East Indies government's policies at the turn of 20th century on non-indigenous community which apply also to the Arab and Chinese, do explain the exclusive characteristics of Hadrami cultural world in East Indies. The government imposed another law to the "foreigners" and divided their geographical settlements based on ethnic identities. The Arabs formed their settlement in an area later known as kampung arab (the Arab's settlements).
In Batavia, the largest Arab community was established in Pekojan. A few Arabs also lived in mixed-settings -along with Europeans and Indo-Europeans-at the outskirts of the Krukut River and Tanah Abang.
Following the abolition of the the Dutch quarter settlement system for the foreigners in 1919, the Arab of Pekojan expanded their settlements to Krukut, Petamburan and Tanah Abang and later arrived also in Sawah Besar, Jatinegara, Tanah Tinggi and Condet. 24 Outside Batavia, more than 23 kampung arabs were found in cities in Java, Bali, Lombok, and Sumatera. 25 Surabaya was the second largest Arab communities by the turn of 20 th century. 26 The city was the centre for trades and commerce in which the Arab were dominant. In these kampung arabs, the Arabs developed their particular religious tradition and maintained their privileged status as the hadrami through endogamy marriage system.
As with the Hadrami in East Indies-currently Indonesia-the Hadrami in other parts of Southeast Asia played key roles in Islamisation. In Malaysia, as also in other parts, the Hadrami enjoyed a special status for being the descendants of the Prophet and many of important Hadrami were appointed as 'official' Muslim scholars or mufti> s (the adviser on religious affairs) of the Sultanates.  Rule: 1800-1924(Michigan: A Bell & Howell Company, 1996 Ulreike Freitage and William G. Clarence Smith,Hadhrami Traders…, Hajj is an annual Islamic pilgrimage to Makkah, Saudi Arabia. It is a religious duty for Muslims that must be carried out at least once in their lifetime. The Hadrami in Singapore demonstrated a different route compared to the Hadrami in Malaysia who mainly arrived at important positions in the Sultanates. The Hadrami in Singapore played key roles in trades, particularly because their vast commerce networks with outside world. The history of Singapore Hadrami records the roles of Hadrami families of al-Kaff, al-Saqqaf, al-Junaid and Bin Talib. The Alkaff family was one of the richest Singaporean settlers as the family owned Alkaff & Co, one of biggest firm in property businesses. The family of al-Junayd were important traders and owned many buildings located at the heart of Singapore. The Bin Talib family run their business in clothing and fashions, whereas the Al-Saqqaf family were importers of agricultural products. 29 As the Hadrami counterparts living in Singapore, the Hadrami in Batavia (currently Jakarta) were traders, moneylenders, property owners. In 1885, it is estimated the Hadrami owned properties valued as 2.5 million guilders and, in 1904, they owned 22 particuliere landerijen (private agricultural fields) in areas surrounding Batavia. 30 In addition renowned for their vast trade networks, the Hadrami were also textiles producers, mainly they produced batiks with the Hadrami style of batik motif, the Kaati Batiak. 31

The Hadrami and Islamisation in Southeast Asia: An Institutional Approach
Since the early period of Islamisation in Southeast Asian region, educational institutions were centres for Islamic learnings. It Java, this learning institution is known as pesantren, while in other Southeast Asian parts was mentioned as funduk, pondok, and dayah. 32  Nurul A'la possibly written in the 11 th century of Peurlak -currently area of Cot Kala Dayah-records the presence of an Islamic learning centre that teaches Sufism. 33 As the fall of Peurlak Sultanate, the Islamic learning institution moved to Pasai in northern Sumatra. This Islamic learning institution was essential in the circulation of Islamic knowledge in the Malay world. A popular anecdote says that some members of Walisongo studied at this educational centre. The Pasai Islamic learning institution also gave a birth to important Muslims in Southeast Asia, including Sheikh Said and Sheikh Safiudin of Pattani and Fatahilah or Fadlullah Khan of Pasai.
The historical foundation of pesantrens in Java is also attributed to the Walisongo. Maulana Malik Ibrahim (Sunan Gresik) established the earliest pesantren in Gresik and Maulana Malik Ibrahim bin Sayyid Barkat Zainul Alam was the leader of pesantren (kiai). 34 Another earliest pesantren in Java was established by Raden Ali Rahmatullah bin Sayyid Ibrahim Assamarqandi (Sunan Ampel) in the Ampeldenta, Surabaya. It is said that Ampeldenta was a gift from the Javanese-Hindu King Brawijaya to Sunan Ampel. The Ampeldenta had been an important centre for Islamic learning during the Hindu Majapahit period and the story goes that Raden Paku (Sunan Giri), Raden Makhdum Ibrahim (Sunan Bonang), and Raden Fatah, the founder of the Demak Sultanate, were the earliest students (santri) of this Islamic learning centre.
Also in the northern part of Java, the Walisongo Raden Paku or Maulana Ainul Yaqin bin Maulana Ishaq bin Sayyid Ibrahim Assamarqandi (Sunan Giri) established his Giri Kedaton as the centre for Islamic learning institution. The tale says that graduates of Giri Kedaton played key roles in Islamisation of other parts in Souteast Asia, such Makassar, Bone, Dompu, Borneo, Ternate and Tidore. In addition to a religious centre, Giri Kedaton was indeed a political centre for the Muslim with which Sunan Giri served as the advisor to the rulers in Java.  has become a centre for Muslim pilgrimage (ziara). 39 The grave of Habib Husein currently invites hundreds of Muslim pilgrims everyday.
In addition to Islamic learning and sufism centres, some Hadrami were influential politicians. Habib Abdurrahman Az-Zahir to whom Snouck Hurgronje attributed to a reformist Muslim led the struggle against the Dutch. 40 Other names, such as Habib Tengku Teupin Wan, Habib Long, Habib Samalangan, Habib Cut and Habib Saunangan were important leaders in the Acehnese struggles against the Dutch. 41 Their rebellious activism made the colonial government imposed a high-degree of surveillance on the hadrami who could posed possible threats to the Dutch.

The Hadrami and Pro-Dutch Movement: a Case of Sayyid Utsman
Some Hadramis were renowned for the struggle activism against the Dutch. The Dutch on the other hand was worried by the circulation of Pan-Islamism ideology that was transferred through the mobility and networks of the hadrami, particularly through the traffic of hajj. Thus, the Dutch imposed a high surveillance to the activities of many Hadramis and separated the hadrami from the indigenous population to limit their influence. Nevertheless, the Hadrami Indonesia history also witnesses the role of a Hadrami, sayyid Utsman bin Yahya, who collaborated with the Dutch.
Sayyid  43 Sayyid Utsman was a prolific author as he authored many books written both in Malay and Arabic languages. His works are important sources in the making of Islam in Indonesia for being read in many Islamic educational centres. 44 Particularly important works by Sayyid Utsman are Nasiha al-Aniqa and al-Watsiqa al-Waffiya through which the author demonstrated his opposition to the teachings of the tarekat. 45 Through the later book, al-Watsiqa al-Waffiya, Sayyid Utsman criticized the practice of the tarekat, such as the notion of secret knowledge and sainthood (wila> ya> ), which opposed the principles of Islamic law (sharia). Nevertheless, this is not meant that Sayyid Utsman denounced Sufism altogether. For Sayyid Utsman, the rightful tarekat should have a clear line of chains to the famous Sufi teacher (murshi> d), such as Al-Junaidiyah

Conclusion
The article has demonstrated the centrality of the Hadrami in the making of Southeast Asian Islam. From the earliest history of Islam in the region, the Hadrami's roles were essential in Islamic missionary activism (dakwah). The Hadrami travelled to many ports in Southeast Asia both to introduce Islam and to trade with local producers. The local producers on the other hand depended on the Hadrami's vast networks to trade with outside world. As for the roles of Hadrami in Islamic proselytization (dakwah), the privileged status, mainly for being descendants of 'ahl al-bait, made the Hadrami enjoying a prestigious respect of local Muslim and they were particularly referred to as the sayyid and habib. While expanding their influence through dakwah activism, the Hadrami attempted to maintain the purity of 'ahl bait through outlawing marriage between Alawiyyin and non-Alawiyyin couple. Education is essential in the Hadrami's dakwah activism as they established educational centres and Sufi groups. In the early 20 th century Indonesian politics, the Hadrami tend to submit their allegiance to the Dutch government while refusing a radical interpretation of jihad against the Dutch colonial government. This particularly appears to the figure of the most prolific Hadrami author, Sayyid Utsman bin Yahya.