Patriarchal Language Evaluation of Muslim Women’s Body, Sexuality, and Domestication Discourse on Indonesian Male Clerics Preaching

This nested case study (multiyear research critical discourse analysis—in this case, the first year) aims to provide support in the form of linguistic recommendations to the law reform, particularly on the issues of Muslim women’s bodies, sexuality, and domestication based on the textual analysis of the patriarchal language used by different Islamic strands: Muhammadiyah’s, Nahdlatul Ulama’s and Salafi’s clerics in their preaching in Indonesia. This is significant because such a study is relatively limited in Indonesian cases. However, it also shed light on how discrepant linguistic manners of these male clerics were deployed to voice their noblesse oblige about Muslim women’s body, sexuality, and domestication as regulatory


Introduction
Research contributed to the scope of the text-oriented discourse analysis on Islamic clerics' patriarchal language to the existing laws about Muslim women's bodies, sexuality, and domestication in Indonesia remains scarce. One was found pertinent to a similar issue, such as Leiliyanti and Larasati (2019), who discussed the patriarchal language of the two Salafi clerics in two one-to-three-minute videos posted on Instagram 2 . They found that these clerics negatively judged propriety on their litmus test of Muslim women's body, sexuality, and domestication. Relevant issues in these discourses arguably lie in the research on hijab, sharia law on women's bodies, sexuality, and domestication, Islamic feminism, women's bodies, sexuality, and domestication (Beta, 2014;Bhowon & Bundhoo, 2016;Yulikhah, 2016;Zempi, 2020), examines how young computer savvy Muslim women community (Hijabers Community, n.d.) in urban Indonesia through the use of fashion hijab and promote them on the blog, and social networking sites (SNS) successfully challenges western media representation of Muslim women, i.e., "domesticated and silenced" in a patriarchal society and the academic divide between "Islam versus Western capitalist".
Referring back to the laws pertinent to the discourse of Muslim women's bodies, in this case, from the issue of the hijab in Indonesia, this Muslim majority country implements three intersected laws-the Roman-Dutch law, Islamic law, and Customary law-at the same time. Islamic law, which is only applicable to Indonesian Muslims, in Boellstorff's (2006) lens, is domesticated as it deals only with marriage, legacy, and kinship. Islamic law itself has its two divides: Sharia (the religious precept based on the Qur'an and Hadith) and Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence based on the understanding and practices of Sharia). However, the implementation of Islamic law in Indonesia should also consider the national law's perspective to avoid discontentment. Although no specific law regulates how to dress according to Islam, especially the use of the hijab, Article 28E section 2 of the 1945 Constitution 3 stipulates that the state guarantees the freedom of religion and expressions according to one's faith/religion. to Muslim women, thus posing the subjective implication of patriarchal surveillance underlying the hijab discourse (Hamzeh, 2011). Although the definitions assigned to hijab vary in geographical, socio-cultural, and socio-political contexts, the widely shared interpretation is that the hijab covers, hides, protects and, connotes corporal piety and modesty (Gökariksel, 2009). Hijab thus means reverence, moral authority, honor, morality, femininity, and social status (Jackson & Monk-Turner, 2015). On the contrary, in a culture where visibility is the privileged means of awareness (Zelizer, 2001), the hijab is viewed by feminists and postfeminists as a symbol of patriarchal suppression (Alloula, 1986). Muslim woman with hijab is often problematically contested by the patriarchy. The degree to which "normal" bodies are revealed in Western culture and the emphasis on explicitly veiling the female body in Islam suggest that apart from dictating how the body should appear when visible to the males, the male gaze controls the body's visibility. However, such visibility is contested in the case of the Hijaber above Community (Beta, 2014).
In this discourse, the male gaze, as a metaphor, plays a pivotal role in harnessing women's subjectivity and corpora (Glapka, 2018). These discourses delineated the inferiority of women (physical and symbolic) and entailed that the "normalized corporeity" is characterized by the androcentric conceptions of gender, sexuality, and appearance in conjunction with the cultural construction of thinness and health (Ponterotto, 2016). This normality is then ossified in corporeality and sexual desire (Ponterotto, 2016). In this sense, women are not given space to express their sexuality, let alone the freedom to convey their desires, as they were positioned as seducers while men as predators.
The debate about the discourse on women's bodies, sexuality, and domestication in Islam Indonesia cannot be isolated from its male-dominated religious leaders' preaching (in this case, the clerics of Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama, and Salafi). In the Islamic mainstream discourse, the female body discourse operates in a congruent manner, i.e., the body at all times "covered" to avert the male gaze, especially in the public sphere. This polysemous framework is closely related to the Foucauldian principles of knowledge and power, i.e., the female body is governed by patriarchal standards regulating women's morality and roles (in this case, in conjunction with fitrah and aurat). Such regulation on woman's corporeality is exercised by inculcating Islamic religious rules, laws, and teachings in their everyday praxis and institutionalizing these as the code of conduct and practice (Foucault, 1977).
As part of multiyear research (in this case, the first year), the study aims to provide input in the forms of linguistic recommendation to the law reform regarding linguistic and religious regulatory discourse in Indonesia, especially on the issues of (Muslim) women's bodies, sexuality, and domestication based on the text-oriented discourse analysis of the scope of the patriarchal language used by Muhammadiyah's, Nahdlatul Ulama's and Salafi's clerics in their preaching posted on YouTube (Assalamualaikum Channel, 2017;Audio Dakwah, 2018;Ceramah Pendek, 2018;Gus Muwafiq Channel, 2018;Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019;Santri Remu'an, 2020). This paper aims to compare and evaluate the scope of the patriarchal language of these clerics regarding these women's discourses deploying the transitivity system postulated by Halliday (2004) and the language evaluation theory developed by J. R. Martin and P. R. R. White (2005). This paper is organized by discussing Muslim women's bodies, sexuality, domestication, Islamic feminism, methodology, results, discussion, and conclusion.

Body, Sexuality, and Women Domestication
The normalized domination of men in society legitimizes imposition in the forms of actions or restrictions on women. This then results in the form of women's domestication. Due to the notion of state power, Foucault (1990) contends that power is closely related to the body. Power over the body is divided into two entities: internal power in the form of desires and desires with power over the body that regulates individual attitudes and behavior through norms and rules. The relationship between power and body relates to Foucault's concept of governmentality, where the government has normalized power over the population for the state's benefit. The debate overpowering the body arises when the norms or rules are forged in training, torture, and coercion, thus narrowing the space for movement and the will over the body. The body acts as an object and subject worth more than a mere material entity, as the body determines the position of one individual in society.
In this sense, the body is the departure point of signification in womanhood that cannot be detached from its social and cultural context (Benedicta, 2011). In the Indonesian religious and cultural context, the patriarchal standards generate a hierarchy of corporeal significance: ideal and non-ideal, beautiful and not beautiful body (Prabasmoro, 2006).

Islamic Feminism
The genealogy of feminism is closely linked to "European intellectual and religious traditions" and its association with European modernity. Islamic feminism is part of Muslim women's assertion of equality (Chakrabarty, 2000). Moghadam's research on integrating Islam and feminism in Iran shows its benefits to Muslim women (Afsaruddin & Ameri, 1999). In 2008, Amina Wadud demonstrated this utility by using feminist tactics and distancing herself from feminist political hegemony. On the contrary, Marie-Aimée Hélie-Lucas (1999) investigated the intersections between Islam and feminism in a secular way and found echoing Afsaruddin and Ameri's confusion as cited by Wadud (2008) and her argument that Muslim women "need Islamic feminism." This indicates the imperative of the amalgamation of Islam and feminism and its various uses in the studies of Muslim women, which politically demonstrate Muslim women's unique identities.
Islamic feminism is more inclined to promulgate Islamic modernism to secular feminism and asserted equality. It preserved a fair representation of women and men in the public or private sphere. Without acknowledging total gender equality, its social justice praxis highlights the socio-political phenomena in which Muslim women are to be faithful and pious adherents to Islam which mirror their religious morality in their everyday religious praxis (Kahf, 1999). In this sense, women's integrity and reverence for their men and family are linked to women's adherence to Islamic moral principles.

Methodology
This text-oriented discourse analysis deployed a transitivity system by M. A. K. Halliday and three interacting domains of appraisal-attitude, engagement, and graduationby J. R. Martin  They were deployed to construe how the male clerics' discrepant linguistic manner employed their language on Muslim women's bodies, sexuality, and domestication in their preaching.
The data (words, phrases, clauses, and sentences) were taken from the transcripts of these clerics' preaching and coded based on a transitivity-based coding matrix (Halliday, 2004) which would later be classified based on the issues of Muslim women's body, sexuality, and domestication. The preaching was selected based on stratified purposeful sampling. They were then identified to reveal the dominant topics and transcribed into six separate transcriptions. The data were then analyzed using appraisal theory by J. R. Martin and P. R. R. White (2005). This was conducted to evaluate how the clerics evaluate, grade, and examine their alternative stances and voices towards the discourse on women's bodies, sexuality, and domestication in their preaching. The data were then compared to point out, contrast, and synthesize the differences and similarities in the employment of patriarchal language on the regulatory discourse of Muslim women's bodies, sexuality, and domestication.

Results
This section provides findings and discussion of the patriarchal language on women's bodies, sexuality, and domestication represented by Adi Hidayat (Audio Dakwah, 2018; Ceramah Pendek, 2018), Gus Muwafiq (Gus Muwafiq Channel, 2018; Santri Remu'an, 2020), and Khalid Basalamah (Assalamualaikum Channel, 2017; Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019). Focusing on the transitivity system of Systemic Functional Linguistic and Appraisal theory and the concept of knowledge and power, the findings are divided into two sections, i.e., ideational analysis and interpersonal analysis. In comparison, the discussion is divided into three sections, i.e., lexico-grammatical features, logical structures, and social functions. Table 1 demonstrates that the dominant process type of Hidayat's, Muwafiq's, and Basalamah's preachings are relational processes (respectively, 57%, 65%, and 45%). The relational process serves to identify (relational identifying) and characterize (relational attributive) entities (Halliday, 2004). In these six preachings, relational identifying is predominantly used to identify the moral principles of women. In contrast, relational attributive is employed to characterize women's physical appearance and the clerics' stances towards Muslim women's behaviors.
The second dominant process type of preaching is the material process (respectively 25%, 23%, and 29%). The use of the material process in this preaching represents the action of either complying or violating the moral principles of Muslim women as well as the clerics' dispositions.
Based on the interpersonal analysis, it is also found that the clerics evaluate women's behaviors and physical appearance by deploying patriarchal language. preaching in the form of heteroglossia utterances. This demonstrates the reliability of their opinions, i.e., not predominantly focusing on their sole perspectives. These are also reinforced by the intensification of quality in the aspect of graduation. The following tables below are the results of each three interacting domains of Appraisal. Table 3 demonstrates that the aspect of judgment dominates the attitude branches. The clerics used favorable judgment of social esteem at 37%, whereas the negative judgment of propriety (social sanction) was 40%. According to Islamic regulation, the latter is directed at women's actions in violating Islamic morality. For instance, hanya karena malas [merely due to her laziness-also read: selfish], merasa tidak penting [unfair], and tidak peka [insensitive] are the few judgments of propriety that are employed to appraise them.   Referring back to the notion of the cleric's reliable stances, this can be overtly seen in Table 4. Surpassing monoglots with the total percentage of 90%, heteroglossia dominates the engagement branches. The result demonstrates the gap between the two sub-branches, i.e., the heteroglossia points out that the clerics tend to limit the scope of alternative positions and voices regarding to how frequent the heteroglossia contract appears. It can be seen from affirmation ini memang alamnya wanita [This is the nature of women indeed] and kalau laki-laki berbeda tentunya [As for men, it is different of course] (Clauses 2-3, Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019), as well as pronouncement Jadi persoalan pertama tabarruj yang paling utama ada pada bagian wajah [So, the first main issue in tabarruj is the face] (Clause 70, Ceramah Pendek, 2018) and Maka nilainya orang hamil itu kalau pagi dihitung puasa, kalau malam dihitung tahajjud [So, the value of pregnant women is counted as fasting in the morning and as tahajjud (night prayer) in the night] (Clause 332, Santri Remu'an, 2020). Table 4 also demonstrates the deployment of monoglots utterances (the preaching was delivered only based on the clerics' "bare declaration", i.e., their perspective with lack of references). However, the lack of references occurred intermittently since the Hadiths and Quran's religious quotations were utilized in their preaching. These results clarify that Adi Hidayat, Gus Muwafiq, and Khalid Basalamah used patriarchal language in delivering their preaching. They are the professionals who arguably attempted to seek balanced evaluation.
Based on Table 5, the force has wholly exceeded the focus with a percentage of 96% in graduation analysis. This result reinforces that the three clerics generate their religious teachings to convey the degree either for positive or negative assessments of, for instance, social sanction-ini umumnya menampakan bagian yang tampak terlihat indah [This is generally to reveal parts that look beautiful] (Clause 48, Ceramah Pendek, 2018); Yang penting orangnya baik,…[The important thing is the person has good character] (Clause 53, Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019), and social esteem-[...] yang penting dompetnya tebel [the important thing is his wallet is full of money] (Clause 54, Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019), as well as valuation-Apalagi mahabbah itu bakal hilang pelan-pelan [Moreover, mahabbah (love or affection) will slowly disappear] (Clause 414, Santri Remu'an, 2020). Since most of the graduation presence in the preaching is found in force-intensification, the clerics tend to intensify the quality in forming their opinions of the statements mentioned earlier (Martin & White, 2005).
The pronoun itu [it] on the above relational clause is used to represents the tabarruj functions as the carrier of attribute salah atau tidak [right or wrong]. The attribute operates as a statement that leads to the judgment of propriety, i.e., assessing the (Muslim) women's ethics. Hidayat continued to argue that if the woman enhanced herself to fulfill her husband's sexual desire, she would be considered virtuous. However, if it is intended for the woman's narcissistic end, i.e., becoming the center of the look, she will be considered mischievous. In this sense, Hidayat endeavors to propose this subject by debating the righteousness of women in adorning themselves while disclosing the outcome responses.
By this, Hidayat aimed to point out the leading concern of tabarruj, i.e., the woman's face in a linguistic relational manner. Here, not only did Hidayat intensify the quality of his utterance by using the adjectives of pertama [first] and yang paling utama [central] to grade the phenomenon' (tabarruj), but this statement also implies that he tends to position women's face as the ultimate entity in woman's visuality the man cannot avert from looking.
The following statement seems to be used to justify the teaching: These material clauses (represented by the vocal group used to open) indicate the propensity for jahiliyyah people. This vocal group exhibits the violation of Islamic moral principles, i.e., uncovering the woman's upper area. Not only is this addressed to the women who do not wear hijab, yet that it additionally manifests the pronouncement that doing such action will be viewed as committing tabarruj (Hidayat perceived tabarruj as one of the Islamic laws, while Wati and Saputra (2018) contended that it connotes an Islamic concept which regulates woman's body). At this point, it can be argued that the cleric endeavored to attach an indirect pejorative label towards women who chose not to wear hijab. By so doing, women are seen as enticing men, yet simultaneously demonstrating the control over men's speech to standardize women's bodies. If women do not comply with these, they are deemed jahiliyyah.
Similarly, in his second preaching, entitled Mengukur Keimanan Perempuan dari Hijabnya, Hidayat (Audio Dakwah, 2018) presented how to measure Muslim women's faith through their hijab donning. He built this argument by justifying the necessity of Muslim women to cover their upper body as such an act determines the degree of Muslim woman's spirituality. A woman does not wear hijab can be seen as God's faithless servant. In this sense, unlike Muslim men, women are overtly placed in a disciplined human condition in which they cannot be conformed to their desires, yet they are ostensibly rewarded with the "obedient" religious label. However, when one chooses to align with this reward (also read: this regulation), this arguably "male-based" conditioning and corporeal normalization will not be an issue, and vice versa.
From a total of 213 clauses, 94 relational processes dominated the preaching. This means that the cleric frequently attempts to identify and characterize women's actions as his basis in delineating this corporeal ruling. However, like Janus's face, such regulation has its other side, i.e., glorifying the "hijabed" Muslim women: Dalam Islam, setiap perempuan beriman dialah ratu yang sesungguhnya [In Islam, every woman of faith is the real queen] (Clause 57, Audio Dakwah, 2018).
This relational clause indicates that not only does the cleric measure the degree of Muslim women's faith from their daily practices-their daily physical public appearance is included in this praxis,-but that he also gives additional reward by attaching the attribute ratu yang sesungguhnya [the absolute queen]. In this sense, he tended to label this type of women as "the real queen" in order to show the religious honor they gained. However, at the same time, this also demonstrates his attempt to normalize such regulation. Kalau sendirian tutup jangan kelebihan, jangan dibuka semua kalau di hadapan orang yang banyak [Do not over cover your body in private spaces; do not over reveal your body in public spaces] (Clauses 149-150, Audio Dakwah, 2018).
The material clauses above indicate that this corporeal teaching applies only in public places. Muslim women have freedom over their bodies in the private spheres, but the attempt to cover is not as strictly off-limit as in public. The cleric then narrates the history of such regulation (derived from the era of Prophet Muhammad) as follows: Jadi mereka kemudian pakai itu untuk menutup bagian kepala sampai ke bagian lehernya [So, they then wear it to cover their head down to their neck] (Clauses 214, Audio Dakwah, 2018).
This material clause indicates that when Muslim women at that time were initially given transcendent orders to cover up their upper bodies, they competed to find fabrics to cover their upper bodies. By this, Hidayat asserted that the fabrics are a mere symbolic entity, and the Muslim women's attempts to prove their faith become the cardinal signifier. This means he continues that these standards are inviolable and intolerable for Muslim women to gain a "pious" label.

Muslim Woman's Sexuality
In discrepant linguistic tone with Adi Hidayat, Khalid Basalamah's Cara Merias Wajah ala Suami preaching (Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019) presents the religious teaching about Muslim women's sexuality that they should comply with their husband's standard on women as well as their woman's adornment. In this preaching, the mechanism of how Muslim women should fulfill their husband's satisfaction is apparent by standardizing and normalizing this regulatory discourse. This can be overtly seen from the total of 369 clauses. One hundred sixty-six relational processes dominated the preaching. They are as follows: Ini memang alamnya Wanita [This is the nature of women indeed] (Clause 2). Kalau laki-laki berbeda tentunya [As for men, it is different, of course] (Clause 3).
Basalamah (Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019) opens his argument by justifying the distinction between men and women, i.e., they share different realms. This can be seen from Clause 2. The determiner ini [this], which alludes to the activity of women adorning themselves, is identified with the identifier alamnya wanita [the nature of women]. Adorning is professed to be women's world, while men possess berbeda [different] realm (see Clause3). The intensifier tentunya [of course] in Clause 3 demonstrates this cleric's initial yet ultimate stance on the Muslim woman's sexuality discourse. Not only does this clause affirm Basalamah's perspectives on woman's nature, but it also articulates his endeavor to regulate woman's body. Women cannot preen themselves following their desires and happiness, as it operates based on putting their marital partners as a social institution that should be complied with. Basalamah articulates this as signifying the wife's "good deed".
Yang penting orangnya baik (Clause 53), yang penting dompetnya tebel (Clause 54). [The important thing is the person has good character; the important thing is the wallet is full of money] (Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019).
The two sentences above indicate that Basalamah tended to distinguish the essential priority between men and women. In the first sentence (Clauses 53, 54, Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019), the elliptic carrier follows suit with the attribute yang penting [the important thing]. This is deployed to represent women's temptation/priority in choosing their marital partner, i.e., orangnya baik [the person has good character] and his wallet full of money. Meanwhile, in the second sentence, the noun fisik [physical appearance] represents men's priority in choosing their spouses. The attribute luar biasa [remarkable] and the circumstance bagi dia [for him] indicate that women are only interested in their future husband's financial condition and their moral virtues, while men tend to glorify the physical appearances of their future wife. This indirectly leads to the position of men as mere sexual predators of women.
The above statement was articulated when he discussed a contextual investigation of his friend's divorce because his wife refused to satisfy his friend's sexual desire. Not only do these two clauses (relational Clause 133 and material Clause 135) represent Basalamah's male-centric defense that the social phenomenon of street prostitutes was due to the women's reluctance to comply with their husband's sexual demands, but that they also signify the act of placing women as the catalyst behind the mushrooming of prostitution. Material process melayani [serve] with the intensifier of way benar [appropriately] as well as the conjunction kalau [if] represent the situation where women are expected to act depending on their shared qualities, i.e., conceiving an offspring and managing a household (Nisa, 2019). Simultaneously, this support implies the cleric's endeavor to control the woman's body (Anwar, 2008). Basalamah's following statement that men's basic instinct is their biology reinforces such regulation and justification. This demonstrates not only the power relation between man and woman or the cleric and his target audiences but also this figurative declaration discredits while reducing women as disobedient beings.
Similarly, in his second preaching, entitled Adab Suami dan Istri, Basalamah (Assalamualaikum Channel, 2017) presented the religious teaching about the etiquettes of managing a household. He conveyed the topic by drawing a firm demarcation line of husbands' and wives' rights, yet they should comply with and fulfill this line. From the total of 1369 clauses, 554 relational processes dominate the preaching. The example of the relational process (in bold) are as follow: Maka salah satu karakter wanita yang saya bilang adalah pendendam [So, one of the women's characters that I argue is vengeful] (Clause 385, Assalamualaikum Channel, 2017).
The above clause indicates Basalamah's stance on a marital problem that the husbands should not vilify their wives as it will scar their souls. The phrase salah satu karakter wanita yang saya bilang [one of the women's characters that I argue] is identified with the identifier pendendam [vengeful]. This identifier also operates as a judgment of propriety. At this stage, Basalamah aimed to condemn women as resentful beings as he argued that they tend to remember their husbands' mistakes, and will easily recall them once the same mistake reappears.
The determiner itu (which refers to "she"-the wife-the carrier) is used to represent wives' behavior, while cerewet [chatty/naggy] functions as the attribute. At the same time, the relational process (will be) characterizes the nature of the women as naggy/chatty persons. Referring to the preaching title, the intensifier sudah pasti [indeed] is used to affirm such behavior and reflect this N.U. Cleric's stance over the roles, duties, and functions of wives and husbands reduces married woman's nature to being chatty/naggy. Notwithstanding this, Muwafiq continues that this is due to: Perempuan itu kerjanya berat [Woman has a tough job] (Clause 79, Gus Muwafiq Channel, 2018).
The above statement was articulated when Muwafiq discussed his experience of trying to be in his wife's position for one day. This, he later claimed, was unbearable. The noun perempuan [woman] represents the wives' functions as the carrier of attribute kerjanya berat [tough job] in this relational clause. The so-called "tough job" is described as the domestic duty of wives to take care of their children and household. At this point, Muwafiq demonstrates respect toward the "domesticated" women.
This cleric then attempts to praise the woman further by suggesting to men the following: Kalian pada posisi genting, laki-laki tidak boleh emosi [Men should not be emotional in the precarious condition] (Clause 205, Gus Muwafiq Channel, 2018).
This relational clause deploys the noun "men" to represent husbands' functions as the carrier of the attribute emosi [emotional], while the verbal, relational group tidak boleh [should not be] characterize the suggestion. At this stage, Muwafiq suggests that men be calm while arguing with their wives in any "precarious" condition. However, this plausible feminist stance is arguably unstable as it derives from the perspective that men/husband's position is the "controller" of their family.
Similarly, in his second preaching, Membangun Rumah Tangga dengan Cinta, Muwafiq (Santri Remu'an, 2020) presented religious teaching about affection-based marriage values. He conveyed this subject by portraying women's devotion to complying with their responsibilities as wives by deploying a total of 724 clauses-447 relational processes dominate this preaching. The following exemplifies the values in conjunction with the different physiological and psychological nature between men and women: Laki-laki kasar, perempuan lembut [Men are rough, women are gentle] (Clauses 67-68, Santri Remu'an, 2020).
Muwafiq began his preaching by stating that marriage is a strange phenomenon that can unify two different individuals-men are labeled as kasar [rough], while women lembut [gentle]. This characterization becomes the fundamental principle in distinguishing the husbands' and wives' responsibilities. At this point, he also attempted to add that it is more suitable for wives to stay at home and take care of their children than for husbands who comply with such situations. In this sense, domesticating women is arguably normalized. The following material clause represents the parallelism between the reward given to the "domesticated" pregnant wife and their actions doing their proper domestic works: Maka nilainya orang hamil itu kalau pagi dihitung puasa, kalau malam dihitung tahajjud [So, the value of pregnant women is counted as fasting in the day and tahajjud in the night] (Clause 332, Santri Remu'an, 2020).
Muwafiq (Santri Remu'an, 2020) claimed that there would be an exclusive reward from God for pregnant women. At this stage, Muwafiq aimed to pronounce that the value of such devotion is equal to fasting during the daytime and tahajjud [night prayer]. However, this pronouncement suggests Muwafiq's attempt to encourage women to remain devoted to their husbands.

Logical Structure
All of the six preaching used analytical exposition as its genre. The orientation, arguments, and reiteration parts of the preaching are dominantly represented by employing relational and material processes and the negative judgment of propriety.
Merias Wajah: Apakah termasuk Tabarruj? by Adi Hidayat (Ceramah Pendek, 2018) sums up an Islamic concept called tabbarruj, which leads to the employment of patriarchal language on a woman's body. In the orientation part, he suggested that it is all right for a woman to adorn herself as long as it is for her husband. However, if this act is intentionally conducted to expose her sexual desires, this will be seen as committing tabarruj. He contended that (a) the main feature of a woman's attractiveness lies on the face; (b) a woman wears jewelry to boost her appearance and to draw people's attention. As for the reiteration, Hidayat convinced his audience that women who do not wear hijab yet wear revealing garments and jewelry generate tabarruj. Hidayat (Ceramah Pendek, 2018) portrays these dubious incorrect religious women's behaviors firmly, which are closely related to the notion of jahiliyyah, while non-jahiliyyah represents the opposite.
Similarly, in his second preaching, entitled Mengukur Keimanan Perempuan dari Hijabnya, Hidayat (Audio Dakwah, 2018) presented religious teaching pertinent to the dubious religious perception of woman's faith measured, in this case, through her appearance. In the orientation part, he stated that the information was quoting the Quranic verses, which begin with the word iman [faith] as an indicator of the degree of Muslim women's faith. He argued that (a) women are only allowed to see and publicize good things/deeds; (b) women have to cover their upper body-from the head down to the chest-to keep them away from bad things; (c) the more women make efforts to cover up their body, the stronger their faith will be. As for the reiteration, Hidayat (Audio Dakwah, 2018) declared that there are no reasons for women nowadays to choose not to wear hijab due to any condition.
Unlike to Hidayat's preaching, Khalid Basalamah summarises his primary propositions of adornment that women must abide by adequately (Assalamualaikum Channel, 2017;Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019). In the orientation part, Basalamah argued that men and women share different spheres and that adornment merely belongs to women's sphere (Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019). He contended that (a) women are quickly intrigued by men's stable financial condition as well as their excellent ethics, while men the women's physical appearance; (b) it is the women's essential characteristics to satisfy men's biological needs; (c) it will be woman's responsibility if their husband has an affair. Basalamah reiterated the importance of women taking care of their bodies. The women's off-limit territories are the bosom and genital parts. He also argued that a woman's endeavor to care for her own body would obtain God's reward. It is also an absolute necessity for women to conform to the corporeal version of their husband's desires (Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019).
Similarly, in his second preaching, Basalamah (Assalamualaikum Channel, 2017) proposed plausible religious teaching about the etiquettes of managing a household. In the orientation part, Basalamah stated that it is crucial to establish a household based on Islamic principles to avert domestic saturation. He argued that (a) husbands and wives are allowed to ask for their rights each other politely; (b) the wives have the right to obtain appropriate treatment from their husbands; (c) in order to get these rights, the wives are required to satisfy their husbands' gaze, physical hunger (for food and sexual demands); (d) the husbands are allowed to act boldly towards their wives, yet hitting and vilifying the wives are forbidden; (e) As the imam of the house, the husbands are responsible for their wives' mistakes. As for the reiteration, Basalamah (Assalamualaikum Channel, 2017) emphasized that it is essential that husbands and wives fulfill each other's rights to avoid collisions.
On the other hand, Gus Muwafiq (Gus Muwafiq Channel, 2018; Santri Remu'an, 2020) sums up religious teaching about the typical religious attitude in dealing with household difficulties-focusing on women's domestic duties as wives. In the orientation part, Muwafiq (Gus Muwafiq Channel, 2018) positions the routine nature of married women as naggy/chatty. He contended that (a) the wives must take care of children a harsh/heavy-handed; (b) and the men should stay calm when dealing with their wives' arguments; and (c) men are the "controllers" of their family. Muwafiq reiterated that marriage is a part of worship, yet the principles in managing it are contingent upon the husband and wife who undergo the process (Gus Muwafiq Channel, 2018).
Similarly, Muwafiq proposed religious teaching about affection-based marriage values in the second of his preaching (Santri Remu'an, 2020). In the orientation part, Muwafiq contended that marriage is strange due to its capability to unify two different individuals. He argued that (a) marriage is one of the ways for Muslims to worship God; (b) men are rough, while women are gentle; (c) the value of pregnant women is counted as fasting in the daytime and tahajjud at night-time; (d) the domestic chores wives did for their husbands are considered as the realization of worshipping God and observance. As for the reiteration, Muwafiq reminded his target audiences of the importance of women caring for their children so that they become well-mannered (Santri Remu'an, 2020).
These three clerics' preaching is meant to regulate women's behaviors and ethics. They are aligned with their male-dominated cultural characteristics, i.e., women are biologically responsible for giving birth to offspring and maintaining a household according to Islamic law, especially in the domestic sphere. Thus, women's freedom to adorn themselves is only allowed to follow the principle of their husbands' pleasures. In this sense, women, their bodies, sexualities, and domestications are controlled and voiced by these male-centric religious regulations.

Conclusion
The study of hijab in Islamic discourse is the starting point for discursive studies evaluating this patriarchal language. Feminists and postfeminists view the hijab as the symbol of patriarchal suppression, as the veiled woman contradicts the normative non-Islamic patriarchal standards. In the lens of western feminists, the hijab is not taken by invitation but by coercion, while the Muslims signify the hijab as the representation of fundamental security for women's corporeality and safety. These can overtly be seen from how the three clerics voiced their religious stances on Women's Bodies, Sexuality, and Domestication discourse.
The sampled data demonstrate the scope of the discrepant linguistic manners the three male clerics deployed to regulate the discourse on the Muslim women's adornments, devotion, and obedience. Muhammadiyah cleric Adi Hidayat evaluated women's behaviors through their adornments' initial purpose (Audio Dakwah, 2018;Ceramah Pendek, 2018), whereas Nahdlatul Ulama cleric Gus Muwafiq focused on the devotion to engaging a household (Gus Muwafiq Channel, 2018;Santri Remu'an, 2020), and Salafi cleric Khalid Basalamah discussed the obedience towards their husband (Assalamualaikum Channel, 2017;Ngaji Anak Indonesia, 2019). Hidayat delineated the Muslim women's body discourse based on the segregation of dubious religiously correct and incorrect propriety, whereas Muwafiq, the apparent religiously normality, and Basalamah, the plausible religiously propriety. The patriarchal language on women's bodies, sexuality, and domestication in their preaching as their litmus test dominantly employed relational processes along with the negative judgment of propriety within intensified heteroglossia utterances to condemn women as mischievous, selfish, and unfair as religious cultural-based punishment when violating the teachings.
Paralleling these stances with the so-called general Islamic discourse on the position of women is arguably closely related to Syed's (2004) finding that the exalted position Muslim women had in 610 and 632 A.D. (as the result of Islamic reforms) was then resisted by patriarchal Muslim jurists/conservative framers in the 8 th century A.D., as they attempted to preserve the tradition of Muslim patriarchal society that put women inferior to men. In the lens of Stowasser (1994), this was conducted through ijma [community consensus]. These patriarchal religious acts put the Muslim woman's body as the patriarchal male Muslim's machine of desire. They were disciplined and attached to religious attributes loaded with male-dominated female moral obligations.