Medieval Khmer Society: The Life and Times of Jayavarman VII (ca. 1120–1218)

Jayavarman VII (ca. 1120–1218) is one of the best known Cambodian “Angkor” leaders, in part because he was able to unite the numerous small, fragmented Khmer Cambodian and Cham kingdoms of the day. He ruled his consolidated Khmer kingdom from 1181–1218, bringing the decentralized Khmer and Cham states together through political and military alliances. Religion, especially India-derived Brahmanism, or “Hinduism,” Mahāyāna Buddhism, and local Cambodian religion, was a key component of Khmer society. Over time different Khmer rulers endorsed one or more of the religious systems to their own advantage. Jayavarman VII was especially committed to Mahāyāna Buddhism, evidenced by the remarkable extent of his support for Buddhist monuments, and attested in many hundreds of Sanskrit inscriptions. This essay tells the story of Jayavarman VII, a political and military leader who used Indian religious visions and prototypes as models to build a remarkable cultural edifice.


Introduction
Jayavarman VII (ca. 1120VII (ca. /25-ca. 1218r. ca. 1181-1218 was one of the most influential kings of "Angkorian" Cambodia; in his lifetime, through conquest and astute diplomacy, he brought a large number of small regional territories under his control. He reportedly lived a very long life and more certainly, was responsible for massive building projects in his Cambodian, ethnically Khmer kingdom. The Cambodian or Khmer civilization flourished between the early ninth and the mid-fifteenth century, with shifting boundaries between its Thai "Ayutthaya" and Vietnamese "Cham" neighbors, sometimes as allies and sometimes as enemies. For a brief but brilliant period, Jayavarman VII was able to assume control of a remarkably large empire, one constructed in the political climate of the day, of sometimes shifting alliances and disputes. Photos, Sandar Aung, top left photo of Jayavarman VII at the National Museum, and the remaining four at the Bayon.

The Life of Jayavarman VII
The little available biodata about Jayavarman VII shows that he was the son of King Dharaṇīndravarman II (r. 1150II (r. -1160 and his wife Queen Śrī Jayarājacūḍāmaṇi.
Jayavarman VII married Jayarājadevī, and after her death he married her sister Indradevī. Little else is known of Jayavarman VII's childhood and youth, but it is clear that he was in a privileged class, relatively wealthy, with political connections likely through his clan, and with significant military skill. It appears that he grew up in the  He suggests that "… the real conquest of Angkor was by Jayavarman VII and his Cham allies-probably in the 1170s, at least before 1181-and that the subordination of central and southern Champa to him dated from that time." 7 In 1181, Jayavarman VII took the throne of the Khmer empire. Again following the policy of fortuitous alliances against his enemies, he then expanded the empire to its greatest extent ever and built an unprecedented number of temples, religious buildings, and infrastructure projects. He was an innovator, and though tolerant and even supportive of Hinduism, he clearly adopted Mahāyāna Buddhism, Sanskrit language inscriptions, and Buddhist imagery. The expansive and explicit nature of his religious expressions supply good materials and some enigmas for the study of Buddhism in Khmer society of the day. 8 Jayavarman VII's 9 reign over the Khmer kingdom extended from about 1181 to 1218.
He was likely in an extended family or as Vickery put it, a "conical clan," in which all biologically and perhaps marital-related members shared considerable wealth and social status. 10 Wolters describes "cognatic kinship," in which prominent males and females are equally important, and there is individual distinction as a "man [or woman] of prowess." 11 6 Michael Vickery, "Champa Revised," 70. 7 Michael Vickery, "Champa Revised," 167, 170. 8 Vickery remarked that "After nearly 300 years of the increasing use of Khmer language in the epigraphy, all of his important inscriptions are in Sanskrit, which could be seen as an international elite language serving both countries, and he adopted as his state religion Mahāyāna Buddhism, which had always been more important in Champa than in Cambodia. Perhaps it was his Champa associations rather than religion which sparked the so-called Hinduist reaction against his creations -allegedly in the thirteenth century, a date which is completely hypothetical." See Michael Vickery,"Champa Revised," 167,170. See Ian Mabbett,"Buddhism in Champa,[297][298][300][301][302] For an introduction to Jayavarman VII see Georges Coedès, Un Grand Roi du Cambodge: Jayavarman VII (Phnom Penh: Éditions de la Bibliothèque Royale, 1935 Wolters,"Early Southeast Asian Political systems," 7,[5][6][7][8][9][10][11] It appears that for much of Jayavarman VII's youth and middle age-until he assumed control of the empire-Khmer clan-based society was stratified, with little continuity of administrative and bureaucratic structures, and no unity under a single leader. Social, political, and economic patterns were divided into villages, and likely into groups of bonded workers impressed by or under the control of classes of equal or higher status. These included court officials and corporate groups or small "kingdoms" made up of a number of regional estates. 12 These larger clan-based groups could often rally militias and engage in running battles with neighboring forces. Battles, territories, property and populations, including communities of working people, were won and lost as alliances were made and broken.
12 See for example Wolters, "Early Southeast Asian Political systems," 5-11. For an application of this theory in South India see Veluthat,The Early Medieval in South India, When large groups were consolidated, a group leader or king could be named until he was usurped by a neighboring king in a very loose model that could evolve over time, and was inconsistent.
This was Jayavarman VII's background, one of internecine warfare with unstable and shifting political structures. However, even though unstable, the Khmer corporate regimes or kingdoms did manage to maintain some degree of control via warfare, interclan alliances, military force, economy, and diplomacy. This resulted in the establishment of city centers, where culture and economy flourished, as is evident in the Khmer dynastic histories and monuments, notably those associated with Jayavarman VII.

Khmer Politics
Jayavarman VII (r. 1181-1218) unified the Khmer empire by consolidating power over individualized "segmented" provinces. His visions of conquest and kingship over these provinces were likely rooted in Indian models for religion and governance, at least rhetorically. Kulke and others suggest a three-stage model for the emergence of Jayavarman's empire: first, local units led by native chieftains; second, consolidation into larger regional units, with petty "kings" (rāja), but "not yet Aryan" (anaryya); and third, coalescence into larger states under one central authority. Jayavarman VII was this third type of leader. 13 As the process went through its stages, there was also a gradual process of royal divinization, the transformation or apotheosis of a human political and military leader into a religiously-endowed leader, from a chieftain, to a king, to a divine king. The use of Indian titles, political structures, and religions was a process many scholars call "Indianization," which Kulke and others minimize, and Pollock and others describe as vital. 14 13 See Hermann Kulke. "The Early and the Imperial Kingdom in Southeast Asian History." In David G. Evidence for "Indianization" is in the Khmer's extensive and literate use of Sanskrit and Indian languages for official inscriptions and religious discourse, the subject matter of the exquisite Khmer sculpture, and the evident presence of and high regard for Brahmanical authority and ongoing contacts between India and Cambodia. Taking this into account, Angkor was an "Indianized" state in which Sanskrit and notably, Indian religions, were adopted by local people. 16 Further, in medieval Cambodia a key Indian political structure was a process called "maṇḍalification" or "sāmantization," a phenomenon known in small Indian Pollock makes a strong case for high Sanskrit literacy in Angkor, evidenced by the accuracy of Sanskrit in epigraphic materials. One interesting variation is in the Phimānakas inscription written by Jayavarman VII's second wife, Indradevī, on the occasion of the death of her sister, Jayarājadevī, the king's first wife. The two sisters were known adherents of Buddhism, particularly Indradevī. The text is in Sanskrit and in correct meter, but it is not as heavily laden with Brahmanical praśasti imagery and language as are the typical inscriptions, and is rather more narrative. Its language has been described as vernacular: For example, it uses what has been described as a Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit verbal device, the particle sma with a present tense verb that renders the verb in past tense. See Coedès II,  "I bow to the Buddha, in his emanation, reality, and beatific aspects, who is beyond both being and non-being, whose self is non-dual (advayātmā), who is selfless." If the proliferation of icons, ambulatories, meeting halls, stūpas and other architectural features were used as they were and are in other Buddhist cultures, devotion (bhakti) was likely a central practice in medieval Angkor. 27 There is evidence of this type of practice in medieval Angkor. And emphatically, from very late in Jayavarman VII's reign, the Angkor Thom Prasat Chrun (the southwest "Corner Temple," one of the four, in each corner of Angkor Thom) epigraph describes how "by devotion the depths of the king's heart were filled by the waters from the object of his devotion." 31 And again, from Prasat Chrun, 29 George Coedès 1906: 50, v. 5. 30 Adhyātmadṛśānirīkṣyāṃ "contemplate as the manifestation of inner being." I take nirīkṣ as "see," or "contemplate," "know," or "understand," consistent with the practice of devotional worship. Coèdes disagrees, translating nirīkṣ as a negative verb, p. 71. See the more recent translation in Claude Jacques. The Buddhist and Hindu practices alluded to in these verses were likely formalized and structured when practiced in Angkor's temples; the temple architecture is designed for circumambulation, icon worship, recognition, worship to and invocation of deity bodies. In Indian Brahmanical-and Buddhist-temples, the elaborate pūja worship of the time was, in Hopkins' words, "full-blown theism." 33 The Angkor kings, notably Jayavarman VII, recorded their expressions of devotion in their construction of temples and hospices, and offerings to their teachers and to their parents and families, likewise sanctified. In his 1186 Ta Prohm inscription the king is credited with erecting statues of his teacher, and many others, and performing "daily pūja rituals" on an enormous scale. 34 Bhūpendra III's 1189 Prasat Tor, clearly a Hindu inscription, is a good example: 32 Coedès IV, p. 207-236, XXII, #43-44. Read vasatī instead of vasantī. Coedès' translation adds (p. 242) "poitrine de ce roi" understanding that it was the king's heart that was ornamented (citre) by devotion to the Three Jewels. Thus, Coedès renders the king's heart as sweet and ornamented by devotion, while I take "… bhakticitre snigdhe" as "tender clarity of devotion to the Three Jewels" itself, in opposition to "the hard jeweled heart of Acyuta." Coedès' translation preserves parallelism with the first part of the verse, but a more literal rendering preserves the parallel between Viṣṇu and the Three Jewels, and the role of the king. It is even possible to eliminate the king altogether from this verse, and render it a matter of religious preference, though in the context of the previous verses the king is understood. See trans. 242, "Demeurant sur la rude poitrine d'Acyuta (Viṣṇu) ornée du (seul) joyau Kaustubha, Śrī était en proie au malheur, tandis que sur la douce poitrine de ce roi, ornée de

Buddhists and Non-Buddhists
The 1189 Prasat Tor inscription attributed to Bhūpendra III 43 was sponsored by a prominent Brahmanical family with strong religious sensibilities well before and during Jayavarman VII's reign. 39  Photo, Sandar Aung: Prasat Tor.
The inscription is clearly Hindu. It describes Jayavarman VII as an embodiment of Śiva, not of a Buddha or of a bodhisattva, and it invokes Hindu deities, myths and doctrines. However, it also includes reference to Buddhist monasteries. 44 The co-existence and overlapping of architecture, iconography, ritual, and language most probably reflected a degree of accommodation, cross fertilization, 45 and even competition. However, it appears that at Angkor there was not a fully developed Hindu-Buddhist syncretism. Each religion maintained its separate identity. At Ta Prohm, the temple dedicated to Jayavarman VII's mother, the king inscribed his recognition of Buddhism as the dominant religion:

17.
śākyenduśāsanasudhājanitātmatṛptir bhikṣudvijārthijanasātkṛtabhūtisāraḥ sāraṇ jighṛkṣur aśubhāyatanād asārāt kāyād ajasrajinapādakṛtānatir yaḥ 49 "His self-contentment comes from the moon of the Śākyas and the nectar of the teachings, He extends his respected (sātkṛt) influence to monks, the twice-born, and worthy persons, He seeks to know (jighṛkṣur) substance from the insubstantial body with its impure sense fields, [and] He constantly bows in homage to the Conqueror." Still, Buddhism and Brahmanism co-existed in this environment, and to a certain extent shared ritual mechanics. Even at times of powerful political sponsorship of one religion over the other, both persisted.

Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and their Friends
The Buddha, stūpas and other Buddhist imagery are common, and Jayavarman The invocation and rituals surrounding these deities were carried out as described above, and their specific attributes worked to generate different Buddhist qualities. The main principles embodied by those mentioned here are compassion and wisdom, which together yield enlightenment. Accordingly, Jayavarman VII dedicated Ta Prohm (1186) to his mother as Prajñāpāramitā, and Preah Khan (1191) to his father as Lokeśvara. 51 Lokeśvara appears very frequently at Buddhist Angkor.
In her Phimānakas inscription (ca. 1194-1200), Indradevī, his second wife, opens her long poem with praise to the Buddha, dharma, saṅgha, and Lokeśvara, who promote the good of the world (lokeśvaro lokahitānulomo), as Jayavarman VII himself strives to further the ends of the world (lokārthavidhānadīpta …). Photo, Sandar Aung: Prasat Chrung, "corner temple," of four at Angkor Thom.
done much to locate these deities in Angkor's religious world. There continue to be many different hypotheses, but none, as far as I can tell, present an explanation of the extent of tantric practice. Perhaps these deities were understood much as bodhisattvas mentioned above, powerful and wise deities to be invoked for merit, material benefit, and (for some) to be internalized as components of consciousness.

Jātaka Stories
The ancient Buddhist Jātaka stories tell stories of the Buddha's past and future lives as a human or animal. He may be a king, an ascetic, a god, an elephant, or other animal. In all cases the story carries a Buddhist teaching from the Buddhist tradition.
The literary and pedagogical traditions are usually associated with relatively early Buddhist roots, for example in Thailand, Śrῑ Laṅka, and India. The Jātakas are however known and taught in later Buddhist environments, for example, in Pagan, Myanmar, in Tibet, and in Angkor.
The reliefs and epigraphs at Angkor include episodes from Jātaka stories, intended to convey Buddhist messages. For example, the bas-relief from Angkor Wat on display at the Phnom Penh National Museum represents four episodes from the Vessantarajātaka, even though Angkor Wat was a known Vaiṣṇavite temple in this period. The panels depict episodes from different non-sequential chapters, but the Buddhist message of generosity is clear.
Temple steles and mural episodes from Jātakas were used to tell Buddhist stories. "Everything in these pictures means something; nothing is merely

Concluding Remarks
Khmer religion does not fit any convenient category. It had beliefs and practices shared with Mahāyāna Buddhism built on Buddhist monastic foundations, and with tantric elements, all synthesized or assimilated into inherited local Khmer religious sensibilities. Brahmanical religions, "Hinduisms," were widely represented and supported at different times and places in Khmer history, not always clearly divided from their Buddhist neighbors. In the end, Khmer religions are perhaps best understood in a category of their own, a special type of Khmer synthesis. This eclecticism, however, did not at all detract from the authenticity of Khmer Buddhism, or Brahmanism, or local religions: much as in other cultures, it instead represents the diversity of the medieval 68 Elizabeth Wray, Clare Rosenfield, and Dorothy Bailey. Asian religious world. What is important is that the Khmer religious traditions were fully authentic in all of their manifestations, with periods of shifting political and social emphasis and support. In the case of this project, the remarkable proliferation of Buddhist monuments and inscriptions in the reign of Jayavarman VII, displays a full commitment to Buddhism, but in a larger historical and ethnographic context both informed and tolerated by other Indian and local Khmer traditions.
The story of Jayavarman VII's life includes the depth of his Buddhist religious sentiments and at the same time his skill as a military tactician and political leader.
These different roles worked with his religious sensibilities to his advantage; there was no contradiction between his apocalyptic Mahāyāna and likely tantric apotheosis and his vision of imperial rule. Cambodian and regional politics of the day were locally segmented under individual rulers who engaged in shifting alliances with their neighbors. Jayavarman VII was thus able to form a critical mass of alliances with his neighbors, Khmer and Cham, to his advantage. The governance of medieval Southeast Asia, and especially the Khmer, was decentralized. Jayavarman VII's astute political sensibilities, fueled by his Buddhist religious vision and authenticated by Indian-derived expertise enabled his construction of a Khmer empire.