Of the 333 mothers who were asked to participate in the survey, 322 (96.7%) agreed. However, 8 (2.5%) of the responses were incomplete, leaving 314 respondents in the final analysis. Of these, 163 were from the Kurichiya community and 151 from the Paniya community. Among the Paniya community, a higher proportion of children were moderately wasted (22.5%), underweighted (40.4%), and stunted (35.8%) as compared with children of the Kurichiya community (11% wasted, 27% underweight, 21.5% stunted). A much higher proportion of Paniya children had severe stunting (18.5%) and were underweight (16.6%) compared to Kurichiya children: 3.1% were severely stunted, and 6.7% were severely underweight. Interestingly, severe wasting was found in only 2.6% of Paniya and 1.2% of the Kurichiya community. All these differences were statistically significant (See Table 2).
Table 2
Differences in Child Nutritional Status
| Kurichiya | Paniya | Total | p-value* |
Wasted | | | | |
Severe wasting | 2 (1.2%) | 4 (2.6%) | 6 (1.9%) | 0.008 |
Moderate wasting | 18 (11%) | 34 (22.5%) | 52 (16.6%) |
Normal | 143 (87.7%) | 113 (74.8%) | 256 (81.5%) |
Underweight | | | | |
Severe underweight | 5 (3.1%) | 28 (18.5%) | 33 (10.5%) | 0.0001 |
Moderate underweight | 44 (27%) | 61 (40.4%) | 105 (33.4%) |
Normal | 114 (69.9%) | 62 (41.1%) | 176 (56.1%) |
Stunted | | | | |
Severe stunted | 11 (6.7%) | 25 (16.6%) | 36 (11.5%) | 0.0001 |
Moderate stunted | 35 (21.5%) | 54 (35.8%) | 89 (28.3%) |
Normal | 117 (71.8%) | 72 (47.7%) | 189 (60.2%) |
*p values were calculated by Pearson’s Chi-square test |
This study found that Paniya households own significantly less land than Kurichiya households, with nearly three-quarters of Paniya households owning less than 5 cents (Table 3). The Kurichiya have higher rates of households with land ownership of more than 51 cents (33.7%) compared to the Paniya (1.3%) (Table 3). The Kurichiya also have higher rates of kitchen garden availability (95.1%) and toilet facility availability (94.5%) than 59.6% and 88.2% among Paniya (Table 3). Similarly, Kurichiya people have higher access rates to Anganwadi (78.3%) and Public Distribution Service (80.4%), compared to 50.5% and 69.5%, respectively, among Paniya (Table 3). In contrast, the study further shows that the Paniya have higher rates of maternal alcoholic consumption (23.2%%) and maternal experience of domestic violence (34.4%) and mothers engaged in remunerated work (41.1%), as opposed to 1.2%, 5.5% and 34.4% respectively among Kurichiya people (Table 3). Similarly, while 56.3% of Paniya mothers and 57.6% of Paniya fathers reported not receiving formal education, it was only 1.2% and 9.8%, respectively, among Kurichiya (Table 3). A significantly higher percentage of Paniya children were born with lower birth weight (41.6%) and a history of morbidity (59.6%) during the last two weeks prior to the data collection compared to 29.1% and 44.2% among Kurichiya (See Table 3).
Table 3
Distribution of socio-demographic variables between Paniya and Kurichiya Adivasi communities
Variable | Kurichiya | Paniya | Total | p |
(%) | (%) | (%) |
Land ownership-related factors | | | | |
51 + cents | 55 (33.7) | 2 (1.3) | 57 (18.2) | 0.0001 |
11–50 cents | 49 (30.1) | 26 (17.2) | 75 (23.9) |
6–10 cents | 17 (10.4) | 15 (9.9) | 32 (10.2) |
<=5 cents | 42 (25.8) | 108 (71.5) | 150 (47.8) |
Total number of household members | | | | |
9+ | 9 (5.6) | 45 (30) | 54 (17.3) | 0.0001 |
05–08 | 112 (69.1) | 88 (58.7) | 200 (64.1) |
<=4 | 41 (25.3) | 17 (11.3) | 58 (18.6) |
Availability of kitchen garden | | | | |
Yes | 155 (95.1) | 90 (59.6) | 245 (78) | 0.0001 |
No | 8 (4.9) | 61 (40.4) | 69 (22) |
Availability of toilet facility | | | | |
Yes | 154 (94.5) | 123 (81.5) | 277 (88.2) | 0.0001 |
No | 9 (5.5) | 28 (18.5) | 37 (11.8) |
Access to Anganwadi services | | | | |
No | 25 (21.7) | 50 (49.5) | 75 (34.7) | 0.0001 |
Yes | 90 (78.3) | 51 (50.5) | 141 (65.3) |
Ownership of ration card | | | | |
Yes | 131 (80.4) | 105 (69.5) | 236 (75.2) | 0.03 |
No | 32 (19.6) | 46 (30.5) | 78 (24.8) |
Mothers engaged in remunerated work | | | | |
Yes | 56 (34.4) | 62 (41.1) | 118 (37.6) | 0.13 |
No | 107 (65.6) | 89 (58.9) | 196 (62.4) |
Education of the mother | | | | |
Higher-secondary or above | 51 (31.3) | 5 (3.3) | 56 (17.8) | 0.0001 |
Secondary | 103 (63.2) | 36 (23.8) | 139 (44.3) |
Primary | 7 (4.3) | 25 (16.6) | 32 (10.2) |
Without formal education | 2 (1.2) | 85 (56.3) | 87 (27.7) |
Education of the father | | | | |
Higher-secondary or above | 24 (14.7) | 3 (2) | 27 (8.6) | 0.0001 |
Secondary | 100 (61.3) | 39 (25.8) | 139 (44.3) |
Primary | 23 (14.1) | 22 (14.6) | 45 (14.3) |
Without formal education | 16 (9.8) | 87 (57.6) | 103 (32.8) |
Maternal alcoholic consumption | | | | |
No | 161 (98.8) | 116 (76.8) | 277 (88.2) | 0.0001 |
Yes | 2 (1.2) | 35 (23.2) | 37 (11.8) |
Maternal experience of domestic violence | | | | |
No | 154 (94.5) | 99 (65.6) | 253 (80.6) | 0.0001 |
Yes | 9 (5.5) | 52 (34.4) | 61 (19.4) |
Maternal Age of Marriage | | | | |
18+ | 155 (96.3) | 91 (61.5) | 246 (79.6) | 0.0001 |
<=17 | 6 (3.7) | 57 (38.5) | 63 (20.4) |
Paternal alcoholic consumption | | | | |
No | 67 (41.1) | 37 (24.5) | 104 (33.1) | 0.002 |
Yes | 96 (58.9) | 114 (75.5) | 210 (66.9) |
Birth Weight | | | | |
2.5 kg+ | 112 (70.9) | 80 (58.4) | 192 (65.1) | 0.03 |
<2.5 kg | 46 (29.1) | 57 (41.6) | 103 (34.9) |
History of cough and fever during the last two weeks | | | |
Yes | 72 (44.2%) | 90 (59.6%) | 162 (51.6%) | 0.004 |
No | 91 (55.8%) | 61 (40.4%) | 152 (48.4%) | |
*p values were calculated by Pearson’s Chi-square test |
Qualitative Case Study
Paniya
The Paniya community in Wayanad has a long history of bonded labour to upper-caste landlords, leading to their current landlessness and oppression. This system was institutionalised around temple rituals and involved violent oppression, subjugation and economic exploitation of the enslaved people (11, 12). The annual slave markets were organised during the local temple festivals, where Paniya households were forced to take an oath to serve the master for one year (11, 12). Though slavery was legally abolished in India in 1843 by the British administrative system, the Paniya people continued to be bonded labourers until the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act was passed in 1976 by the Government of India (2, 12, 13). Elderly members of the Paniya community in this study have spoken of violence, subjugation and economic exploitation at the hands of their masters. After slavery was abolished, the Paniya people were still left with inadequate land to meet their needs, meaning they had to depend on the non-adivasi people around them for a livelihood. In the 1940s, the large-scale migration of non-adivasi marginal farmers to Wayanad led to the further displacement of the Paniya community from their land (2, 14). The Kerala land reform act of 1963 further exacerbated their situation, with landlords transferring land to their relatives to escape the land ceiling laws. This resulted in Paniya households being forcefully removed from their land, leaving them landless and pushed to the corner of the property (15). Following this, many Paniya households were rehabilitated in new places under the government's Adivasi land rehabilitation project. The Paniya people had a close-knit community with a respected leader appointed by the landlord.
However, when they were relocated, the traditional leadership was weakened, and community ties, norms and solidarity were disrupted. This led to a lack of social cohesion and organisation. Upper-caste landlords introduced addictive substances such as tobacco to the Paniya community tobacco as part of temple rituals during the bonded labour period. The non-adivasi farmers who migrated in the 1940s distributed alcohol to Paniya people in their work places to retain the Paniya labourers in their land (2). The Paniya settlements in case study were known for high alcohol consumption, crime, suicide, and domestic violence. The Paniya people had free access to forests and open land where they could harvest plants, collect crabs and fish, and enjoy a rich dietary diversity. However, with the migration of non-adivasi communities, the Paniya had restricted access to land, reducing the availability of food sources in the area.
The land available to the Paniya community in this study was mainly through the rehabilitation project. The poor hygiene and sanitation practices in their settlements are likely due to inadequate water resources and rehabilitation failure. Household garbage and refuse accumulated due to the increasing population and shrinking household space. Already being economically marginalised due to landlessness and lack of other livelihood sources, the Paniya people's marginalisation was further compounded by having to depend on non-adivasi people in the immediate neighbourhood for daily wages and labour. When they migrate, living arrangements in these fields are reported to be minimal. Paniya people reported coping with these socio-economic stresses through the consumption of alcohol. This meant that the Paniya men had to spend a major portion of their wages on alcohol. This leads to sending limited remittances to their family, putting an extra burden on the Paniya women, usually domestic workers, to engage in income-generating activities to make ends meet. This compromises childcare and does not significantly improve child nutrition. Due to the non-tribal people's gaze of primitiveness upon the Paniya people, the Paniya people's culture and lifestyle did not receive adequate stature in educational and healthcare institutions. This 'primitive' stereotype percolated within the service providers and was further aggravated by the lack of Paniya people's representation among the frontline health and nutrition service providers. This has caused them a sense of alienation from primary health, education, and nutritional services. The Paniya community's traditional food system has been adversely affected by changes in the neighbourhood ecology, leading to a lack of indigenous leafy vegetables, fish, and crabs. This has caused them to rely heavily on the rice distributed from PDS shops, but not all households have access to these services. Poor land ownership, lack of livelihood opportunities, institutionalised stereotypes, discrimination, lack of representation, and weakened community leadership hinder their access to food security schemes and welfare resources. In times of food shortage, alcohol and tobacco use has been used as a coping mechanism and is linked to domestic violence. Poor maternal health, unhealthy environmental conditions, and water scarcity have also caused an increase in infection among Paniya children.
Kurichiya
The origin of the Kurichiya community is uncertain, with some accounts claiming they were soldiers of the Hindu deity Rama and others claiming they were early settlers in Wayanad (16). They were held in higher regard than other Adivasi communities in the area and were associated with Kerala Varma Pazhassi Raja, who fought against colonial rulers. They revolted against the colonial rulers in 1812 and were able to protect their common community land (17). Kurichiya people in our case study followed a joint family system and owned a relatively large land area (compared to Paniya), but this was divided among individual households during the land reform act of 1963. Cattle rearing was an important source of income, with each settlement owning hundreds of cattle. After the joint family system ended and households began to live separately, there was a period of the financial crisis. Cash crop cultivation began to replace food crop cultivation as the Kurichiya people increasingly interacted with non-adivasi communities. The Kurichiya people followed a combination of indigenous and upper-caste religious and cultural practices. This included the matrilineal joint family system, worshipping natural forces, and taking a bath from the shared community pond upon returning from outside. The Kurichiya community traditionally practised chewing betel quid with tobacco, consuming country-made alcoholic beverages during festivals, and using indigenous medicine for minor ailments and snake bites. Illness was believed to be associated with violating community rituals and the wrath of gods. Special diets and medicine were given to pregnant and lactating mothers, and semi-solid food for children on the 28th day. Early initiation of complementary feeding was also common. In the past, when they lived in joint family systems, they cultivated a variety of food crops and maintained a self-sufficient food system. Hunting wild animals was an integral part of their culture, but the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 limited their access to the forest.
Currently, the Kurichiya community participants in this study owned traditionally inherited land and relied on agriculture as their main source of livelihood. Rice cultivation is still used for community rituals, while cash crops such as coffee, pepper, rubber, and areca nut have become increasingly popular. However, climate change and market fluctuation have caused uncertainty in their agricultural-based livelihood, leading them to diversify into other remunerative works. They have diversified their sources of income with contract workers, security guards, salespersons, poultry farming, driver, electrical work, plumbing, painting, cable tv operator, tailoring, and landscaping artist. Additionally, some households practice cooperative farming, lease land for ginger cultivation and work in the Indian postal service. Women have recently begun to engage in remunerated work under the MGNREGA, providing financial security. Through these varied livelihood strategies, the Kurichiya community have been able to secure more stable income, food security and better care for young children. The Kurichiya people experienced better access to public welfare services compared to other Adivasi communities due to their higher educational status and political participation. This resulted in increased use of Anganwadi and nutritional services, leading to improved household food security and dietary diversity for children, resulting in better nourishment. The responses of the non-tribal participants reflected that the Kurichiya people’s lifestyles are in line with their hygienic norms. The relatively better-off social capital due to closer cultural affinity with the non-adivasi people contributed to the relative success of the Kurichiya when compared to the Paniya. This has allowed them to access better educational opportunities, and the majority of households now have televisions and mobile phones with internet access. The community members responses reflected that their exposure to modern media contributed to their changing lifestyles, at the same time the community retained their traditional knowledge and practices, such as resource management, festivals and archery. This has allowed them to maintain their identity while improving their social positioning. Most nursing mothers do not work outside the home but do when their children are admitted to an Anganwadi. The traditional practice of feeding the child semi-solid food on the 28th day of childbirth has been replaced by awareness programmes implemented through SHGs and ICDS. Despite declining cereal cultivation, households could still cultivate fruits and vegetables in their backyard, while the rice supplied through the PDS shops compensated for the decrease. This ensured that families had access to a diverse range of food and enough quantity, even with better livelihood practices and disposable household income, to purchase food from the open market. The typical daily diet consists of two main courses eaten three times a day, including breakfast (rice or wheat dish) and rice for lunch and dinner.