Public Sphere Attitudes toward Rumor sources on COVID-19 Pandemic: Evidence from Community Perceptions in Iran

Morteza banakar Shiraz University of Medical Sciences Ahmad Kalateh Sadati Yazd University of Medical Science: Shahid Sadoughi University of Medical Sciences and Health Services Leila Zarei Shiraz University of Medical Sciences Saeed Shahabi Shiraz University of Medical Sciences Kamran Bagheri Lankarani Shiraz University of Medical Sciences Seyyed Taghi Heydari (  heydari.st@gmail.com ) Shiraz University of Medical Sciences https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7711-1137


Introduction
The pandemic of COVID-19 has become one of the major concerns of all nations worldwide as it has affected many aspects of daily life [1,2]. A major part of mitigation strategies in this pandemic relies on community engagement. Solid information and credible social interaction are extremely important in this regard, while confusion, fear, panic, and rumors would have detrimental effects [2,3]. As there is no other choice to battle COVID-19 except for non-pharmaceutical interferences, including social distancing and quarantine, risk communication and information circulation is of utmost importance in the current pandemic management [4]. While media could be an important channel for communicating with the community and increasing their engagement in the mitigation processes, it could also be a source of the interference with public health efforts if misinformation is publicized [5].
A study on the dimensions of SARS related rumoring throughout China during the epidemic 2003 showed a strong correlation between the scale of SARS infections and the level of rumor activities. In this regard, there are four distinct types of rumors, including legendary rumors, aetiological narratives, protomemorates, and bogies [6]. Another study in China during COVID 19 pandemic revealed that the state media played an irresponsible role at the time of crisis [7]. In a study in West Africa during the EBOLA outbreak, Cheung found rumors are aroused from lack of information and fear [8]. Besides, community partnerships can prevent rumors, fear, and distrust, which sometimes result in hiding the ill or dying family members [9].
Swamping the media with trustworthy data and information, as well as the purposeful monitoring of the media and prompt response to rumors and misinformation are considered the most effective strategies during the pandemic to promote community engagement [10]. Although the recent advancements in technology have increased consumer's access to data by using diverse resources and networks, misleading information and rumors soon began to spread around the globe, particularly by social media, during the current COVID-19 pandemic due to the novelty of the virus and the avidity of communities for information (6). Accordingly, the concurrence of the new virus and the virility of news on this infection was a novel event, resulting in the much faster spread of misinformation and rumors than the outbreak itself [11,12].
Several studies are examining the production of rumor mathematically [13][14][15]. However, in COVID-19 pandemic, we have faced a new form of misinformation and rumors that need to be more socially concerned. It is thus recommended to investigate how the community obtains information or misinformation, which greatly impacts the community's risk perception and behavior during this pandemic. The present survey aimed to evaluate individuals' perception of rumor on the Covid-19 pandemic, detect the resources used by individuals to obtain data, and reveal the association between social factors and individuals' attitudes toward the rumor source.

Materials And Methods
In this cross-sectional research, a researcher-made questionnaire was used to investigate the sources of information and misleading data, and the level of perceived misinformation. The survey was conducted online during [19][20][21][22][23][24][25] March 2020 in Tehran, Fars, Gilan, East Azarbaijan, Sistan and Baluchestan, and Isfahan provinces, Iran. The participants were selected randomly from those who had access to the internet in these provinces.
The questionnaire link was sent to the participants, and they decided to participate anonymously. The researchers had no access to the participants' personal information. All the participants were informed that their participation was voluntary, and they were asked to con rm their consent for participation in the study before completing the online questionnaires. As part of the informed consent process, the participants ensured the research's anonymity and con dentiality. The participants' demographic information, including age, gender, level of education, marital status, and a number of children, employment, socioeconomic status, and the effect of COVID-19 on their income, was also collected.

Statistical analysis
The data were analyzed using SPSS software version 18 (SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL, USA). Mean, standard deviation, frequency, and percentage were used to describe data, and the Chi-square test was also run to compare the sources of information and misinformation about Covid-19 with regards to the participants' age, gender, education, employment, and socioeconomic status. The signi cance level was set to be P < 0.05.
According to the participants, social media (including WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram, etc.) and the national broadcasting media (namely TV and radio) were the primary sources of Covid-19 news. The newspaper was the least reported media (1.3%) to obtain information.
Social media was also considered as the primary source of misleading information for a majority of the participants (59.3%); however, phone calls and text messages were regarded as the least rumor-containing media (4.5%) ( Table 1). The participants' perceptions of the primary cause of rumors are shown in Table 2. According to the ndings, the lack of a reliable news source was considered as the most common cause of rumors (63.6%). Regarding the mechanism to encounter rumors, most of the participants (24.1%) mentioned that few measures were adopted to tackle the rumors in Covid-19. Concerning the misleading information on Covid-19, most participants (31.3%) mentioned that they had often been warned about data uncertainty on this novel disease. Most of the participants (34.8%) also reported the moderate involvement of active monitoring and accountable organizations in rumors. Furthermore, most participants (33.1%) reported that they had often heard the news about Covid-19, which were later refuted (Table 3). The males reported the use of foreign media and websites as their primary news source more signi cantly than the females (P < 0.05). However, the participants aged above 50 years were asserted to use the national and foreign media more frequently than the other age groups (P < 0.001).
Regarding the effect of level of education on the source of Covid-19 data, the participants with high levels of education seemed to use foreign media, social media, and the web more frequently than the other ones (P < 0.003). The application of national media as the primary source of news was signi cantly more prevalent among individuals with a bachelor's degree (P < 0.001). Type of employment had a signi cant effect on the primary source of Covid-19 data for the participants. National media was signi cantly favored among the retired (P < 0.001), foreign media was reported by the freelancers (P < 0.001), social media were more considered by the government employees (P < 0.001), and the web was the rst common source of news for the unemployed participants (P = 0.007) ( Table 4). Regarding the type of media being used as the main source of rumors, the males mostly considered foreign media (P < 0.05), social media (P < 0.01), and web (P = .062) as the sources of rumors. Individuals with low levels of education less reported the national media (P < 0.001) as a source of rumors, and individuals with elementary education (45%) mostly reported foreign media as a source of rumors. In contrast, individuals with high levels of education less considered this media as a source of rumors. With aging, individuals considered social media (P < 0.005) and the web (P < 0.01) as the most and least common sources of rumors, respectively. Moreover, the freelancers and the unemployed mostly regarded the national media as a source of rumors, and the housekeepers (27.0) and the retired (25.8) less considered this media as a source of rumors (P < 0.001). However, a majority of the retired (50.8) and housekeepers (45.0) introduced foreign media as a source of rumors (P < 0.01). Individuals with middle income assumed the national media as a source of rumors (P < 0.005). Generally, the males, high-educated participants, and government employees were skeptical to foreign media (P < 0.01); and the males ages 30-50 years with middle-income levels believed that social media (P < 0.01) were the source of rumors; the high-educated individuals (P < 0.001), government employees, and the ones with middle-income levels (P < 0.008) believed that national media produced rumors (Table 5).

Discussion
This study aimed to explain the attitudes of Iranian people toward rumors during the COVID-19 outbreak. Our ndings revealed that social media, including WhatsApp, Telegram, Instagram, etc. as well as the national media such as IRI TV and radio, were the primary sources of the Covid-19 news for the participants. However, in contrast with other studies' ndings, Twitter played no role in Iran's outbreak [10].
The participants less commonly used print media (1.3%) to obtain news about the COVID-19. This paradigm shift in consumers' behaviors lay in the innate features of these media platforms. In other words, the acquisition of information via social media platforms is more time-saving and lesscostly, compared to the conventional news media such as newspapers or television. Besides, chatting and sharing the news with others is much easier on social media [16]; however, social media was also considered the primary source of misleading information for most participants (59.3%).
In general, the inferential statistics regarding the relationship between social factors and the attitudes toward the source of rumors in the media, the social networks, national media, and satellite are accused of forming rumors. To put it in similar words, the trust in news media and social media has dwindled [17]. Despite China's studies during this SARS epidemic [7], Iran's national media have made efforts to present clear news responsively. However, community partnerships can prevent rumors, fear, and distrust [9], and this media should be closer to the people and the public sphere.
Socio/demographically, men are more likely than women to consider foreign media (P = 01) and social media (P = 00.8) as the sources of rumors.
Regarding the rumors on the public health intervention, Kaler (2009) appeared that there's such skepticism regularly takes the shape of rumors around the thought processes or the comes about of the public health intervention. Theoretically, the widespread rumor of sterility is a way of broadly articulating the shared understandings about reproductive bodies, collective survival, and global asymmetries of power [18]. This bio-power demonstrates the gender-based perceptions in this recent pandemic. The male participants in this study were doubtful of foreign spaces (foreign media and social media), which produce concepts to dominate the epidemic's social discourse.
Considering the participants' age, those in the age range of 30-50 years assumed rumors in social media (P = 0.001) and the web (P = 0.005). It seems that the age group above 50 years is less concerned with social networks and the web. The individuals are not skeptical of cyberspace below thirty years of age because of their more existential connections with cyberspace. The individuals in the age group of 30 to 50 years, on the one hand, more frequently use social media and the web. On the other hand, because they are not the generation of such a space, they hold a skeptical view toward these spaces and consider social media and the web as the rumor sources. The individuals aged below 30 years have a close relationship with these spaces and do not feel alienated in this context; therefore, they hold a positive attitude toward such spaces.
Increasing literacy levels has a signi cant relationship with attitudes toward rumors in national (P < 0.001) and foreign (P = 0.002) media. Afassinou (2014) showed that improving the population's education level catalyzes the rumor spreading termination process. In social networks, when people with a higher degree of education heard a rumor which is in serious con ict with his/her belief, he/she is easier to counterattack the rumor, and even do the best to prevent the rumor propagation [19]. Our study showed that education does not affect the participants' attitude toward the rumors from social networks and the web; however, we also found out that the educated individuals are in a more problematic position than they are. They believe that both media outlets are spreading rumors. Due to the importance of the educated in such pandemics, the government must establish closer contact with such individuals via the national media and spare its trust-building efforts.
Regarding employment, the government employees believed that national media (P < 0.001) and foreign media (P = 0.009) produce rumors in pandemics, similar to the attitude held by the educated. Therefore, the authorities need to interact more with their employees and attract their trust in such situations. Considering the income status, the middle-income group with an income level equal to their expenses believed that national media (P = 0.009) and social media (P = 0.009) produce rumors. It seems that the critical view among the middle class is related to this perception.
Further studies are recommended.
Rumors are critical in controlling pandemics [20]. At times, journalists have both built and undermined open belief, serving as both a valuable source of logical realities and as a dangerous source of the rumor that tends to intensify freeze [21]. Nowadays, modern media are a major source of news and data. One-third of the world population is engaged in social media, and two-thirds are entangled with the Internet [22]. All these media, such as social media [23], print media [24] Twitter [25] can produce rumors.
On the other hand, social media also consists of ubiquitous health misinformation, which is described as information not obtained from the greatest accessible evidence by medical experts [10]. Social media have become an effective and innovative channel for rumor propagation, and they in uence not only people's lifestyles but also their thoughts and values [26]. Nevertheless, according to a study by Singh et al. [10], while conversations about health issues, coronavirus, or the pandemic's origin tend to increase during the Covid-19 crisis, misinformation and myths are also argued at a lower volume. However, misinformation and rumors play a pivotal role in pandemics. The authorities should identify and amplify the help-seeking information, donations, and noti cations required for the public and detect and counter the blames or rumors to improve crisis information publishing strategies in the future [27].
This study showed the necessity of making more social trust by authorities in pandemics. It should be noted that based on the experiences during this pandemic in Iran, a serious dilemma was formed between social network-satellite and national media. In the rst phase of the Coronavirus pandemic, the foreign satellites worked hard to provide the news and analysis of the origins of the pandemic in Iran. This was because of the outbreak's coincidence and the national celebrations and elections in Iran. The news was soon republished on social media and virtual networks. The primary purpose was to accuse the government of a kind of political weakness and incompetence. This created skepticism in the public sphere and made the public doubt the national media. However, the politicians could solve part of this issue with solidarity and a focus on the national media. From the outset, the national media has been referred by the government as a source of news about the spread of COVID 19. A spokesman for the Ministry of Health announced the latest new cases, recovered cases, and deaths from COVID-19 at News 14:00 daily; thus, the national media gradually became the source of news about Corona's statistics. However, many journalists in this media spared their efforts to verify satellite and social media rumors and make the information clear. The study was conducted at the beginning of the outbreak, exactly when a duality was formed between national media on the one hand and satellite and social networks on the other.

Conclusion
Due to the negative effects of rumors on citizens' mental health and crisis management, news management at the time of the outbreak is one of the most important social policymakers' issues. Failure to tackle rumors could lead to the inability of pandemic policies. Much of the news management measures have been performed via national media even though there are also powerful competitors such as satellites and social media. Producing the right news for all age and gender groups with different educational backgrounds helps policymakers to overcome rumors.
What seems to be of paramount importance is to build trust between the government and the public in the pandemics. This issue is suggested to be examined in future studies. As the main governance tool in large-scale pandemics, the national media requires more trust and greater closeness to the public and the public sphere.