Abstract
This article investigates the recently recognized concept of associated motion in 66 South American languages located on the western fringes of the Amazonian basin. In that region, associated motion is a widespread and particularly complex phenomenon. It is instantiated by verbal affixes in 44 languages, of which 22 display complex systems of multiple affixes. Correlations are noticed between the degree of complexity of the systems and the semantic content of the markers. Two implicational scales are proposed: (i) motion of the subject > motion of the object and (ii) prior motion > concurrent motion > subsequent motion. Correlations are also observed between the types of systems and their geographical distribution. These are taken as evidence that diffusion must have played an important role in spreading associated motion in this region and shaping its particular semantic make-up in the different languages.
Acknowledgements
Previous versions of this article have been presented at the 4th International Conference of the French Cognitive Linguistics Association (AFLiCo), Lyon, France, 24–27 May 2011, the 54th International Congress of Americanists (ICA), Vienna, Austria, 15–20 July 2012, and the 10th biennial conference of the Association for Linguistic Typology (ALT), Leipzig, Germany, 15–18 August 2013. I am grateful to the audiences for useful feedback. The article has also benefited from valuable comments and insights provided by Linda Konnerth, Lev Michael, Zachary O’Hagan, Brigitte Pakendorf, Adam Tallman, Marine Vuillermet, two anonymous reviewers of Linguistic Typology, and Frans Plank as editor of LT. The collection and interpretation of the data on which the article is based have been greatly facilitated by the generous collaboration of numerous colleagues experts in South American languages. These have provided me with references unpublished or difficult to obtain. They have shared with me unpublished data from their own fieldnotes. And they have helped me analyze non-segmented and non-glossed examples sentences from pedagogically-oriented grammars or dictionary entries. These scholars and their language(s) of expertise are listed below (names of linguists in alphabetical order): Denis Bertet (Tikuna), Ana Paula Brandão (Paresi), Martine Bruil (Siona-Secoya), Eliane Carmargo (Kashinawa), Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino (Chipapa), Mily Crevels (Itonama), Esteban Diaz Montenegro (Nasa Yuwe), Stefan Dienst (Katukina-Kanamari, Kulina), Patience Epps (Arawak languages; Hup), Alain Fabre (Nivacle), David Fleck (Matses), Katja Hannss (Uchumataqu), Katharina Haude (Movima), Lev Michael (Arawak languages; Iquito), Elena Mihas (Ashéninca), Ana María Ospina Bozzi (Yuhup), Simon Overall (Aguaruna), Françoise Rose (Mojeño; Tupi-Guarani languages), Pierric Sans (Chiquitano), Frank Seifart (Bora), Pilar Valenzuela (Shipibo-Konibo), Simon van de Kerke (Leko), Rik van Gijn (Yurakaré), An van Linden (Harakmbut), Marine Vuillermet (Ese Ejja), Mary-Ruth Wise (Resígaro), Roberto Zariquiey Biondi (Kashibo-Kakataibo). Finally, I am grateful to the ASLAN project (ANR-10-LABX-0081) of Université de Lyon for its financial support within the program “Investissements d’Avenir” (ANR-11-IDEX-0007) of the French government operated by the National Research Agency (ANR).
Abbreviations:
- 1/2/3
1st/2nd/3rd person
- a
subject/agent of transitive verb
- abl
ablative
- abs
absolutive
- acc
accusative
- all
allative
- am
associated motion
- and2
andative nonsingular, singular transitive
- antvent
anticipated ventive
- arr1
arrive 1
- ass
assertive
- aux
auxiliary
- compl
completive
- cont
continuous
- d3
desinence cross-referencing subjects of class 3
- D-AM
associated motion marked by deictic directionals
- dat
dative
- dei1
deictic 1 (upriver or in the proximity of the speaker)
- dei2
deictic 2 (downriver or away from the speaker)
- det
determiner/demonstrative
- dir
directional
- dist
distal
- do
do the verb event
- dpst
distant past tense
- du
dual
- dur
durative
- ec
extended current tense
- emph
emphatic
- erg
ergative
- ev
direct evidential
- f
feminine
- far
action realized in a distinct location (translocative)
- foc
focus
- gen
genitive
- immpst
immediate past
- imp
imperative
- inan
inanimate
- inc
inclusive
- incp
inceptive
- intent
intention
- intr
intransitive
- ipfv
imperfective
- irr
irrealis
- it
itive
- itermvmt
iterative movement
- loc
locative
- m
masculine
- mot
motion
- narr
narrative
- nip
non-imperfective aspect
- nom
nominative
- nomcl31
nominal class no. 31
- nomz
nominalizer
- npf
noun prefix
- o
object/patient of transitive verb
- obj
object
- p
patient/object of transitive verb
- pc
past completive
- perm
permanently
- pfv
perfective
- pl
plural
- poss
possessor
- pot
potential
- pp2
completive participle
- pres
present
- prog
progressive
- prox2
proximate 2 tense (yesterday or future)
- pssa
previous event, same-subject, A-orientation
- pst
past
- purp
purposive
- red
reduplicative
- rem
remote
- rempst
remote past
- rep
reportative
- revmot
reversive motion
- s
single argument of intransitive verb
- sg
singular
- subj
subject
- vent
ventive
- z
object or dative-marked core argument
- →
acting on. Abbreviations in the Appendix are shown as in their respective sources.
Appendix: Documentation of associated motion forms
This appendix gives an exhaustive list of the data on AM affixes that were identified in the languages of the survey together with a fair amount of additional information. It is intended to provide the empirical basis on which this study has been conducted.
The languages are sorted by language families. Both languages and language families are listed alphabetically (see also Table 2). For each language the following information is provided (whenever relevant and/or available): the name of the particular dialect; the source of the data; the form(s) of the affixes; the prose description of the affixes that is given in the source; an illustrative clause (or predicate or multiclausal sentence) which is segmented and glossed and provided with a free translation (in which the elements that refer to the verb event and the separate component of motion are underlined); the categorization labels that are used in the sources; additional notes (within square brackets).
The prose descriptions, glosses, free translations, and categorization labels are reproduced in full accordance with the original, in terms of language (English, French, Portuguese, or Spanish), spelling conventions, and formalisms. Translation in English of French, Portuguese, or Spanish is only provided for the free translation, which matters most for the recognition of the morphemes as AM markers (see methodology in Section 4.2).
The affixes are classified according to their types in terms of the two parameters of grammatical function of the moving argument (subject vs. object; see Section 6.3) and – within the subject and object motion categories – temporal relation (prior motion, prior-or-concurrent motion, concurrent motion, concurrent-or-subsequent motion, or subsequent motion; see Sections 6.4 and 6.5). The number of morphemes which I suspect express AM (because of their description in the sources or some other reasons; see Section 4.2) but for which no (or no good) example is available are preceded by the adverb possibly.
A1 Andoke (isolate)
Motion of subject: prior; four markers:
na- “indique que le procès exprimé par la base est lié à un déplacement centripète (vers la déixis, vers le locuteur)” (Landaburu 1979: 188), (A1a)
ni- “indique que le procès est lié à un déplacement centrifuge (loin de la déixis, loin du locuteur)” (Landaburu 1979: 188), (A1b)
si- “En règle générale si- est associé à l’idée de bas” (Landaburu 1979: 197), (A1c)
yi- “En règle générale yi- est associé à l’idée de haut” (Landaburu 1979: 197), (A1d)
| na-báʌ-ʌ | baya |
| depl.1-travailler-d3 | Ass.31 |
‘il est venutravailler’ (Landaburu 1979: 198; segmentation and glosses mine) [‘He came to work.’]
| ni-báʌ-ʌ | baya |
| depl.2-travailler-d3 | Ass.31 |
‘il est partitravailler’ (Landaburu 1979: 199; segmentation and glosses mine) [‘He went to work.’]
| si-báʌ-ʌ | baya |
| dir-travailler-d3 | Ass.31 |
‘il travailleen aval (d’ici)’ (Landaburu 1979: 198; segmentation and glosses mine) [‘He worksdownriver (from here).’]
| yi-báʌ-ʌ | baya |
| dir-travailler-d3 | Ass.31 |
‘il travailleen amont (d’ici)’ (Landaburu 1979: 198; segmentation and glosses mine) [‘He worksupriver (from here).’]
[The description and translation of si- and yi- suggest that these two suffixes might not express dynamic motion but static location; see discussion in Section 4.2.]
Author’s categorization: na-, ni- “détermination verbale de déplacement” (Landaburu 1979: 187); si-, yi- “détermination verbale de direction” (Landaburu 1979: 197)
A2 Arawak family
A2.1 Apurinã
Motion of subject: concurrent; two markers:
-poko “distributive event/directional marking: [it] indicate[s] that the participants of an event move in one direction or another [...] in which case it works as a sort of directional marker, or to mark an event as consisting of distributed action, i. e., as discontinuous or intermittent actions” (Facundes 2000: 309), (A2a)
-ãpo “random marker: [it] is used to mark events that take place randomly or sort of aimlessly. [It] can be conceived as a ‘anti-directional’, since it specifies that an action or process occurs without any systematic direction (or goal, for that matter).” (Facundes 2000: 315), (A2b)
| hãkiti | akatsa-ãpo-ta-ru |
| jaguar | bite-random-vblz-3m.o |
‘The jaguar ran aroundbiting it/him aimlessly.’ (Facundes 2000: 315)
Author’s categorization: “bound verbal formatives” (Facundes 2000: 308)
A2.2 Ashéninca: Pichis dialect
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -apa “motion toward a certain point or the subject’s arrival” (Payne 1982: 325); “the subject of that verb has arrived or is arriving at a certain specific location as the action occurs” (Payne 1982: 326)
a-makorya-apa-ak-e
1pl.s-rest-dir-perv-real
‘we rested when we had arrived’ (Payne 1982: 326; glossed with help of Elena Mihas)
Motion of subject: concurrent-or-subsequent; 1 marker: -an “motion away, leaving or response” (Payne 1982: 325); “departure or continuing away from a certain location. This is the sense when the suffix occurs with verbs which express actions which take place on or before a journey (like cook, see, meet, guide, etc.)” (Payne 1982: 328)
no-saik-an-ak-e
1sg.s-sit-dir-perv-real
‘I sat before leaving, before continuing on’ (Payne 1982: 328; glossed with help of Elena Mihas)
Motion of the object: prior-or-concurrent; 1 marker: -aw “the subject is receiving the object” (Payne 1982: 325); “receiving an object or person. [...] occurs only with transitive verbs” (Payne 1982: 329); “always moves the object toward the subject” (Payne 1982: 330) [no clear indication whether the motion is prior or concurrent: both readings seem possible in the available examples]
h-ow-aw-ak-a-ri
3m.a-eat-dir-perv-real-3m.o
‘he ate what was given to him’ (Payne 1982: 329; glossed with help of Elena Mihas)
Author’s categorization: “directional suffixes”
[The same examples would translate differently in the Perene dialect (Elena Mihas, personal communication).]
A2.3 Baure
Motion of subject: prior; 2 markers:
-pa “intentional suffix”, “future relative to another event”, “generally the suffix [...] implies a movement away from the hearer” (Danielsen 2007: 264), (A6a)
-pik “directional, motion towards, means that the subject is moving towards the speaker or another place of reference while doing something” (Danielsen 2007: 265), (A6b)
| ni=karow-a-pik | ne’ | pi=sori-ye |
| 1sg=study-lk-come | here | 2sg=village-loc |
‘I came to study here in your village.’ (Danielsen 2007: 265)
Motion of subject: subsequent; 1 marker: -wana “departitive, something was done before departing or while departing” (Danielsen 2007: 257)
Author’s categorization: -pa “aspectual/intentional suffix/future relative to another event” (Danielsen 2007: 264); -pik “aspectual/directional suffix” (Danielsen 2007: 265); -wana “aspectual/departitive suffix” (Danielsen 2007: 257)
A2.4 Mojeño: Trinitario dialect
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -pono[19] “go do and come back/come do and go back, interrupted motion, reversive” [The description and translation of this suffix suggest that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4; Rose (2015) considers it to represent a distinct temporal relation which she names “reversive interrupted motion”.]
Motion of subject: concurrent; 2 markers:
-poripo “do while going/coming, concurrent motion, perfective aspect” (A9a)
-pori’i “do all along, concurrent motion, imperfective aspect” (A9b)
| vi-okpoj-ko-pripo | eto | sipa |
| 1pl-meet-act-pfv.mot | nh | rhea |
‘While going we met a rhea (ostrich sp.).’ (Rose 2015: 136)
Motion of subject: subsequent; 1 marker: -numo “do before going/coming, subsequent motion” [rare, no spontaneous examples but several elicited (otherwise meaning: do an action before another)]
Author’s categorization: all of them: “associated motion”
A2.5 Nanti
Motion of subject: prior; 4 markers:
-apah “adlative, upon arriving” (Michael 2008: 262), (A11a)
-aki “translocative perfective”, “the action expressed by the verb is realized at a point distal to the deictic center” (Michael 2008: 259), (A11b)
-aa “translocative imperfective”, “identical spatial meaning [as -aki]”, “the two morphemes contrast only in their aspectual meanings [perfective vs. imperfective]” (Michael 2008: 259), (A11c) [The description and translation of -aki and -aa suggest that these two suffixes might not express dynamic motion but static location; however, Lev Michael (personal communication) confirmed to me that both suffixes actually have dynamic motion readings, despite the translations that he provided in the above examples; see discussion in Section 4.2.]
-ut “returnative”, “indicates motion from some initial point to a distal point, and subsequently back to the initial point, without a significant lapse of time between the outbound trajectory to the distal point and the return trajectory back to the initial point” (Michael 2008: 258), (A11d) [The description and translation of this suffix suggest that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
i=p-ut-i=ri
3mS=give-ret-real.i=3mO
‘He gave it to him (going to him, giving it to him, then returning)’ (Michael 2008: 258)
Motion of subject: concurrent; possibly 2 markers:
-apanaa “in passing” and -apanu “in passing (round-trip trajectory)” [No examples available for any of these two suffixes; they are said to be “extremely rare in Nanti – but [...] frequently used and productive in other Kampa languages, and in Matsigenka in particular. Used very infrequently, only with particular verb roots, and with particular individuals.” (Michael 2008: 266). The description of -apanu suggests that this suffix might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
Author’s categorization: -apah “directional” (Michael 2008: 261); -aki, -aa, -ut “aspect, trajectal, and translocative” (Michael 2008: 255); -apanaa, -apanu [no categorization, listed under “rare morphemes”] (Michael 2008: 266)
A2.6 Nomatsiguenga
Motion of subject: prior; 3 markers:
-ap “allative”, “the meaning is that the action is completed on the arrival of the subject” (Lawrence 2013: 88), (A12a)
-aj “regressive”, “gives the meaning that the subject of the verb returned to the site of the action in order to perform the action another time” (Lawrence 2013: 96), (A12b)
-iN “translocative”, “gives the meaning that the subject will physically go to another location in order to do something when they arrive – it also implies that they will return to their starting location later.” (Lawrence 2013: 98), (A12c) [The description (although not the translation) of this suffix suggests that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
| a. p=oga-og-ap-ima-ri=ni | p-ikongiri... |
| 2sS=caus-drink-all-irreal.a-3mS=ipfv.anim | 2sP-uncle |
‘Come and drink with your uncle... ’ (Shaver & Shaver 1976: 13, cited and analyzed by Lawrence 2013: 88, who mistakenly attributes it to Shaver 1996: 13)
po=p-aíg-aj-i=ni
2sS=give-pl-reg-real.i=ipfv.anim
‘You are returning to give (it) again.’ (Lawrence 2013: 97)
| omagaro | i=aág-iN-i | kintori |
| all | 3mS=eat-trnsloc-real.i | fish |
‘They all went to eat fish.’ (Lawrence 2013: 98)
Motion of object: prior-or-concurrent; 1 marker: -ob “receptive”, “used to indicate that the action is carried out as the object referent moves toward the subject referent” (Lawrence 2013: 89) [no clear indication whether the motion is prior or concurrent; both readings seem possible in the available examples]
Author’s categorization: -an, -ob “directional suffixes” (Lawrence 2013: 87); -aj, -iN “aspect suffixes” (Lawrence 2013: 90)
A2.7 Resígaro
Motion of subject: prior; 3 markers:
-keé verbal directional suffix “to go to” (A14a)
-ní directional “go and...” [imperative only] (A14b)
-ʔkú directional “come and...” [imperative only] (A14c)
Motion of subject: subsequent; 1 marker: -kí verbal directional suffix “to come from”
Author’s categorization: -keé, -kí “directional [suffixes]” (Allin 1976: 133–136); -ní, -ʔkú “directional imperative[s]” (Allin 1976: 145–149)
A2.8 Tariana
Motion of subject: prior; 2 markers:
-se “proximate imperative”, “do (something) close to the speaker”, “used if the addressee is commanded to come close to the speaker” (Aikhenvald 2003: 372), (A16a)
-kada “distal imperative”, “away from the speaker” (Aikhenvald 2003: 373), (A16b)
| ima-kada | ihya | amaku-pe-se |
| 2pl+sleep-dist.imp | you | hammock-pl-loc |
‘You sleep (over there) in your hammocks.’ (Aikhenvald 2003: 373, ex. 16.9), ‘Go and sleep over there in your hammocks.’ (Aikhenvald 2003: 652, ex. T3.9)
Author’s categorization: “proximate & distal imperatives” (Aikhenvald 2003: 372–373)
A2.9 Terêna
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -opon (with variants -op, -po, and -pono) “purposive”, “indicates that the doer goes elsewhere with the purpose of performing the action named in the stem” (Ekdahl & Grimes 1964: 267)
yutó-š-opon-o-a
root-thematic-purposive-transitivizer-3O
‘he went to write it’ (Ekdahl & Grimes 1964: 267; glosses mine)
Author’s categorization: part of a list of “miscellaneous inflectional categories” (Ekdahl & Grimes 1964: 266)
A2.10 Warekena
Motion of subject: concurrent; 1 marker: -dekana “going back and forth”
| yu-patata-hã | neyawa | yu-kuɺua-dekana | kaɺibe |
| 3sgf-work-pausal | woman | 3sgf-drink-back.and.forth | manioc.liquid |
‘The woman is working, she is drinking manioc liquid going back andforth.’ (Aikhenvald 1998: 346)
Author’s categorization: “aspectual suffix” (Aikhenvald 1998: 336)
A2.11 Yine
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -pa “elative, movement from one location, state, or temporal setting to another, movement away from the deictic centre”, “motion suffix” (Hanson 2010: 250)
| Ø-hnɨnro | hima | kʃana | hiçha-pa-tka |
| 3-wife.of | quot | herb | search.for-elv-pfv |
‘His wife went to search for herbs.’ (Hanson 2010: 227)
Author’s categorization: no general categorization (sorted under “Suffix zone 1: motion and mood”; Hanson 2010: 226–239)
A3 Arawan family
A3.1 Kulina
Motion of subject: concurrent; 1 marker: -Øzanapo “along the way”
| hori-hori | Ø-na-Øzanapo-mana-hari |
| play.hohori-redup | 3-aux-along.the.way-nsg-nar.m |
‘They were playing the hohori (earthen wind instrument) along the way.’ (Dienst 2014: 124)
Author’s categorization: “Aktionsart” suffix (Dienst 2014: 123–124)
A4 Aymaran
A4.1 Aymara
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker, possibly 2:
-ni “ventive (hither)”, “combines the apparently complementary functions of ‘motion towards the speaker’ and ‘action in some other place’” (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 280); “cis/translocativo”, “tiene doble valor, dependiendo de la naturaleza del verbo, pues con verbos de movimiento señala una orientación hacia el hablante (=valor cislocativo) y con otro indica que el proceso se realiza fuera del lugar que ocupa aquél (=valor translocativo)” (Cerrón-Palomino & Carvajal 2009: 199) [The translation in (A21b) suggests that -ni might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
| iki-ni- | |
| dormir-translocativo- |
‘ir a dormir en otro lugar’(Cerrón-Palomino & Carvajal 2009: 199; glosses mine) [‘go to sleep in a different place’]
| awki-ha-n(a) | ut(a)-pa-n(a) | manq’a-n(i)-tha |
| father-1poss-gen | house-3poss-loc | eat-hith-1subj |
‘I went and had dinner at my father’s house’/‘I am just coming back from having dinner at my father’s house.’ (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 280)
-qa “para abajo” (England 2001: 101) [There is only one example available with AM meaning; the other more productive meanings do not express AM, but path or non-spatial meanings. The translation of this suffix suggests that it might not express dynamic motion but static location; see discussion in Section 4.2.]
iki-qa-ña
dormir-para.abajo-nominalizador
‘dormiren otra parte’ (England 2001: 101; glosses mine) [‘sleepin a different place’]
Motion of subject: concurrent; 2 markers:
-wa(ya) “indicates a separation, or action performed in passing” (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 280), (A23a)
-ni-wa(ya) “the combination of -ni- and -waya- can express circular motion” (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 280), (A23b)
| iskwila-r(u) | sar(a)-ka-sa-x̣(a) | ihli:ša-ru-w(a) | manta-way(a)-ta |
| school-all | go-anticompl-sub-top | church-all-affirm.evid | enter-dist-1subj |
‘On my way to school I entered the church for a moment.’ (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 280)
| uma-mp(i) | wayu-ni-waya:-ta |
| water-coord | carry.with.handle-hith-dist-2subj.fut |
‘You will also bring water on your way back.’ (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 280)
Author’s categorization: -qa “sufijo verbal derivacional” (England 2001: 97), “directional suffix” (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 278); -ni, -wa(ya), -ni-wa(ya) [no categorization]
A5 Bora-Witoto
A5.1 Bora
Motion of subject: prior; 2 markers:
-thɛ (-te) “go to do” (A24a) and -βa (va) “come to do” (A24b)
Motion of subject: subsequent; 2 markers:
-ìɲɯ (-iñu) “go after doing” (A25a) and -hɛ (-je) “come after doing” (A25b)
| ò-khɛ̀ | mɛ́:nɯ́-í̵ɲɯ̀-:pɛ̀ |
| 1-objAn | hit-do.go-SgM |
‘He hit me and then left.’ (Thiesen & Weber 2012: 119)
| ó | khɯ́kpà-hɛ́-ʔì | O=tıGʔ | hjá-ɾì |
| I | sleep-do.come-t | your | house-sou |
‘I return from sleeping in your house.’ (Thiesen & Weber 2012: 119)
Motion of object: prior-or-concurrent; possibly 1 marker: -phɛxtsho (-pejtso) “do upon encountering” [Motion of O suggested by the description and gloss, the free translation, and the fact that all examples available are with transitive verbs. However, in all these examples, the A argument is possibly moving as well, which could imply that the suffix could as well mark the motion of A or the motion of both A and O.]
| ò-khɛ̀ | mɛ́:nɯ́-phɛ́xtshò-ópè |
| 1-objAn | hit-meet-SgM |
‘Upon encountering me, he hit me.’ (Thiesen & Weber 2012: 117)
Author’s categorization: all of them: “affixal ʻverbs’/bound complement-taking verbs” (Thiesen & Weber 2012: 116)
A6 Carib
A6.1 Panare
Motion of subject: prior; 2 markers:
-ta’ “adds the notion of displacement in space (translational movement) to the imperative sense of the predication” (Payne & Payne 2013: 368), (A27a)
-ñe “displacement in space” (Payne & Payne 2013: 226), (A27b)
| A-mokayin-tya’ | yu-tyipi-ya. |
| neu-work-imp.mvmt | 1sg-garden-loc |
ʻGowork in my garden.’ (Payne & Payne 2013: 368)
| At-achima-ñe | këj | kamonton. |
| dtr-dance-displ | an.prox | 3pl |
ʻThey are going over there to dance.’ (Payne & Payne 2013: 225)
Author’s categorization: -ta’ “plain imperative” (Payne & Payne 2013: 364), “displaced (movement) imperative” (Payne & Payne 2013: 368); -ñe “non-past aspect construction” (Payne & Payne 2013: 211–257), “non-past perfective suffix” (Payne & Payne 2013: 212), “displacement” (Payne & Payne 2013: 226–227)
A6.2 Ye’kwana
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -ta(SG)/-tan(PL) “suffixe allatif”, “implique que la commande exprimée doit être exécutée ailleurs qu’à l’endroit où se déroule l’acte de parole, il s’agit donc d’un marqueur de mouvement centrifuge”, “apparaît uniquement avec les trois marqueurs de modalité impérative non négatifs” (Cáceres 2011: 234)
| möötö | ei-tö-kö-’de | nña | n-ene-ta-’ñojo |
| là-bas | cop-coll-imp-fut | 1+3 | 3/3-voir-all-permis |
‘Restez là, nous on va allervoir.’ (Cáceres 2011: 234) [‘Stay here, we will go and see.’]
Author’s categorization: “morphèmes spécifiques aux modes impératifs” (Cáceres 2011: 234–236)
A7 Harakmbut (isolate): Amarakaeri dialect
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -ato’ “acción al llegar a un sitio” (Tripp 1995: 221)
| Hua-tay-te | o’-hued-ato’ |
| nmlz-sleep-loc | 3sg(>3).ind-lie.down-move&do |
‘Al llegar él se echó en la cama.’ (Tripp 1995: 36; glosses from An van Linden, personal communication) [‘He lay down on the bed when arriving.’]
Motion of subject: concurrent; 1 marker: -ankadyak “acciones que suceden durante un viaje” (Tripp 1995: 221)
o’-wek-ankadnyak
3sg(>3).ind-shoot.with.arrow-move.while.doing.several.times
‘While he is walking (away from/towards the speaker), he is shooting with bow and arrow.’ (An van Linden, personal communication)
Author’s categorization: “sufijos de aspecto” (Tripp 1995: 220–221)
A8 Katukina-Kanamari (isolate): Katukina and Kanamari dialects
Motion of subject: prior; 2 markers:
-na “centrífugo, assinala o distanciamento em relação ao falante” (dos Anjos 2011: 180), (A31a), (A32a)
-dik/-ji “centrípeto, indica a aproximação em relação ao falante” (dos Anjos 2011: 180), (A32)
[The descriptions and translations of -na and -dik/-ji in (A31) suggest that in the Katukina dialect these two suffixes might not express dynamic motion but static location; by contrast, the translations of these suffixes in (A32) indicate that in the Kanamari dialect they can express dynamic motion; see discussion in Section 4.2.]
Katukina dialect
| waik-buk-na | Kamo |
| canto-fazer-ctrf | Kamo |
‘Kamo cantoupara lá.’ (dos Anjos 2011: 180) [‘Kamo sangover there.’]
| tyuku-dik | tyopuna |
| morrer-ctrp | peixe-boi |
‘O peixe-boi morreupara cá.’ (dos Anjos 2011: 150) [‘The bull-fish died over here.’]
Kanamari dialect
| watahi | ’o-na | adu | wa |
| water | drink-away | 1sg | fut2 |
‘I’ll go and drink water.’ (Stefan Dienst, personal communication)
| natsi | hu-ji | itso! |
| maize | get-hither | imp |
‘Come and get maize!’ (Stefan Dienst, personal communication)
Author’s categorization: “sufixos dêiticos ‘centrífugo’ y ‘centrípeto’” (dos Anjos 2011: 180)
A9 Leko (isolate)
Motion of subject: prior; 2 markers:
-ri/-di “inceptive” (van de Kerke 2002: 246), “incoativo, implica que hay algún movimiento antes de una ocurrencia” (van de Kerke 2009: 309)
-har/-handa “again, to come to, motion prior to action” (van de Kerke 2002: 247), “implica movimiento hacia el hablante o en cuentos la ubicación de ‘venir a’” (van de Kerke 2009: 310)
| do-woy-di-a | sok’och | men-cha-no-te | k’o-har-ai |
| 3ob-call-inc-imp | food | cool-dur-nom-main.tense | eat-come-imp |
‘Go and call him, the food is getting cold, he must come to eat (it).’ (van de Kerke 2002: 247)
Author’s categorization: “motion modifiers” (van de Kerke 2002: 244–248)
A10 Macro-Jê
A10.1 Rikbaktsa
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: n-/ɽ- “marque également [outre sa valeur directionnelle et deictique] la valeur de ‘mouvement concomitant’ (associated motions [sic]), c’est-à-dire qu’elle marque l’association d’un évènement exprimé par le verbe avec un mouvement, le mouvement étant antérieur à l’évènement dans le temps” (Silva 2011: 128)
tʃi-k-na-moɾo
2suj-pas-dir-se.baigner
‘tu es allé te baigner’ (Silva 2011: 119) [‘You went to bathe.’]
Author’s categorization: “préfixe de direction” (Silva 2011: 126–131)
A11 Mataguayan
A11.1 Nivacle
Motion of object: concurrent motion; 2 markers:
-ch’e/-qu’e “simultaneous motion away from the S/A” “itive”, (A35a)
-julh “simultaneous motion towards the S/A, associated actor visible”, (A35b)
Motion of object: subsequent motion; 1 marker: -c’oya “anticipated ventive” “temporarily postponed or expected motion towards the S/A, associated actor invisible at the time of event”
j-ovalh-c’oya
1a(>3p)-watch-am.ant.vent
‘I watch(ed), waiting for him/her/they [sic] to come.’ (Fabre 2013: 11)
Author’s categorization: “associated motion” suffixes (Fabre 2013)
A12 Mosetén-Chimane (isolate): Mosetén dialect
Motion of subject: prior; 2 markers:
-ki “movement away from the deictic center to perform an action” (Sakel 2004: 273), (A37a)
-ti/-sh “come (to the deictic center) to do an action” (Sakel 2004: 276), (A37b) [The two forms -ti and -sh are allomorphs. The factors that condition their distribution are the other markers that appear in the verb (cross-reference, derivations, aspect).]
| Ayo’ | käw-ë-k-te-in. |
| president | see-vi-dk-3m.o-p |
ʻThey went (there) to see the president.’ (Sakel 2004: 274)
| Iits | Santi’ | jeb-e-sh-aj-te | tyärä. |
| de.m | Santiago | eat-vi-ds-again-3m.o | maize |
ʻThis Santiago has come back to eat maize.’ (Sakel 2004: 279)
Motion of subject: concurrent; 4 markers:
-min-jo and -min-chhi “with verbs, [-min- ‘interrupted movement marker’] expresses the interruption of a movement in order to do an action. It appears in relation to the associated motion markers -jo- and -chhi-, which express that an action is carried out while moving towards or away from the deictic center.” (Sakel 2004: 283), (A38a, b)
-j-kho “movement away from the deictic center in relation to an action done ‘on the way’” (Sakel 2004: 280), (A38c)
-j-chhi “to perform on the way here” (Sakel 2004: 272), “to move toward the deictic center in connection with carrying out an action” (Sakel 2004: 281), (A38d)
[Sakel (2004) analyses -min, -j, -jo/-kho, and -chhi as separate/independent morphemes.]
Saeks-e-min-jo-’.
eat-vi-itr-dj-f.s
ʻShe went (there), ate and went away (after eating).’ (Sakel 2004: 284)
Khösh-mïn-chhï.
sleep-vi.itr-dc.m.s
ʻHe came here (interrupting his movement here to sleep).’ (Sakel 2004: 284)
| “tëtëi” | ye-j-kho-ja’. |
| on | say-dir-dj-1pi.s |
ʻ...“tetei”, we will say (moving on).’ (Sakel 2004: 280)
| jiij-ke-j-chhi-ban | kinakdye’-in. |
| roar-vk-dir-dc-again.m.s | jaguar-p |
ʻ... he came back making noise, roaring, the jaguar.’ (Sakel 2004: 282)
Author’s categorization: “associated motion” markers (Sakel 2004: 272–284)
A13 Nadahup (Makú)
A13.1 Hup
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -ʔay “venitive suffix”, “indicates that the activity involves a change of spatial location”, “in most uses [it] indicates a full circuit – the actor has gone somewhere, performed the activity, and returned” (Epps 2008: 558–559) [The description and translation of this suffix suggest that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
| j’ɔm-ʔáy-áy | ʔã́h-ã́h |
| bathe-vent-dynm | 1sg-decl |
‘I’ve gone to bathe (and returned).’ (Epps 2008: 559)
Author’s categorization: “aspectual marker” (Epps 2008: 558–561), “directional-type formative” (Epps 2008: 561)
A14 Panoan
A14.1 Chácobo
Motion of subject: prior; possibly 1 marker: -ta “to go and” (Prost 1967: 336) [no illustrative examples available; see discussion in Section 4.2]
Motion of subject: concurrent; 2 markers:
-kana/-bona[20] “motion away” (Prost 1967: 335), (A40a)
-hona/-bɨna “motion returning” (Prost 1967: 335), (A40b)
| quëquë-cana-quë |
| cantar-ir(itr)-compl‘se fuecantando’ (Zingg 1998: 10; segmentation and glosses mine) [‘He wentsinging.’] |
pi-bëna-qui
comer-venir(tr)-incompl
‘él viene, comiendo algo’ (Zingg 1998: 10; segmentation and glosses mine) [‘He comes, eating something.’]
[The graphemes c, h, and ɨ in Prost 1967 respectively correspond to k, j, and ë in Zingg 1998.]
Author’s categorization: -ta “motion suffix” (Prost 1967: 336); -kana/-bona, -hona/-bṫna “direction suffixes” (Prost 1967: 335)
A14.2 Kashibo-Kakataibo: Lower Aguaytía dialect
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -tan “go to do”, “imperative”, “presupposes that the speaker and the addressee are in the same location and that the addressee will go to another place in order to accomplish the command” (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 498–499)
| ka | ‘ux-tan |
| nar | sleep-go.to.imp |
‘Go to sleep!’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 358)
Motion of subject: concurrent; 6 markers:
-kwain/-buin “passing by” (A42a)
-bu “continuously in one direction” (A42b)
-akët ~ -(a)rakët/-at ~ -(a)rat “curved trajectory” (A42c)
-bëkin “iterative in different places” (A42d)
-ru “upward” (A42e)
-but/-pat “downward” (A42f)
| ... ain | tita | ñuxan-rá | ain | maë |
| 3sg.gen | mother | old(fem)-dim.abs | 3sg.gen | burned.garden.abs |
| matsun-uku-buin-ia=bi... | ||||
| sweep-iter-passing.tra-s/a>o(se)=same | ||||
‘(... he beat) her very old mother who was passing bysweeping her burned garden.’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 415–416)
| auto=nu | kana | ‘ux-bu-a-n |
| car=loc | nar.1sg | sleep-conti(one.direction)-perf-1/2p |
‘I was sleeping continuously (going) in the car.’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 400)
| a=n | ka | pi-arat-i-a |
| 3sg=A | nar.3p | eat-curve-impf-non.prox |
‘(S)he eatsfollowing a curved trajectory.’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 407)
| ... achushi | uni | Isa Kuna | ka-kë | a=n | ain | manë | xo=n |
| one | man | Isa.Kuna | say-nom | 3sg=erg | 3sg.gen | metal | stick=ins |
cháxki-bëkin-kin...
poke-iter.different.places-s/a>a(se)‘... a man called Isa Kunabu (named all the rivers and creeks) poking his metal stick here and there.’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 399)
| ... a | uni=n | baka | kamabi | xëxá | ‘imainun | rara=n |
| that | man=erg | river | all | current | and | ancestor=gen |
| papa=kama | anë-ru-akë-x-a. | |||||
| big=plu | name-up-rem.past-3p-non.prox | |||||
‘... coming from the downside to the upside, a man (called Isa Kunabu) named all the rivers and creeks, even the big ones, (poking his metal stick here and there).’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 399)
| ... kaisa | ukairi | a | tënka-pat-akë-x-ín... |
| nar.rep.3p | ladder | that.O | cut.making.noise-down(tra)-rem.past-3p-prox |
‘... he cut the ladder making noises, coming down... ’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 398)
Motion of subject: concurrent-or-subsequent; 2 markers:
-kian/-bian “going” (A43) and -kwatsin/-bëtsin “coming” (A44)
Concurrent motion
| ‘a-bian-tëkën-i-a |
| do-going(tran)-again-impf-non.prox |
‘(S)he does it while going, again.’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 188)
Subsequent motion
| ... ain | të-xakat | maxax=nu | rakan-bian-akë-x-ín |
| 3sg.gen | neck-skin.abs | stone=loc | lay.down-going(tra)-rem.past-3p-prox |
‘... (they) laid down its neck skin on a stone and thus went.’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 412)
Concurrent motion
| tanu | kana | bits-bëtsin-a-n |
| palm.worm.abs | nar.1sg | pick.up-coming(tra)-past1-1/2p |
‘I camegathering palms [sic] worms.’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 415)
Subsequent motion
| bukun-bëtsin-i | kana | u-ru-pun-i-n |
| gather-coming(tran)-s/a>s(se) | nar.1sg | come-up-past(hours)-impf-1/2p |
‘After gathering (it), I came up the river.’ (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 414)
Author’s categorization: -tan “register distinction in the imperative mood/space and imperatives” (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 492); other AM markers: “directional suffixes” (Zariquiey Biondi 2011: 395–417)
A14.3 Kashinawa: Peruvian Kashinawa dialect [21]
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -tan “ir para hacer la acción y regresar” [The description (although not the translation) of this suffix suggests that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
| Javada | a-tan-ven. |
| algo | matar-ir.y.regresar-imp |
‘Ve y mata algo.’ (Montag 1981: 605) [‘Go and kill something!’]
Motion of subject: concurrent; 1 marker: -kaoan/-baon “yendo, viniendo en círculos o alrededor de algo; pasando, yendo por todas partes habitualmente”
| Yuinaka | bena-baun-kin | nu-n |
| animales | buscando-yendo.por.todas.partes-suj.identico | nosotros-nom |
| tsaka-mis-ki. | ||
| matar-habituativo-asertivo | ||
‘Siempre matamos animales cuando los buscamosyendo por todas partes.’ (Montag 1981: 586) [‘We always kill animals when we search for them everywhere.’]
Motion of subject: concurrent-or-subsequent; 2 markers:
-kain/-bain “yendo, yendo hacia fuera” (A47) and -kidan/-bidan “viniendo” (A48). [The difference of use between the forms -bain and -kain in A47 and -bidan and -kidan in A48 is conditioned by the transitivity of the verb stem; see Footnote 20].
Concurrent motion
| Yava | ichapatun | baxava | bimi | pi-bain-kan-xu-ki. |
| huangana | muchas | machinga | fruto | comer-yendo-pl-concluido-asertivo |
‘Muchas huanganas comían frutos de machinga (árbol) cuando estaban yendo.’ (Montag 1981: 574) [‘Many peccaries were eating machinga fruits as they were going.’]
Subsequent motion
| Piaya | ka-i-dan, | e-n | nupe | e-n |
| cazar | ir-pres-focalizador | yo-pos | cuchillo | yo-nom |
tsiusuku-kain-xu-ki. insertarse.algo.en.cinturón-yendo-concluido-asertivo‘Al ir a cazar, inserté un cuchillo en mi cinturón.’ (Montag 1981: 381) [‘When going hunting, I latched a knife to my belt upon taking off.’]
Concurrent motion
| Ava | e-n | tsaka-bidan-xu-ki. |
| sachavaca | yo-nom | cazar-viniendo-concluido-asertivo |
‘Cacé una sachavaca viniendo (a casa) hoy.’ (Montag 1981: 575) [‘I killed a tapir while coming home today.’]
Subsequent motion
| Kaman | nexe-a | peke-kidan-xu-ki. |
| Perro | amarrado-completo | soltar-viniendo-concluido-asertivo |
‘El perro que estaba amarrado desató la soga al venir (a casa) hoy.’ (Montag 1981: 575) [‘The dog that was tied up unleashed itself to get home today.’]
[The difference of use between the forms -bain and -kain in A47 and -bidan and -kidan in A48 is conditioned by the transitivity of the verb stem; see Footnote 20]
Author’s categorization: “sufijos de dirección” (Montag 1981: 574–577)
A14.4 Matses
Motion of subject: prior; 4 markers:
-tan “go (and come back)”, “indicates that the subject moves away from the speech act location to a location where the activity will be carried out” (Fleck 2003: 367), (A49a) [The description (although not the translation) of this suffix suggests that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
-uan “come (and go back)”, “essentially the converse of -tan: the speaker must move toward the deictic center to perform the action” (Fleck 2003: 368), (A49b) [The description (although not the translation) of this suffix suggests that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
-yo “come/go imperative (archaic)”, “implies locomotion either toward or away from the subject” (Fleck 2003: 369), (A49c)
-tuid “do verb upon arrival/stop to do verb”, “stop and perform an action, or to perform an action upon arrival at one’s destination” (Fleck 2003: 372), (A49d)
| nëid | bed-uan-Ø |
| this.one | get-come-Imper |
‘Comeget/fetch this.’ (Fleck 2003: 368)
| ad-shun | Ø | Ø | tsadun-tuid-quid |
| do.thus-after:s/a>a | 3Erg | 3Abs | put.down.vertically-upon.arrival-Hab |
‘After doing that, they [Matses] set it [the tanac leaf bundle] down uponarrival.’ (Fleck 2003: 245)
Motion of subject: concurrent; 5 markers:
-cuidan/-bidan “go, stop, do verb, and continue going”, “similar to -tan, except they further specify that after the action is performed, the subject continues to move away from the deictic center” (Fleck 2003: 370), (A50a)
-cuëtsen/-bëtsen “come, stop, do verb, and continue coming”, “converses of -cuidan and -bidan, and are similar to -uan in that they specify a path where the subject is moving toward the deictic center, but in this case, the subject stops to perform an action before reaching the deictic center and then continues on toward the deictic center” (Fleck 2003: 370), (A50b)
-nid/-ban “do verb while going”, “the subject did not stop, or [...] the subject stopped continuously while [...] going (deictic center is origin)” (Fleck 2003: 371), (A50c)
-cho/-bë “do verb while coming”, “the subject did not stop, or [...] the subject stopped continuously while coming (deictic center is endpoint)” (Fleck 2003: 371), (A50d)
-cuen/-ben “[do verb] while passing (by/though)” (A50e)
| isun-cuidan-o-sh |
| urinate-go.do.go-Past-3 |
| ‘He stopped to urinate while going.’ (Fleck 2003: 370) |
onque-cuëtsen-o-sh
talk-come.do.come-Past-3
‘He stopped (once) to talkon his way here.’ (Fleck 2003: 371)
onque-cho-o-sh
talk-while.coming:Intr-Past-3
‘He talkedthe whole way here.’/‘He kept stopping to talkon his way here.’ (Fleck 2003: 371)
Author’s categorization: “directional suffixes” (Fleck 2003: 364–376)
A14.5 Shipibo-Konibo
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -tan “go do sth. (and return)” [The description (although not the translation) of this suffix suggests that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
| E-a | isin-ai-tian-ra | nokon | wetsa-n | e-a |
| 1-abs | be.sick-s-ds-ev | pos1 | same.sex.sibling-erg | 1-abs |
tee-tan-xon-ke. work-go.do.and.return-xon[22]-cmpl‘Since I was sick, my brother went to work for me.’ (Valenzuela 2003: 690)
Motion of subject: concurrent; 4 markers, possibly 5:
-be “coming” (A52a)
-bo “going” (A52b)
-ina(t) “going up (the river)” (A52c)
-pake(t) “going down (the river)” (A52d)
-kawan “going” [no good illustrative example available; see discussion in Section 4.2]
| ... tsaka | tsaka-be-i | jo-i. |
| drive | drive-coming-ssss | come-ssss |
‘(... he saw a little person...) who approached him driving (the fish)...’ (Valenzuela 2003: 272–273)
| No-n | oin-patan-bo-a-bi... |
| 1p-erg | see-at.intervals-going-pp2-em |
‘We see continuously (when visiting the villages)...’ (Valenzuela 2003: 509)
| Sani-ra | bewa-inat-ai. |
| Sani:abs-ev | sing-going.up-inc |
‘Sani is going up the river singing.’ (Valenzuela 2003: 269)
| ... jato | yoi | yoi-paket-i. |
| 3p:abs | tell | tell-going.down-ssss |
‘... they went down the river inviting the people (to the Ani Xeati ceremony).’ (Valenzuela 2003: 593)
Motion of subject: concurrent-or-subsequent; 2 markers:
-kain/-bain “andative” (A53) and-kiran/-beiran “venitive” (A54)
Concurrent-or-subsequent
| E-n-ra | bake-bo | kena-bain-ke. |
| 1-erg-ev | child-pl:abs | call-and2-cmpl |
‘I called the children while going.’/ ‘I called the children and left.’ (Valenzuela 2003: 159)
Concurrent motion
| ... jatíribi-bo | ransa | ransa-beiran-i... |
| some-pl:abs | dance | dance-ven2-ssss |
‘... some camedancing and dancing... ’ (Valenzuela 2003: 337)
Subsequent motion
| Jato-ronki | keshan-beiran-kan-ke. |
| 3p:abs-hsy | inform-ven2-pl-cmpl |
‘S/he said that they told them and came.’ (Valenzuela 2003: 275)
Author’s categorization: -bo, -be, -pake(t), -ina(t) “deictive-directive markers: core verb serialization” (Valenzuela 2003: 267); -tan “adverb-type marker” (Valenzuela 2003: 279); -kawan, -kain/-bain,-kiran/-beiran [no categorization, listed under “andatives and venitives”] (Valenzuela 2003: 273)
A14.6 Yaminahua
Motion of subject: prior; 3 markers:
-ta(n) “distancia[,] indica que el sujeto hace la acción en otra parte y después vuelve al punto de referencia” (Faust & Loos 2002: 134), (A55a) [The description and translation of this suffix suggest that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
-fa(n) “venir e ir[,] indica que el sujeto viene a hacer la acción e irá otra vez” (Faust & Loos 2002: 134), (A55b) [The description (although not the translation) of this suffix suggests that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
-toshi ~ -tisho “al llegar[,] indica que el sujeto hace la acción al llegar al punto de referencia” (Faust & Loos 2002: 134), (A55c)
| Mã | pi-tan-a. |
| ya | comer-dist-comp |
‘Ya fue a comer (y ha vuelto).’ (Faust & Loos 2002: 134) [‘He went to eat (and returned).’]
| Mẽxotaima | faka | aya-fan-i. |
| siempre | agua | tomar-venir.ir-prog |
‘Siempre viene a tomar agua.’ (Faust & Loos 2002: 134) [‘He’s always coming to drink water.’]
| Mẽ | o-i, | fa-tisho-ita. |
| ya-yo | venir-prog | decir-llegar-ayer |
‘Ya he venido, dijo al llegar.’ (Faust & Loos 2002: 134) [‘I have arrived, he said when he arrived.’]
Motion of subject: concurrent; 3 markers, possibly 4:
-fo “mientras va[,] indica que el sujeto hace la acción mientras va hacia el punto de referencia” (Faust & Loos 2002: 132), (A56a)
-fe “mientras viene[,] indica que el sujeto hace la acción mientras viene hacia el punto de referencia” (Faust & Loos 2002: 132), (A56b)
-ini “arriba, subiendo”[,] indica una dirección hacia arriba, subiendo del punto de referencia (Faust & Loos 2002: 133), (A56c)
-pake “bajando[,] tiene el sentido de hacer la acción al ir bajando en el espacio desde el punto de referencia” (Faust & Loos 2002: 132), [no good illustrative example available of AM use; the idea that -pake might express AM meanings comes from the fact that AM meanings can be expressed by its antonym suffix -ini]
| Fakẽ | yoa | pi-fo-i-ka-i. |
| niño | yuca | comer-yendo-a-ir-prog |
‘El niño come yuca mientras va. (El niño va comiendo yuca.)’ (Faust & Loos 2002: 132) [‘The child is eating yucca while going.’]
| Oa | fake-tii | fanãi-fe-kan-i. |
| eso | niño-varios | cantar-al.venir-pl-prog |
‘Todos los niños vienencantando.’ (Faust & Loos 2002: 132) [‘All the children are comingsinging.’]
Oia-ini-i-ka-i.
llorar-arriba-a-ir-prog
‘Subellorando.’ (Faust & Loos 2002: 133) [‘He is going upcrying.’]
Motion of subject: concurrent-or-subsequent; 2 markers:
-kain/-fain “yendo, partiendo, acción del verbo occurre cuando el sujeto se aparta del punto de referencia” (Faust & Loos 2002: 130)
Concurrent motion
| Fakẽ | yoa | pi-fain-i-ka-i. |
| niño-(erg) | yuca | comer-yendo-a-ir-prog |
‘El niño comió yuca (yendo del punto de referencia).’ (Faust & Loos 2002: 131) [‘The child ate yucca (while going away from reference point).’]
Subsequent motion
Iko-kĩ-fain-a.
abrazar-acomp-yendo-comp
‘Se abrazó con el otro al salir.’ (Faust & Loos 2002: 106) [‘S/he kissed the other one while leaving.’]
-kera(n)/-fera(n) “viniendo, acción del verbo se lleva a cabo mientras el sujeto viene hacia el punto de referencia” (Faust & Loos 2002: 131) [no example available of subsequent motion meaning; the idea that -kera(n)/-fera(n) might express subsequent motion meanings comes from the fact that this meaning is possible for its antonym suffix -kain/-fain]
Concurrent motion
| Mẽ | na-kera-keran-a. |
| ya-yo | morir-vin-incept-comp |
‘Casi me morí mientras venía.’ (Faust & Loos 2002: 129) [‘I almost died while coming.’]
Author’s categorization: “sufijos adverbiales de movimiento” (Faust & Loos 2002: 130–136)
A15 Quechuan
A15.1 Huallaga Quechua
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -mu “con verbos que no expresan movimiento significa aproximadamente ‘acción realizada en un lugar distante’ [o] puede significar ‘ir y hacer (implicando el regreso del sujeto)’” (Weber 1996: 197) [The description and translation of this suffix suggest that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
| Tanta-ta | ranti-rI-mu-y. |
| pan-obj | comprar-puntual-lej-2imp |
‘Andacompra pan (y regresa pronto).’ (Weber 1996: 199) [‘Gobuy bread (and return soon).’]
Author’s categorization: “sufijo pretransicional” (Weber 1996: 179–242)
A16 Saliban
A16.1 Mako
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -ah “denotes that there is a movement associated with the action (usually away from the speaker giving the command)” (Rosés Labrada 2015: 321) [apparently only used in imperative mood]
Author’s categorization: no categorization, listed under “derivational affixes” (Rosés Labrada 2015: 320–323)
A17 Takanan
A17.1 Araona
Motion of subject: prior; 4 markers, possibly 5:
-ti “indica que el evento implica el ir al otro lugar y el volver. Indica que el evento ocurre en otro lugar que el del hablante” (Pitman 1980: 47), (A61a) [The description (although not the translation) of this suffix suggests that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4. Furthermore, the translation (although not the description) of this suffix suggests that it might not express dynamic motion but static location; see discussion in Section 4.2.]
-jajo “a otro lugar o después de llegar a otro lugar” (Pitman 1980: 48), (A61b)
-shao “aquí de otro lugar para un corto tiempo” (Pitman 1980: 48), (A61c)
-jao “aquí de otro lugar (para pocas horas)” (Pitman 1980: 49), (A61d) [Pitman (1980: 48–49) lists -jao as a morpheme distinct from -shao. However, there is only one illustrative example available of -jao, which does not clearly show any meaning differences with -shao (such as a distinction between ‘short time’ vs. ‘a few hours’). Considering that the two suffixes are formally very similar, it is not impossible that they correspond to two variants of the same morpheme. The translation of this suffix suggests that it might not express dynamic motion but static location; see discussion in Section 4.2.]
-iña (or -jainya?) “en o después de llegar al lugar del hablante o participante principal” (Pitman 1980: 48), (A61e)
| Ema | pa-hui-ti. |
| yo | inten-orinar-otro.lugar |
‘Voy a orinarallá.’ (Pitman 1980: 47; segmentation mine) [‘I will urinatethere.’]
| Chacobo-cana | do-odi | neti-cha | ba-jajo-a |
| Chácobo-pl | allá-solo | parar-pl | ver-otro.lugar-pasado |
‘Al llegarví que los Chácobos estaban exclusivamente allá parados.’ (Pitman 1980: 118; segmentation mine) [‘When I arrived I saw that the Chácobos were all standing there.’]
| Becata | yama | pia | tí-shao-bo-ani. |
| más.tarde | yo | flecha | afirm.dar-venir.y.volver-signif-fut |
‘Más tarde vendré otra vez y le daré la flecha.’ (Pitman 1980: 93; segmentation mine) [‘Later today I will come and give him the arrow.’]
| Pisa-jao-tapo | tso | que-dia? |
| cazar-aquí-3a-pron.relativo | enfq | interrog-comer |
‘¿Comió lo que cazóaquí?’ (Pitman 1980: 49; segmentation mine) [‘Did he eat what he huntedhere?’]
| Yama | cuahuea | pa-ti-ja-iña-ibo. |
| yo | yuca | inten-dar-duradero-llegar-signif |
‘Le daré yuca cuando llegue.’ (Pitman 1980: 48; segmentation mine) [‘I will give him yucca when I arrive.’]
Motion of subject: concurrent; 2 markers, possibly 3:
-shana “a un punto en el camino o cerca del camino” (Pitman 1980: 48), (A62a)
e-...-yoa “progresivo (caminando-dirección indefinido)” (Pitman 1980: 33–34), (A62b)
e-...-bo “progresivo (dirección afuera, corta distancia)” (Pitman 1980: 34), (A62c) [no fully clear example available of AM use; the idea that e-...-bo might express concurrent AM meanings comes from the fact that this meaning is expressed by its cognate affixes in Reyesano (A75) and Tacana (A77e)]
| Ano-a | cuama | cuahuea | ti-shana-ta-iqui. |
| abuela-nom | nosotros | yuca | dar-a.medio.camino-3a-pasado |
‘A medio camino (al pasar) la abuela nos dió la yuca.’ (Pitman 1980: 48; segmentation mine) [‘Half way on the path, while passing, the grandmother gave us yucca.’]
| Huada | jana | dí-ta-yoa. |
| él | comida | afirm.comer-3a-prog |
‘Está comiendo al caminar.’ (Pitman 1980: 34; segmentation mine) [‘He is eating while walking around.’]
| Huabocana | apamo | cuáde-ta-bo. |
| chancho-pl | mucho | afirm.perseguir-3a-prog.afuera |
‘A los chanchos están persiguiendo.’ (Pitman 1980: 34; segmentation mine) [‘They are chasing the wild pigs.’]
[In front of multisyllabic consonant-initial verb stems, the prefix e- of the circumfixes e-...-yoa and e-...-bo is regularly deleted and replaced by a stress on the first syllable of the stem; see Pitman 1980: 32]
Author’s categorization: -ti, -jajo, -shao, -jao, -iña, -shana “aspectos temporales o locativos” (Pitman 1980: 46–49); e-...-yoa, e-...-bo “sufijos de tiempo y aspecto” (Pitman 1980: 33–34)
A17.2 Cavineña
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -ti “go temporarily”
| Tudya=ekwana | ba-ti-kware | takure. | |
| then=1pl | see-go.temp-rem.past | chicken |
‘So we went to see the chicken (in the back of the bus).’ (Guillaume 2008: 212)
Motion of subject: prior-or-concurrent; 3 markers:
-na “come temporarily” (A64), -diru “go permanently” (A65), and -eti “come permanently” (A66)
Prior motion
| Ija | iye-na-kwe! |
| porcupine | kill-come.temp-imp.sg |
‘Comekill the porcupine!’ (Guillaume 2008: 220)
Concurrent motion
| Tuwa=tukwe | ekana | ka-shana-ti-na-kware | etawiki=kwana. |
| there=cont.evid | 3pl | ref-leave-ref-come.temp-rem.past | bed=pl |
‘There, they left their beddings, on their way (coming to our village fiesta).’ (Guillaume 2008: 220; translation slightly modified)
Prior motion
| Tuja | e-wane=ke=tu | ina-mere-diru-kware. |
| 3sg.gen | 3-wife=3=3sg | grab-caus-go.perm-rem.past |
‘Arriving (home,) he handed it (the fish) (lit. made it grab) to his wife.’ (Guillaume 2008: 293; translation slightly modified)
Concurrent motion
| Mercede=ekwana | ba-diru-kware. |
| Las.Mercedes=1pl | see-go.perm-rem.past |
‘On our way (flying) back (home), we saw the community of Las Mercedes.’ (Guillaume 2008: 221; translation slightly modified)
Prior motion
| ... bakwa=ja | kapana | armario | dyake | iya-eti-kware... |
| viper=gen | bell | cupboard | on | put-come.perm-rem.past |
‘... arriving (home,) he put the rattle (lit. bell) of the rattlesnake (lit. viper) on top of a cupboard.’ (Guillaume 2008: 222)
Concurrent motion
| Tudya | ekatse | tawi-eti-kware | e-diji | patyapatya. |
| then | 3dl | sleep-come.perm-rem.past | npf-path | in.middle.of |
‘They slept midway along the path.’ (Guillaume 2008: 222)
Motion of subject: concurrent; 5 markers:
-nati “go temporarily” (A67a)
-aje “go distributively” (A67b)
-be “come temporarily, distributively” (A67c)
-etibe “come permanently, distributively” (A67d)
-(ne)ni “randomly” (A67e)
| Jukuri | turu | ebari=tuke=Ø | mee=ju | ba-nati-kware. |
| coati | big.male | big=3sg=1sg | saltlick=loc | see-go.temp-rem.past |
‘I saw a big male coati in a saltlick on my way (to visit my family).’ (Guillaume 2008: 218; translation slightly modified)
| Tume=pa | juje | kiketere-aje-kware. |
| then=rep | duck | scream-do.ipfv.going-rem.past |
‘The duck wentscreaming.’ (Guillaume 2013a: 133)
| Jadya=tu | amena | ara-be-kware | era. |
| thus=3sg | bm | eat-come.temp.distr-rem.past | 1sg.erg |
‘So I was coming and eating (motacú nuts) along the way.’ (Guillaume 2008: 229)
| E-diji=ju | ike | jara-etibe-chine. |
| npf-path=loc | 1sg | lie-come.perm.distr-rec.past |
‘I lay on the path many times on my way back home (because I had a strong fever).’ (Guillaume 2008: 230)
| Tuna=tsewe | ike | ju-neni-kware. |
| 3pl=assoc | 1sg | be-random-rem.past |
‘(At that time,) I would wander around (lit. bein various places) with them (my uncle and his family).’ (Guillaume 2016)
Motion of subject: subsequent; 1 marker: -kena “leave”
| Refresco=kamadya=tuke=Ø | iji-kena-wa. |
| soft.drink=restr=3sg=1sg | drink-leave-perf |
‘I just had a soft-drink before I left (my house).’ (Guillaume 2008: 223; translation slightly modified)
Motion of object: prior-or-concurrent; 2 markers:
-dadi “go (O)” (A69a) and -tsa “come (O)” (A69b) [for both markers, no clear indication whether the motion is prior or concurrent: both readings seem possible in the available examples]
| Peadya | ekwita=tuke=Ø | ba-dadi-wa... |
| one | person=3sg=1sg | see-go(O)-perf |
‘I saw a man going away from me.’ (Guillaume 2008: 234)
| Tume=pa=taa=tuja=tu | ba-tsa-ya | ekwita... |
| Then=rep=emph=3sg.dat=3sg | see-come(O)-ipfv | person |
‘Then heisaw a man coming towards himi.’ (Guillaume 2008: 234)
Author’s categorization: “Aktionsart suffixes of motion”, “associated motion” (Guillaume 2008: 212)
A17.3 Ese Ejja: Portachualo dialect (Bolivia)
Motion of subject: prior; 3 markers:
-ki “go to do” (A70a), -wa “come to do” (A70b), and -ña “do arriving” (A70c)
| Eyaya | xaxasiye-yobo | saja-ki-naje. |
| 1sg.erg | palm_sp-bud | cut-go_to_do-pas |
‘I went to cut buds of xaxasiye (Chonta palm).’ (Vuillermet 2012: 667)
| Jamaxeya | jikyakwa | kawi-wa-naje. |
| therefore | here | sleep-come_to_do-pas |
‘Therefore I came to sleep here.’ (Vuillermet 2012: 667)
| Ekwana | taxa-taxa-ña-’yo-ani. |
| 1excl.abs | wash-red-do_arriving-tel-prs |
‘When we arrive (at the spring), we do our laundry.’ (Vuillermet 2012: 655)
Motion of subject: concurrent; 4 markers:
-poki “do going, the motion happens simultaneously with the event” (A71a)
-jebe “do returning, the motion happens simultaneously with the event” (A71b)
-ñaki “transitional, a motion precedes the action and a second motion follows it, come and do” (A71c)
-’aeki “do here and there” (A71d)
| Camioneta=jo | poki-je=a | ishi-ka-poki-ani | chicha, | |
| truck=loc | go-fut=erg | drink-3A-do_going-prs | alcoholic_drink(Sp) | |
| ena. | ||||
| water | ||||
‘Those who go (to Riberalta) in trucks drink chicha, water, during the journey away from home.’ (Vuillermet 2012: 663)
| Camioneta=jo | pwe-je-’yo=a | ishi-ka-jebe-’yo-ani | |
| truck=loc | come-fut-tel=erg | drink-3A-do_returning-tel-prs | |
| trini. | |||
| local.soda | |||
‘Those who come/return (from Riberalta) in trucks drink trini, on their way coming back.’ (Vuillermet 2012: 663)
| Ekwe=‘ai | eyaya | ba-ñaki-naje. |
| 1sg.gen=elder_sister | 1sg.erg | see-come_trs&do-pas |
‘I saw my elder sister when I arrived (before going again)’ (Vuillermet 2012: 660)
| Jama=ka | ebyo | nei | eseja=baba=kwana |
| so=ctrs | first | very | 1excl.gen=ancestors=pl |
| po-ka-’aeki-neki=apwa. | |||
| be-3S-do.here&there-stand/hab=rpas | |||
‘But that is how our ancestors used to travel (lit. behere and there).’ (Vuillermet 2012: 665)
Motion of subject: subsequent; 2 markers:
-na “do and return” (A72a) and -nana “do and leave” (A72b)
| ... | esiye | ekwaa | ixya-na-’yo-aña | kya-shwe-axejojo. |
| papaya | 1excl.erg | eat-do&return-tel-prs | apf-hungry-reasonAS |
‘... we eat papaya before going home because we are hungry.’ (Vuillermet 2012: 662)
| Ewanase=pa | jama | a-ka-nana-ani-naje | ba’a | “poki=amo |
| wife=rep | so | say-3A-do&leave-ipfv-pas | see | go=1sg.abs |
| kekwa-a!”. | ||||
| hunt-mot.purp |
‘Before going/leaving, he used to say to his wife: “I am going hunting!”’ (Vuillermet 2012: 661)
Motion of object: prior; 1 marker, possibly 2:
-xeki “come (O)” (A73a)
-jya “go (O)” (A73b) [no good illustrative example available]
| Inotawa=a | aná | kwakwa-ka-xeki-ani. |
| María=erg | anteater | pluck-3A-come(O)-prs |
‘María cooks the anteater that was brought.’ (Vuillermet 2012: 670)
| Jya-’okya-jya-ka-ani | ekweiwe=asixe. |
| leave-put.down-?go(O)-3A-prs | ravine=all |
‘He throws (the child) down into the ravine.’ (Vuillermet 2012: 671)
Author’s categorization: “associated motion” (Vuillermet 2012: 655)
A17.4 Reyesano
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -ti “ir”
| M-(a-)adeade-ti-a, | m-a-tsunetia(-a) | te | wabutrupa. |
| 1sg-pas-cazar-ir-pas | 1sg-pas-encontrar-pas | sep | chancho.de.tropa |
‘Me fui a cazar. Los encontré a los chanchos de tropa.’ (Guillaume 2012: 224, ex. T4) [‘I went to hunt. I met the white-lipped peccaries.’]
Motion of subject: concurrent; 1 marker: e-...-bu “imperfectivo”
| Ana | e-betsa-betsa-bu | =chenu. |
| oso.hormiguero | ipfv5-nadar-red-ipfv5 | =emp |
‘El oso hormiguero ya estaba de idanadando.’ (Guillaume 2012: 210) [‘The giant anteater was goingswimming.’]
Author’s categorization: -ti “afijo ‘adverbial’” (Guillaume 2012: 209); e-...-bu “afijo de aspecto” (Guillaume 2012: 206–207)
A17.5 Tacana: Tumupasa dialect [23]
Motion of subject: prior; 4 markers:
-ti “ir” (A76a), -seu “llegar allá” (A76b), -jeu “venir” (A76c), and -sena “llegar aquí” (A76d)
| Enekita | beu | ba-ti-ta-ana. |
| en.verdad | perf | ver-ir-3A-pas.rec |
ʻY ya fue a verlo.’ [‘And he went to see him.’]
| Yanana | kema, | te=su | tawi-seu-iti-a. |
| niño | 1sg.dat | chao=loc | dormir-llegar.allá-pfv-pas |
ʻMi huahua llegó al chaco a dormir.’ [‘My baby slept when arriving (there) at the garden.’]
| Jana=chidi | dia-jeu-ke! |
| comida=dim | comer-venir-imp |
ʻ¡La comida vení a comer!’ [‘Come eat the food!’]
Tawi-sena-iti-a.
dormir-llegar.aqui-pfv-pas
ʻLlegó a dormir.’ [‘He slept when he arrived here.’]
Motion of subject: concurrent; 7 markers:
-na “ir” (A77a)
-be “venir” (A77b)
-wanana “pasar” (A77c)
-niuneti(a) “deambular” (A77d)
e-...-u “la acción del verbo se desarrolla mientrás el sujeto está yéndose” (A77e)
e-...-siu “la acción del verbo se desarrolla mientrás el sujeto está acercándose” (A77f)
e-...-buyu “la acción del verbo se desarrolla mientrás el sujeto está alejándose, de regreso/vuelta” (A77g)
| E-waniba-na | mida | yama | tije. |
| fut-oler-ir | 2sg | 1sg.erg | atrás |
‘Te voy a iroliendo atrás.’ [‘I’m going to gosmelling you from behind.’]
| E-tsiatsia-be-yu | ema. |
| impfv-gritar-venir-reitr | 1sg |
‘Vengogritando.’ (Ottaviano 1980: 14) [‘I’m comingshouting.’]
| Ema | da | nubi-wanana-iti-a | aicha | e-tia=puji. |
| 1sg | top | entrar-pasar-pfv-pas | carne | impfv-regalar=meta |
ʻAl pasoentré viniendo, a darles carne (a mis padres).’ [‘While passing, I entered to give meat (to my parents).’]
| Daja | beu | pu-niuneti-(i)dha | jida | iba |
| así | perf | ser/estar-hacer.deambulando-pas.rem | ese | tigre |
| pamapa | ete=je | te=je. | ||
| todos | casa=perl | chaco=perl |
‘Así andaba (lit. estabaen varios lugares) ese tigre por todas las casas y los chacos.’ [‘So did this jaguar walk around (lit. bein various places) in all the houses and gardens.’]
| E-watsi-chaku-ta-u | pa. |
| impfv-pie-buscar-3A-impfv.yendo | rep |
ʻ(Por el camino, el hombre) ibabuscando la huella de su pie (de su mujer).’ [‘He was goingsearching for the footprints (of his wife).’]
| ... ema | kema | ewane | e-chaku-siu | e-dia=puji. |
| 1sg | 1sg.gen | esposa | impfv-buscar-impfv.viniendo | impfv-comer=meta |
‘... vengobuscando (a mi mujer), para comerla.’ [‘... I’m coming searching (for my wife) in order to eat her.’]
E-pa-buyu.
impfv-llorar-impfv.yendo
ʻestáde ida/vallorando’ [‘He is goingcrying.’]
Motion of object: prior; 1 marker: -tsu “venir (O)”
| Miwa-tsu-ta-iti-a | mesa | kupari. |
| dar.de.comer-venir(O)-3A-pfv-past | 3sg.gen | compadre |
ʻLo recibió con comida a su compadre.’ [‘Heireceived hisi compadrej with food.’/‘Heifed hisi compadrej after hejarrived.’]
Motion of object: subsequent; 1 marker: -use “ir (O)”
| Miwa-use-ta-iti-a | mesa | kupari. |
| dar.de.comer-ir(O)-3A-pfv-past | 3sg.gen | compadre |
‘Le dio que comer a su compadre, se fue.’ [‘Heifed hisi compadrej before hejleft.’]
Author’s categorization: -ti, -seu, -jeu, -sena, -na, -be, -wanana, -niuneti(a), -tsu, -use “sufijos ‘adverbiales’ de movimiento associado”; e-...-u, e-...-siu, e-...-buyu “afijos de aspecto imperfectivo y de movimiento” (Guillaume 2013c)
A18 Tikuna (isolate)
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker, possibly 2:
-ya/-a “direccional verbal”, “puede indicar movimiento físico y desplazamiento asociado al verbo” (Montes Rodríguez 2004: 82) [Three forms are discussed under the rubric of “verbal directional”: -na, -ya, and -a, said to express two distinct directional meanings, an “endocentric” one and an “exocentric” one. Unfortunately, not enough information and exemplification is available to ascertain the existence of two morphemes (and not just one), and which meanings corresponds to which form(s).]
| kù-ànè-wá | pé-á-beé-gü |
| tu-chagra-loc | ustedes-dir.vb-cosechar-pl |
‘en tu chacra vais a cosechar’ (Montes Rodríguez 2004: 82) [‘Go to harvest in your garden!’]
Author’s categorization: “direccional verbal” (Montes Rodríguez 2004: 82)
A19 Tucanoan
A19.1 Siona-Secoya: Putumayo Siona dialect
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -jaí “indica que el evento está para realizarse. Se usa en lugar del tiempo futuro que se encuentra en español.” (Wheeler 1987: 149) [The translation (although not the description) of this suffix suggests that it might express both prior and subsequent return motion; see discussion in Section 6.4.]
| Ja’nso-re | rutá-ja-ní | raë-’ë. |
| yuca-cd | arrancar-pot-sec.ms | venir-t.pas.pl |
‘Fueron con la intención de arrancar yuca y vinieron.’ (Wheeler 1987: 149) [‘They went (there) with the intention of harvesting yucca and they came back.’]
Author’s categorization: “aspecto potencial” (Wheeler 1987: 149)
A20 Urarina (isolate)
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -ni “expresses a directional meaning, implying that the intended activity will not take place at the present position of both speaker and listener” (Olawsky 2006: 571) [only used in imperative/hortative moods]
| ka=kajɲanaj | m |
| 1sg=older.sister | catch-dstl-imp=emf |
ʻGocatch my older sister!’ (Olawsky 2006: 572)
Author’s categorization: “distal form” (Olawsky 2006: 571–572)
A21 Uru-Chipaya
A21.1 Chipaya
Motion of subject: prior; 1 marker: -zhki “cislocativo (en dirección del hablante), cuando aquél es de movimiento, y translocativo (fuera del lugar que ocupa el hablante) cuando lo es de quietud” (Cerrón-Palomino 2009: 63–64) [The description and translation of -zhki suggest that this suffix might not express dynamic motion but static location; see Section 4.2]
cher-as-zhki-
ver-reciproco-cis-
‘verseallá’ (Cerrón-Palomino 2009: 64) [‘to see each other there’]
Author’s categorization: “direccional” (Cerrón-Palomino 2009: 63–64)
A21.2 Uchumataqu
Motion of subject: concurrent; 1 marker: -okw “go”
tuk’-okw-a
be.silent-go-imp
‘Go with your mouth shut.’ (Muysken and Hannss 2006: 226)
Author’s categorization: “derivational morpheme/verbal compound” (Muysken & Hannss 2006: 226)
A22 Yagua (isolate)
Motion of subject: prior; 4 markers:
-nu-wee “action done upon arrival at some location away from the currently activated scene” (Payne & Payne 1990: 397), (A85a)
-nu-wįį “action done upon arrival at the currently activated scene” (Payne & Payne 1990: 397), (A85b)
-sa “action done ʻupward’ from the speaker’s point of reference and is most neutrally taken to mean ʻupriver’” (Payne 1985: 267), (A85c)
-imu “action done ʻdownward’ from the point of reference and is most neutrally taken to mean ʻdownriver’” (Payne 1985: 267), (A85d) [The description and translation of -imu suggest that this suffix might not express dynamic motion but static location; note, however, that the translation of its antonym morpheme, -sa, does indicate the expression of dynamic motion, which suggests that dynamic motion might as well be a possible reading for -imu; see discussion in Section 4.2.]
| Naanu-suuta-nuvee | r̨ą́rǫǫ-tąąsá-rà | sújay. |
| 3dl-wash-on:arrival:there | up:river-middle-inan | clothes |
ʻUpon arrival upriver she washed the clothes.’ (Payne 1985: 257)
| Juntú-tąąsá | sa-jųvay-nuv |
| post-middle | 3sg-hit-arr1-imperf-past-3 |
ʻUpon arrival here he hit/was hitting on the post.’ (Payne & Payne 1990: 397)
sa-suuta-sa-jąą
3sg-wash-upwards-iter:mvmt
ʻHe goes up-river to wash every once in a while.’ (Payne 1985: 267)
sa-suuta-imu-muuy-maa
3sg-wash-downwards-complt-perf
‘He has finished washingdown-river.’ (Payne 1985: 267)
Motion of subject: concurrent; 4 markers:
-rįį “indicates action done ‘en route’ and punctuates a movement trajectory” (Payne & Payne 1990: 397), (A86a)
-títyiiy “action [...] done while going along directly to some destination” (Payne & Payne 1990: 396), (A86b)
-nayąą “action [...] done while wandering more of less aimlessly” (Payne & Payne 1990: 396), (A86c)
-ha “action done [...] ‘across from’ the locational point of reference. That is, either across water (river or lake) or across land” (Payne 1985: 267), (A86d)
| vųųy-mááy-rįį-janu | tąąriy |
| 1incl-sleep-en:route-past3 | before |
ʻLong ago we slepten route.’ (Payne & Payne 1990: 398)
ray-maay-títyiiy-jancha
1sg-sleep-going:directly-cont
ʻI sleep while going along (as in a car).’ (Payne 1985: 254)
sa-jų́nááy-rų́ų́y-nayąą
3sg-cry-pot-going:aimlessly
‘He wants to cry while going all over the place.’ (Payne & Payne 1990: 396)
Motion of subject: subsequent; 1 marker: -siy “indicates action done upon departure” (Payne & Payne 1990: 397), “action done in preparation for, or upon departure” (Payne 1985: 257)
naada-suuta-chiy-núúy-jáy
3dl-wash-departing-impf-prox2
ʻAs the last thing before leaving, she washed yesterday.’ (Payne 1985: 257)
Author’s categorization: all: movement formatives/suffixes; -títyiiy, -nayąą “unbounded movement” (Payne & Payne 1990: 396); -nu-wee, -nu-wįį, -siy, -rįį “bounded movement” (Payne & Payne 1990: 397); -sa, -imu, -ja “locational suffixes” (Payne 1985: 411)
A23 Zaparoan
A23.1 Iquito
Motion of subject: prior; 3 markers:
-cuaa “deictic perfective aspect 2”, “used to order a person to realize an event at a distance from the speaker, in terms of radial deixis, or in some place with downriver orientation, in terms of river-oriented deixis” (Lai 2009: 345), (A88a) [AM meaning only clear in imperative contexts – otherwise rather static locative ʻthere’ meaning; in Lai (2009), – cuaa in (A88a) is mistakenly glossed dei1 instead of dei2.]
-cu(huɨɨ)[24] “deictic perfective aspect 1”, “used to order a person to move towards the speaker or upriver, then to realize an event in the proximity of the speaker or in some place with an upriver orientation” (Lai 2009: 345), (A88b) [AM meaning only clear in imperative contexts – otherwise rather locative ʻhere’ meaning]
-sahuɨɨ “allative perfective aspect”, “realization of the event upon arrival at a location”, “spans a closed event [...] with a preliminary stage indicating the agent’s motion from some unspecified place to the location of the referred event. The agent realized or will realize the event upon arrival” (Lai 2009: 372), (A88c)
| Ariicua-cuaa | naami! |
| sing-dei2.pfv | downriver |
‘Gosing downriver!’ (Lai 2009: 370)
| Najuu-huɨɨ | iina | carta! |
| write->dei1.pfv | det | letter |
‘Comewrite the letter (here)!’ (Lai 2009: 369)
| Cu=asa-sahuɨɨ-quiaquɨ | paapaaja. |
| 1s=eat-all.pfv-dpst.nip | fish |
‘I ate fish upon arrival (it was already prepared).’ (Lai 2009: 376)
Motion of subject: concurrent; 1 marker: -maa “remote perfective aspect”, “when [...] used in imperatives, the addressee is expected to realize the action with movement, either approaching the speaker or moving away from the speaker” (Lai 2009: 246)
| Cuhuasi-maa | tíira=ji! |
| talk-rem.pfv | there=from |
‘Cometalking from there!’ (Lai 2009: 248)
Motion of subject: subsequent; 1 marker: -(y)aarɨɨ “ablative perfective aspect”, “departure from a location upon realization of the event”, “conveys a closed event [...] with a post-stage indicating the motion of going away from the location of the event” (Lai 2009: 382)
| Nu=tasii-yaarɨɨ-Ø | quiaaja. |
| 3s=wait-abl.pfv-ec | you |
‘He waited for you and left.’ (Lai 2009: 384)
Author’s categorization: -cuaa, -cu(huɨɨ) “deictic perfective aspects” (Lai 2009: 345); -sahuɨɨ, -(y)aarɨɨ “allative and ablative perfective aspects” (Lai 2009: 372); -maa “remote perfective aspect” (Lai 2009: 327)
References
Adam, Lucien & Victor Henry. 1880. Arte y vocabulario de la lengua chiquita. Paris: Maisonneuve.Search in Google Scholar
Adelaar, Willem F. H. 2013. Searching for undetected genetic links between the languages of South America. In Kikusawa & Reid (eds.) 2013, 115–128.Search in Google Scholar
Adelaar, Willem F. H. & Pieter C. Muysken. 2004. The languages of the Andes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.10.1017/CBO9780511486852Search in Google Scholar
Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 1995. Bare. München: Lincom Europa.Search in Google Scholar
Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 1998. Warekena. In Desmond C. Derbyshire & Geoffrey K. Pullum(eds.), Handbook of Amazonian languages, Vol. 4, 225–439. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Search in Google Scholar
Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 1999. The Arawak language family. In Dixon & Aikhenvald (eds.) 1999, 65–106.Search in Google Scholar
Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2003. A grammar of Tariana, from northwest Amazonia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.10.1017/CBO9781107050952Search in Google Scholar
Allin, Trevor R. 1976. A grammar of Resígaro. St Andrews: University of St Andrews doctoral dissertation. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1012Search in Google Scholar
Anderson, Gregory & David K. Harrison. 2007. Global language hotspots. http://www.swarthmore.edu/SocSci/langhotspots/index.htmlSearch in Google Scholar
Austin, Peter. 1989. Verb compounding in central Australian languages. La Trobe University Working Papers in Linguistics 2. 43–71.Search in Google Scholar
Belkadi, Aicha. 2015. Associated motion with deictic directionals: A comparative overview. SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics 17. 49–76. https://www.soas.ac.uk/linguistics/research/workingpapers/volume-17/file105415.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Bertinetto, Pier Marco. 2009. Ayoreo (Zamuco): A grammatical sketch. Quaderni del Laboratorio di Linguistica della Scuola Normale Superiore (new series) 8. http://linguistica.sns.it/QLL/QLL09/Bertinetto_1.PDFSearch in Google Scholar
Bourdin, Philippe. 2006. The marking of directional deixis in Somali: How typological idiosyncratic is it? In F. K. Erhard Voeltz (ed.), Studies in African linguistic typology, 13–41. Amsterdam: Benjamins.10.1075/tsl.64.03bouSearch in Google Scholar
Brandão, Ana Paula Barros. 2010. Verb morphology in Paresi-Haliti (Arawak). Austin: University of Texas at Austin Master’s thesis.Search in Google Scholar
Brandão, Ana Paula Barros. 2014. A reference grammar of Paresi-Haliti (Arawak). Austin, TX: University of Texas at Austin doctoral dissertation. https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/handle/2152/24847Search in Google Scholar
Bruil, Martine. 2014. Clause-typing and evidentiality in Ecuadorian Siona. Leiden: Universiteit Leiden doctoral dissertation. http://www.lotpublications.nl/Documents/350_fulltext.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita Rarámuri (Tarahumara) phonology and morphology. Berkeley, CA: University of California, Berkeley doctoral dissertation. http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/dissertations/Caballero_dissertation_2008.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Cáceres, Natalia. 2010. The motion marker ta~tan in Cariban languages: One for all? Paper presented at the Workshop “Verbal markers of motion and/or direction in the Amazonian languages of the Guaporé-Mamoré region (and beyond)”, 10 March, Lyon.Search in Google Scholar
Cáceres, Natalia. 2011. Grammaire fonctionnelle-typologique du ye’kwana: Langue caribe du Venezuela. Lyon: Université Lumière Lyon 2 doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Camp, Elizabeth L. & Millicent R. Liccardi. 1967. Itonama. In Matteson (ed.) 1967,Vol. 2, 257–352.Search in Google Scholar
Cerrón-Palomino, Rodolfo. 2009. Chipaya. In Crevels & Muysken (eds.) 2009, 29–77.Search in Google Scholar
Cerrón-Palomino, Rodolfo & Juan Carvajal Carvajal. 2009. Aimara. In Crevels & Muysken (eds.) 2009, 169–213.Search in Google Scholar
Ciucci, Luca. 2013. Inflectional morphology in the Zamucoan languages. Pisa: Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Crevels, Mily. 2010. Which path is Itonama taking? Paper presented at the Réunion du Projet Trajectoire 2, 7–9 June, Lyon.Search in Google Scholar
Crevels, Mily & Pieter C. Muysken (eds.) 2009, Lenguas de Bolivia, Vol. 1: Ámbito andino. La Paz: Plural.Search in Google Scholar
Crowhurst, Megan. 2000. Informe sobre algunas diferencias lingüísticas que existen entre el guarayu y el guaraní. Unpublished manuscript.Search in Google Scholar
Danielsen, Swintha. 2007. Baure: An Arawak language of Bolivia. Leiden: Research School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies (CNWS), Universiteit Leiden.Search in Google Scholar
Derbyshire, Desmond C. 1999. Carib. In Dixon & Aikhenvald (eds.) 1999, 23–64.Search in Google Scholar
Dienst, Stefan. 2014. A grammar of Kulina. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.10.1515/9783110341911Search in Google Scholar
Dixon, R. M. W. 2002. Australian languages: Their nature and development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.10.1017/CBO9780511486869Search in Google Scholar
Dixon, R. M. W. & Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (eds.). 1999. The Amazonian languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Search in Google Scholar
dos Anjos, Zoraide. 2011. Fonologia e gramática Katukina-Kanamari. Amsterdam: Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam doctoral dissertation. http://www.lotpublications.nl/Documents/281_fulltext.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Dryer, Matthew. 2002. A comparison of preverbs in Kutenai and Algonquian. In David Pentland (ed.), Proceedings of the Thirtieth Algonquian Conference, 63–94. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba.Search in Google Scholar
Dryer, Matthew. 2007. Kutenai, Algonquian, and the Pacific Northwest from an areal perspective. In H. C. Wolfart (ed.), Proceedings of the Thirty-Eighth Algonquian Conference, 155–206. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba.Search in Google Scholar
Ekdahl, Muriel & Joseph E. Grimes. 1964. Terena verb inflection. International Journal of American Linguistics 30. 261–268.10.1086/464783Search in Google Scholar
Emkow, Carola. 2006. A grammar of Araona, an Amazonian language of northwestern Bolivia. Bundoora, Victoria: La Trobe University doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
England, Nora C. 2001. Sufijos verbales derivacionales. In Martha J. Hardman, Juana Vásquez & Juan de Dios Yapita (eds.), Aymara: Compendio de estructura fonológica y gramatical, 94–137. La Paz: Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara. http://www.ilcanet.org/publicaciones/pdf_compendio.htmlSearch in Google Scholar
Epps, Patience. 2008. A grammar of Hup. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110199079Search in Google Scholar
Everett, Daniel L. 1986. Pirahã. In Desmond C. Derbyshire & Geoffrey K. Pullum (eds.), Handbook of Amazonian languages, Vol. 1, 200–325. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Search in Google Scholar
Everett, Daniel L. & Barbara Kern. 1997. Wari’: The Pacaas Novos language of western Brazil. London: Routledge.Search in Google Scholar
Fabre, Alain. 2013. Applicatives and associated motion suffixes in the expression of spatial relations: A view from Nivacle (Mataguayo family, Paraguayan Chaco). Unpublished manuscript. https://www.academia.edu/12443688/Search in Google Scholar
Facundes, Sidney da Silva. 2000. The language of the Apurinã people of Brazil (Maipure/Arawak). Buffalo: State University of New York at Buffalo doctoral dissertation. http://wings.buffalo.edu/linguistics/people/students/dissertations/Facundes.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Faust, Norma & Eugene E. Loos. 2002. Gramática del idioma yaminahua (Serie Lingüística Peruana 51). Lima: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. http://www.sil.org/resources/archives/29686Search in Google Scholar
Fleck, David W. 2003. A grammar of Matses. Houston: Rice University doctoral dissertation. https://scholarship.rice.edu/handle/1911/18526Search in Google Scholar
Fleck, David W. 2010. Ergativity in the Mayoruna branch of the Panoan family. In Gildea & Queixalós (eds.) 2010, 29–64.Search in Google Scholar
Galucio, Ana Vilacy. 2001. The morphosyntax of Mekens (Tupi). Chicago: University of Chicago doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Gildea, Spike & Francesc Queixalós (eds.) 2010, Ergativity in Amazonia. Amsterdam: Benjamins.10.1075/tsl.89Search in Google Scholar
Grinevald, Colette 2011. On constructing a working typology of the expression of path. Faits de Langues: Les Cahiers 3. 43–70.10.1163/19589514-038-02-900000005Search in Google Scholar
Guillaume, Antoine. 2000. Directionals versus associated motions in Cavineña. In Alan K. Melby & Arle L. Lommel (eds.), LACUS Forum XXVI: The lexicon, 395–401. Fullerton, CA: Linguistic Association of Canada and the United States.Search in Google Scholar
Guillaume, Antoine. 2006. La catégorie du “mouvement associé” en cavineña: Apport à une typologie de l’encodage du mouvement et de la trajectoire. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 101(1). 415–436.10.2143/BSL.101.1.2019831Search in Google Scholar
Guillaume, Antoine. 2008. A grammar of Cavineña. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110211771Search in Google Scholar
Guillaume, Antoine. 2009. Les suffixes verbaux de ‘mouvement associé’ en cavineña. Faits de Langues: Les Cahiers 1. 181–204.10.1163/19589514-034-02-900000008Search in Google Scholar
Guillaume, Antoine. 2010. How ergative is Cavineña? In Gildea & Queixalós (eds.) 2010, 97–120.Search in Google Scholar
Guillaume, Antoine. 2012. Maropa (reyesano). In Mily Crevels & Pieter Muysken (eds.) 2012, Lenguas de Bolivia, Vol. 2: Amazonía, 191–229. La Paz: Plural.Search in Google Scholar
Guillaume, Antoine. 2013a. Reconstructing the category of “associated motion” in Tacanan languages (Amazonian Bolivia and Peru). In Kikusawa & Reid (eds.) 2013, 129–151.Search in Google Scholar
Guillaume, Antoine. 2013b. Algunas reflexiones sobre las construcciones de verbos seriales ‘contiguas e incorporantes’ y el sistema de movimiento asociado en cavineña. In Ospina Bozzi (ed.) 2013, 17–37.Search in Google Scholar
Guillaume, Antoine. 2013c. El idioma takana: Esbozo de su fonología y su gramática. Unpublished manuscript.Search in Google Scholar
Guillaume, Antoine. 2016. Sistemas complejos de movimiento asociado en las lenguas Takana y Pano: Perspectivas descriptiva, tipológica e histórico-comparativa. Amerindia 39.Search in Google Scholar
Hanson, Rebecca. 2010. A grammar of Yine (Piro). Bundoora, Victoria: La Trobe University doctoral dissertation. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.9/536008Search in Google Scholar
Haspelmath, Martin. 2010. Comparative concepts and descriptive categories in crosslinguistic studies. Language 86. 663–687.10.1353/lan.2010.0021Search in Google Scholar
Haude, Katharina. 2006. A grammar of Movima. Nijmegen: Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Helberg Chávez, Heinrich. 1990. Analisis funcional del verbo amarakaeri. In Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino & Gustavo Solís Fonseca (eds.), Temas de lingüística amerindia (Primer Congreso Nacional de Investigaciones Lingüístico-Filológicas), 227–249. Lima: Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología.Search in Google Scholar
Jacques, Guillaume. 2013. Harmonization and disharmonization of affix ordering and basic word order. Linguistic Typology 17. 187–215.10.1515/lity-2013-0009Search in Google Scholar
Jensen, Cheryl. 1999. Tupí-Guaraní. In Dixon & Aikhenvald (eds.), 125–163.Search in Google Scholar
Johnson, Orville E. & Stephen H. Levinsohn. 1990. Gramática secoya (Cuadernos Etnolingüísticos 11). Quito: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. http://www.sil.org/resources/archives/17548Search in Google Scholar
Jung, Ingrid. 2008. Gramática del páez o nasa yuwe: Descripción de una lengua indígena de Colombia. München: Lincom Europa.Search in Google Scholar
Kaufman, Terrence. 1990. Language history in South America: What we know and how to know more. In Payne (ed.) 1990, 13–73.Search in Google Scholar
Kawachi, Kazuhiro. 2011. Meanings of the spatial deictic verb suffixes in Kupsapiny, the southern Nilotic language of the Sebei region of Uganda. In Osamu Hieda (ed.), Descriptive studies of Nilotic languages, 65–107. Tokyo: Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.Search in Google Scholar
Key, Harold H. 1967. Morphology of Cayuvava. Den Haag: Mouton.Search in Google Scholar
Kikusawa, Ritsuko & Lawrence A. Reid (eds.). 2013. Historical Linguistics 2011: Selected papers from the 20th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Osaka, 25–30 July 2011. Amsterdam: Benjamins.10.1075/cilt.326Search in Google Scholar
Koch, Harold. 1984. The category of “associated motion” in Kaytej. Language in Central Australia 1. 23–34.Search in Google Scholar
Koch, Harold. 2006. Kaytetye. In Keith Brown (ed.), The encyclopedia of language and linguistics (2nd edn.), Vol. 6, 170–172. Oxford: Elsevier.10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/05104-XSearch in Google Scholar
Koch, Harold. 2007. Language contact and the grammaticalisation of motion: A case study from central Australia. Paper presented at the 18th International Conference of Historical Linguistics, 6–11 August, Montreal.Search in Google Scholar
Koch, Harold. 2011. The influence of Arandic languages on Central Australian Aboriginal English. In Claire Lefebvre (ed.), Creoles, their substrates, and language typology, 437–460. Amsterdam: Benjamins.10.1075/tsl.95.25kocSearch in Google Scholar
Konnerth, Linda. 2014. A grammar of Karbi. Eugene, OR: University of Oregon doctoral dissertation. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/17928Search in Google Scholar
Konnerth, Linda. 2015. A new type of convergence at the deictic center: Second person and cislocative in Karbi (Tibeto-Burman). Studies in Language 39. 24–45.10.1075/sl.39.1.02konSearch in Google Scholar
Lai, I-Wen. 2009. Time in the Iquito language. Austin, TX: University of Texas at Austin doctoral dissertation. https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/handle/2152/18441Search in Google Scholar
Landaburu, Jon. 1979. La langue des Andoke (Amazonie colombienne) : Grammaire (Langues et civilisations à tradition orale 36). Paris: Société d’études linguistiques et anthropologiques de France.Search in Google Scholar
Lawrence, Aimee Lynn. 2013. Inflectional verbal morphology in Nomatsigenga. Austin, TX: University of Texas at Austin master’s thesis. https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/handle/2152/22678Search in Google Scholar
Levinson, Stephen C. 2006. The language of space in Yélî Dnye. In Levinson & Wilkins (eds.) 2006, 157–205.Search in Google Scholar
Levinson, Stephen C. & David P. Wilkins. 2006. Patterns in the data: Toward a semantic typology of spatial description. In Levinson & Wilkins (eds.) 2006, 512–552.Search in Google Scholar
Levinson, Stephen C. & David P. Wilkins (eds.). 2006. Grammars of space: Explorations in cognitive diversity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.10.1017/CBO9780511486753Search in Google Scholar
Matteson, Esther (ed.). 1967. Bolivian Indian grammars (Summer Institute of Linguistics Publications in Linguistics and Related Fields 16). 2 vols. Norman, OK: Summer Institute of Linguistics of the University of Oklahoma. http://www.sil.org/resources/archives/8639 and http://www.sil.org/resources/archives/8839Search in Google Scholar
McFarland, Teresa Ann. 2009. The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac. Berkeley, CA: University of California, Berkeley doctoral dissertation. http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/dissertations/McFarland_Dissertation2009.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Michael, Lev. 2008. Nanti evidential practice: Language, knowledge, and social action in an Amazonian society. Austin, TX: University of Texas at Austin doctoral dissertation. https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/handle/2152/3884Search in Google Scholar
Montag, Susan. 1981. Diccionario cashinahua (Serie Lingüística Peruana 9). 2nd edn. 2 vols. Yarinacocha, Peru: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. http://www.sil.org/resources/archives/29941Search in Google Scholar
Montes Rodríguez, María Emilia. 2004. Morfosintaxis de la lengua tikuna (Amazonía colombiana). Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes, Centro de Estudios Socioculturales e Internacionales & Centro Colombiano de Estudios en Lenguas Aborígenes.Search in Google Scholar
Muysken, Pieter and Katja Hannss. 2006. Verbs in Uchumataqu. In Grażyna J. Rowicka & Eithne B. Carlin (eds.), What’s in a verb? Studies in the verbal morphology of the languages of the Americas, 215–233. Utrecht: LOT.Search in Google Scholar
O’Connor, Loretta. 2004. Going getting tired: Associated motion through space and time in Lowland Chontal. In Michel Achard & Suzanne Kemmer (eds.), Language, culture and mind, 181–199. Stanford: CSLI Publications.Search in Google Scholar
Olawsky, Knut J. 2006. A grammar of Urarina. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110892932Search in Google Scholar
Ospina Bozzi, Ana María. 2002. Les structures élémentaires du yuhup makú, langue de l’Amazonie colombienne (morphologie et syntaxe). Paris: Université Paris Diderot doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Ospina Bozzi, Ana María. 2009. Productivité et intégration des prédicats à radical complex en yuhup, langue de l’Amazonie Colombienne. Faits de Langues: Les Cahiers 1. 161–179.10.1163/19589514-034-02-900000007Search in Google Scholar
Ospina Bozzi, Ana María (ed.). 2013. Expresión de nociones espaciales en lenguas amazónicas. Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo Universidad Nacional de Colombia.Search in Google Scholar
Ottaviano, Ida de. 1980. Textos tacana. Riberalta, Bolivia: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.Search in Google Scholar
Overall, Simon E. 2007. A grammar of Aguaruna. Bundoora, Victoria: La Trobe University doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Payne, Doris L. 1985. Aspects of the grammar of Yagua: A typological perspective. Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Payne, Doris L. 1990a. Introduction. In Payne (ed.) 1990, 1–10.Search in Google Scholar
Payne, Doris L. 1990b. Morphological characteristics of Lowland South American languages. In Payne (ed.) 1990, 213–241.Search in Google Scholar
Payne, Doris L. 2003. Position, location, direction and movement in Amazonia. Paper presented at the Workshop “Exploring the linguistic past: Historical linguistics in South America”, 31 August–6 September, Leusden and Leiden.Search in Google Scholar
Payne, Doris L. (ed.). 1990. Amazonian linguistics: Studies in Lowland South American languages. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.Search in Google Scholar
Payne, Doris L. & Thomas E. Payne. 1990. Yagua. In Desmond C. Derbyshire & Geoffrey K. Pullum (eds.), Handbook of Amazonian languages, Vol. 2, 249–474. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Search in Google Scholar
Payne, Judith. 1982. Directionals as time referentials in Ashéninca. Anthropological Linguistics 24. 325–337.Search in Google Scholar
Payne, Thomas E. & Doris L. Payne. 2013. A typological grammar of Panare, a Cariban language of Venezuela. Leiden: Brill.10.1163/9789004242197Search in Google Scholar
Pitman, Donald. 1980. Bosquejo de la gramática araona (Notas Lingüísticas de Bolivia 9). Riberalta, Bolivia: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.Search in Google Scholar
Priest, Perry N. & Anne M. Priest. 1967. Sirionó. In Matteson (ed.) 1967, Vol. 2, 195–255.Search in Google Scholar
Prost, Gilbert R. 1967. Chacobo. In Matteson (ed.) 1967, Vol. 1, 285–359.Search in Google Scholar
Queixalós, Francesc. 2010. Grammatical relations in Katukina-Kanamari. In Gildea & Queixalós (eds.) 2010, 235–284.Search in Google Scholar
Renaudier, Marie. 2012. Dérivation et valence en sereer: Variété de Mar Lodj (Sénégal). Lyon: Université Lumière Lyon 2 doctoral dissertation. http://www.ddl.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/fulltext/Renaudier/Renaudier_2012_these.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Rodrigues, Aryon D. 1999a. Tupí. In Dixon & Aikhenvald (eds.) 1999, 107–124.Search in Google Scholar
Rodrigues, Aryon D. 1999b. Macro-Jê. In Dixon & Aikhenvald (eds.) 1999, 165–206.Search in Google Scholar
Rojas Curieux, Tulio Enrique. 1998. La lengua páez: Una visión de su gramática. Bogotá: Ministerio de Cultura.Search in Google Scholar
Romero-Méndez, Rodrigo. 2008. A reference grammar of Ayutla Mixe (Tukyo’m Ayuujk). Buffalo: State University of New York at Buffalo doctoral dissertation. http://linguistics.buffalo.edu/graduate/phd/recent_dissertations/dissertations/Dissertation-Rodrigo_Romero.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Rosbottom, Harry. 1967. Guarani. In Matteson (ed.) 1967, Vol. 2, 99–194.Search in Google Scholar
Rose, Françoise. 2015. Associated motion in Mojeño Trinitario: Some typological considerations. Folia Linguistica 49. 117–158.10.1515/flin-2015-0004Search in Google Scholar
Rosés Labrada, Jorge E. 2015. The Mako language: Vitality, grammar and classification. London, Ontario & Lyon: University of Western Ontario & Université Lumière Lyon 2 doctoral dissertation. http://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd/2851/Search in Google Scholar
Rowan, Orland & Eunice Burgess. 1979. Gramática parecis. Anápolis, GO: Associação Internacional de Lingüística & SIL Brasil. http://www-01.sil.org/americas/brasil/publcns/dictgram/PCGram.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Sakel, Jeanette. 2004. A grammar of Mosetén. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110915280Search in Google Scholar
Sans, Pierric. 2013. Elementos de la gramática del bésiro: Sociolingüística, fonología, morfología, textos. Unpublished manuscript.Search in Google Scholar
Schultze-Berndt, Eva. 2007. On manners and paths of refining Talmy’s typology of motion expressions via language documentation. In Peter K. Austin, Oliver Bond & David Nathan (eds.), Proceedings of Conference on Language Documentation and Linguistic Theory, 223–233. London: SOAS.Search in Google Scholar
Shaver, Harold. 1996. Diccionario nomatsiguenga–castellano/castellano–nomatsiguenga (Serie Lingüística Peruana 41). Yarinacocha, Peru: Ministerio de Educación & Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. http://www.sil.org/resources/archives/29591Search in Google Scholar
Shaver, Harold & Betty Shaver. 1976. Leyendas de los campa nomatsiguenga (Datos Etno-Lingüísticos 17). Lima: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. http://www.sil.org/resources/archives/30175Search in Google Scholar
Silva, Léia de Jesus. 2011. Morphosyntaxe du rikbaktsa (Amazonie brésilienne). Paris: Université Denis Diderot Paris 7 doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Slobin, Dan I. 2004. The many ways to search for a frog: Linguistic typology and the expression of motion events. In Strömqvist & Verhoeven (eds.) 2004, 219–257.Search in Google Scholar
Stenzel, Kristine Sue. 2004. A reference grammar of Wanano. Boulder, CO: University of Colorado doctoral dissertation. http://scholar.colorado.edu/print_theses/68Search in Google Scholar
Strömqvist, Sven & Ludo Verhoeven (eds.). 2004. Relating events in narrative, Vol. 2: Typological and contextual perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.10.4324/9781410609694Search in Google Scholar
Talmy, Leonard. 1985. Lexicalization patterns: Semantic structure in lexical forms. In Timothy Shopen (ed.), Language typology and syntactic description, Vol. 3: Grammatical categories and the lexicon, 57–149. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Search in Google Scholar
Thiesen, Wesley & David Weber. 2012. A grammar of Bora with special attention to tone. Dallas: SIL International.Search in Google Scholar
Tripp, Robert. 1995. Diccionario amarakaeri-castellano (Serie Lingüística Peruana 34). Yarinacocha, Peru: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. http://www.sil.org/resources/archives/29932Search in Google Scholar
Tunbridge, Dorothy. 1988. Affixes of motion and direction in Adnyamathanha. In Peter Austin (ed.), Complex sentence constructions in Australian languages, 267–283. Amsterdam: Benjamins.10.1075/tsl.15.12tunSearch in Google Scholar
Valenzuela, Pilar M. 2003. Transitivity in Shipibo-Konibo grammar. Eugene, OR: University of Oregon doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Valenzuela, Pilar M. 2010. Ergativity in Shipibo-Konibo, a Panoan language of the Ucayali. In Gildea & Queixalós (eds.) 2010, 65–96.Search in Google Scholar
van de Kerke, Simon. 2002. Complex verb formation in Leko. In Mily Crevels, Simon van de Kerke, Sérgio Meira & Hein van der Voort (eds.), Current studies on South American languages, 241–254. Leiden: Research School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies (CNWS), Universiteit Leiden.Search in Google Scholar
van de Kerke, Simon. 2009. Leko. In Crevels & Muysken (eds.) 2009, 287–331.Search in Google Scholar
van der Voort, Hein. 2004. A grammar of Kwaza. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.10.1515/9783110197280Search in Google Scholar
van Gijn, Erik. 2006. A grammar of Yurakaré. Nijmegen: Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen doctoral dissertation. http://webdoc.ubn.ru.nl/mono/g/gijn_e_van/gramofyu.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Vidal, Alejandra. 2006. De la direccionalidad al aspecto verbal en pilagá (guaycurú). UniverSOS: Revista de Lenguas Indígenas y Universos Culturales 3. 89–107. http://www.uv.es/~calvo/amerindias/numeros/n3.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Villafañe, Lucrecia. 2004. Gramática yuki: Lengua tupí-guaraní de Bolivia. Nijmegen: Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Voisin, Sylvie. 2010. Les morphèmes -i et -si en wolof. Sciences et Techniques du Langage: Revue du Centre de Linguistique Appliquée de Dakar 10. 23–34.Search in Google Scholar
Voisin, Sylvie. 2013. Expressions de trajectoire dans quelques langues atlantiques (groupe nord). Faits de Langues 42. 131–152.10.1163/19589514-042-01-900000008Search in Google Scholar
Vuillermet, Marine. 2012. A grammar of Ese Ejja, a Takanan language of the Bolivian Amazon. Lyon: Université Lumière Lyon 2 doctoral dissertation.Search in Google Scholar
Vuillermet, Marine. 2013. Dónde, cuándo, y con quién ocurren acciones: El movimiento asociado en ese ejja. In Ospina Bozzi (ed.) 2013, 39–59.Search in Google Scholar
Weber, David J. 1996. Una gramática del quechua del Huallaga (Huánuco) (Serie Lingüística Peruana 40). Lima: Ministerio de Educación & Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. http://www.sil.org/resources/archives/30044Search in Google Scholar
Wheeler, Alvaro. 1987. Gantëya bain: El pueblo siona del río Putumayo, Colombia, Vol. 1. Lomalinda, Colombia: Townsend. http://www-01.sil.org/americas/colombia/pubs/22017_vol1.pdfSearch in Google Scholar
Wilkins, David P. 1989. Mparntwe Arrernte (Aranda): Studies in the structure and semantics of grammar. Canberra: Australian National University doctoral dissertation. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/9908Search in Google Scholar
Wilkins, David P. 1991. The semantics, pragmatics and diachronic development of “associated motion” in Mparntwe Arrernte. Buffalo Papers in Linguistics 1. 207–257.Search in Google Scholar
Wilkins, David P. 2004. The verbalization of motion events in Arrernte. In Strömqvist & Verhoeven (eds.) 2004, 143–157.Search in Google Scholar
Wilkins, David P. 2006. Towards an Arrernte grammar of space. In Levinson & Wilkins (eds.) 2006, 24–62.Search in Google Scholar
Wise, Marie Ruth. 2005. Evolución de raíces verbales en sufijos direccionales y de tiempo-aspecto en lenguas arawakas. Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Etnolingüísticos 11. 219–238.Search in Google Scholar
Zariquiey Biondi, Roberto. 2011. A grammar of Kashibo-Kakataibo. Bundoora, Victoria: La Trobe University doctoral dissertation. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.9/524397Search in Google Scholar
Zavala Maldonado, Roberto. 2000. Olutec motion verbs: Grammaticalization under Mayan contact. Berkeley Linguistics Society 26S. 139–151.10.3765/bls.v26i2.1174Search in Google Scholar
Zingg, Philipp. 1998. Diccionario chácobo-castellano/castellano-chácobo con bosquejo de la gramática chácobo y con apuntes culturales. La Paz: Ministerio de Desarrollo Sostenible y Planificación & Viceministro de Asuntos Indígenas y Pueblos Originarios.Search in Google Scholar
©2016 by De Gruyter Mouton
