Six Years of Industrial Logging in Ngoyla (East-Cameroon): What Have Been the Outcomes for Local Populations?

HIGHLIGHTS The industrial exploitation of Cameroon's forests was until the late 2000s, credited with little positive impacts on the communities living near logging concessions. From this period, factors likely to create an enabling environment more conducive to local development emerged. Immigration linked to logging has led to increased pressure on infrastructure, equipment, and human resource in basic social areas (health and education). However, the positive impacts of this activity on these areas are insignificant. Through the installation of a new ferry on the Dja river, the improvement of physical accessibility to Ngoyla, immigration linked to job opportunities and salaries paid to employees, industrial logging has boosted significantly the economy of this subdivision. The situation of Baka Indigenous people in general deserves special attention in relation to negative impacts. The Baka received very few positive spinoffs while more than other social components, they suffered from the degradation of forest resources caused by logging. After six years of logging in Ngoyla, the results in terms of positive socio-economic impacts at the local level are globally below expectations. While it could be argued that financial capital has increased in the subdivision, notable negative impacts were experienced in the natural, human, and social capitals. One of the significant reasons for poor outcomes of industrial logging is the gap between the regulations and the commitments on the one hand and what is practiced on the ground on the other. Forest populations generally have an ambivalent attitude towards industrial logging. They are divided between, on the one hand, the advantages that logging provides, such as improving accessibility and jobs, and, on the other hand, the disadvantages linked to this activity as well as the disappointments in relation to their expectations in terms of support for education, health and rural water supply. SUMMARY The industrial exploitation of Cameroon's forests was, until the late 2000s, credited with little positive impacts on the communities living near logging concessions. In order to evaluate the outcomes of logging for local populations and to inform the sustainable management of Ngoyla-Mintom forest block, socio-economic data was collected from 2011 to 2018. Data from guided interviews, observations and questionnaires reveal that local populations have seen improvements in their living conditions, particularly in terms of formal employment, better housing and increased mobility. The main adverse effects observed were a reduction of some forest resources, an increase in certain diseases, and increased violations of the rights of Indigenous People. Despite identified favorable factors, the positive impacts from industrial logging in Ngoyla are below expectations. Jusque vers la fin des années 2000, l'exploitation industrielle des forêts camerounaises n'a eu que peu d'impacts positifs sur les communautés vivant à proximité des concessions forestières. Dans le cadre de l'évaluation des retombées de l'exploitation forestière sur les populations locales et de la promotion de la gestion durable du massif forestier de Ngoyla-Mintom, des données socio-économiques ont été collectées de 2011 à 2018. Les données issues des entretiens, d'observations et de questionnaires révèlent que les populations locales ont connu des améliorations dans leurs conditions de vie, notamment en termes d'emploi formel, de logement et de mobilité. Les principaux effets néfastes observés ont été la diminution de la disponibilité des ressources forestières, l'augmentation de l'occurrence de certaines maladies et l'amplification des violations des droits des populations autochtones. Malgré les facteurs favorables identifiés, les impacts positifs de l'exploitation forestière industrielle à Ngoyla sont en dessous des attentes. Hasta finales de la década de 2000, son pocos los efectos positivos atribuidos a la explotación industrial de los bosques del Camerún para las comunidades que vivían cerca de las concesiones de explotación forestal. A fin de evaluar los efectos de la explotación forestal para las poblaciones locales e informar la gestión sostenible del bloque de bosque primario Ngoyla-Mintom, se recolectaron datos socioeconómicos de 2011 a 2018. Los datos obtenidos de las entrevistas guiadas, observaciones y cuestionarios revelan que las poblaciones locales han experimentado mejoras en sus condiciones de vida, en particular en lo que respecta al empleo en el sector formal, la mejora de la vivienda y el aumento de la movilidad. Los principales efectos negativos observados fueron la disminución de algunos recursos forestales, el aumento de ciertas enfermedades y el incremento de las violaciones de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas. A pesar de los factores favorables identificados, los efectos positivos de la explotación forestal industrial en Ngoyla permanecen por debajo de las expectativas.

shows that the positive impacts of logging on local development remain weak and disappointing (Hakizumwami and Milol 2000, Bigombe Logo and Atamana 2004, Counsell et al. 2007, Topa et al. 2009, Lescuyer et al. 2012. This result has also been observed for other countries in the Congo Basin (Mengho 2003, Mengue Medou and Waaub 2005, Alemagi and Nukpezah 2012. Most of the above-mentioned authors attribute these results to a range of factors including inadequate regulatory framework, poor governance, poor legal and regulatory framework, lack of enforcement, culture of impunity, lack of participation, weak governance, inequitable sharing and utilization of forest revenues, poor quality of forest management plans (FMP), and lack of organisation on the part of communities.
Although assessments of the socio-economic impacts of logging on neighboring populations until the end of 2000s suggested failures or mixed outcomes the new context, beginning in the early 2010s, which allowed for broadly positive socio-economic impacts, indicated the need for a new evaluation. The perceived change in the logging environment came from (a) the improvement of the normative framework and enabling conditions for law enforcement, (b) the strong and influential presence of numerous support structures (see below), and (c) other factors including: Seis años de explotación forestal industrial en Ngoyla (Camerún oriental): ¿cuáles han sido los resultados para las poblaciones locales?

INTRODUCTION
Logging began in Cameroon at the end of the 19th century (Etoga 1971) and has occupied a strategic place in the Cameroonian economy since the 1980s (Topa et al. 2009). For example, in 2015, the formal logging sector extracted 2.7 million m 3 of wood from the country (FAO 2017). Almost all production is exported to the European Union, China and Vietnam (Cerutti et al. 2009, FAO 2017. Logging contributes about 6% of the Gross Domestic Product 1 (MINFOF 2011) and has accounted for roughly 25% of the country's foreign exchange (Topa et al. 2009). In 2005, logging in Cameroon provided US$ 80 000 000 in fiscal revenue to the government (Cerutti et al. 2009). According to Cerutti et al. (2016), during the last two decades, the industrial forest sector realized an average annual turnover of about US$ 600 million and in 2011 it contributed to the creation of about 23 000 formal jobs. The importance of logging in Cameroon at the national level contrasts with the socio-economic benefits at the local level, which have been recognized as being rather mixed or disappointing (MINEF 1995, Bigombe Logo andAtamana 2004). This was recognized by the Cameroonian government in the framework of the forestry policy reform adopted in 1995, which stated; "Although the populations enjoy usufruct rights, they do not have a substantial share of proceeds from the commercial exploitation of forest resources. Consequently, they do not feel concerned by the conservation of these resources" (MINEF 1995:1). The government subsequently adopted the improvement of the local population's standards of living as one of the pillars of the new forestry policy (MINEF 1995a, 1995b, Lescuyer et al. 2012. Across Central and West Africa, many governments have similar expectations about the forest industry's contribution to local development (Karsenty 2007, Alemagi andNukpezah 2012). However, research carried out in Cameroon during the decade following the start of the implementation of forest reform unfortunately • The entry of an increasing number of civil society organizations in the independent observation (external) of the forestry sector. This process was consolidated in 2015 with the use by civil society organizations (CSOs) of a standardized external independent observation system (SNOIE).
The support structures mentioned above refer to: • Technical support, from the beginning, to the logging operation of large-scale actors in Ngoyla-Mintom with the aim of promoting sustainable forest management (SFM). These actors are the Ngoyla-Mintom Technical Operation Unit (TOU) created by the Prime Minister and two major technical support projects. These projects are the WWF(World Wide Fund For Nature)-EU(European Union) Ngoyla-Mintom Project 2 mainly financed by the EU and implemented by WWF Cameroon and Projet Ngoyla-Mintom 3 funded by the GEF (Global Environment Facility) and the World Bank and executed by the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife (MINFOF). • The intervention in the Ngoyla-Mintom area from the beginning of 2010s of about 15 civil society organizations (CSOs). This was an exceptional concentration of CSOs in an area whose economic and environmental stakes were growing in the national context. These interventions were directly or indirectly supported by the presence of three international organizations: WWF, IUCN (International Union For Conservation of Nature) and the FPP(Forest Peoples Programme).
The other assets or enabling factors not necessarily found elsewhere in Cameroon included: the late arrival of logging 4 , the particular context of attribution of forest management units (FMUs) in the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block, the existence of investment planning frameworks and the size of the logging companies involved.
The transformative potential of the elements mentioned above forms the central research issue of this study: what are the socio-economic impacts of industrial logging in this new environment generated by the improvement of the normative framework, the presence of numerous support structures and other potentially enabling factors? The hypothesis examined was that the combination of these novel factors should lead to broadly positive socio-economic impacts of logging on populations in the study area of Ngoyla, and that in contrast to previous outcomes experienced by other populations, these factors should permit Ngoyla to avoid certain negative impacts or at least to limit their extent. The testing of this hypothesis is at the center of this paper and was carried out at the levels of, (1) demography, education and health, (2) infrastructure and equipment, (3) economy, (4) social, political, administrative and cultural levels and (5) natural resources related to people's livelihoods.

Background of the study
Industrial logging in Ngoyla takes place within the framework of concessions which are instruments for the management of natural resources in general and forest resources in particular and which have long been the subject of controversy. This controversy focuses in particular on how concessions impact the environment, the rights and livelihoods of communities and how they contribute to the national economy (Karsenty and Hardin 2017). Regarding socio-economic impacts, it is generally recognized that concessionaires provide people with collective social services, jobs and income-generating activities, but it is generally accepted that concessions have failed to reduce poverty (Karsenty 2007, Counsell et al. 2007). In Central Africa, this general observation appears to be particularly evident. For example, in a review of around thirty studies carried out in six countries of the Congo Basin including Cameroon, Alemagi and Nukpezah (2012: 44) refer to "abject poverty in logging prone communities" and cite as examples of adverse environmental and social impacts, issues related to social cohesion, the marginalization of communities, the erosion of culture, the increase in sexually transmitted diseases, alcoholism and other health impacts, the shortage of land for communities, poaching, pressure on wildlife, soil erosion, deforestation and pollution. Based on these observations, many scholars have raised questions about the value of the current forest management model (Lescuyer et al. 2012) 5 .
With regard to Cameroon, Defo et al. (2013) studied twenty works (reports, articles, presentations) published between 1984 and 2010, and gave a brief account of the negative socio-economic impacts and benefits of logging at the local level. Negative impacts identified included: significant population growth at logging sites, increased pressure on natural resources, conflicts between local stakeholders, exacerbation of political rivalries 6 , a loss of social cohesion, increased school dropout rates, a rise in the cost of living and increased marginalization of Indigenous populations. The main positive impacts identified were jobs, income, improved transport conditions, support for education, improvements in health and development of sport activities, housing improvements, access to potable water and the development of small-scale economic activities. The authors found that industrial logging has mixed socio-economic outcomes, emphasizing the scant contribution of this activity to local development and the failure of industrial logging to meet expectations for the development of communities (Bigombé Logo and Atamana 2004). The literature on the impact of logging on local populations in Cameroon is "dominated by an observation of failure" (Defo et al. 2013). However, from the beginning of 2010s, some new elements that could, in theory, provide at least some solutions to these issues have come into play.
In 2010, Cameroon and the European Union signed the VPA-FLEGT (Voluntary Partnership Agreement-Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade), a legally-binding trade agreement which held logging companies to stricter legal standards, and included provisions for improving forest governance and management. The implementation of the VPA-FLEGT is expected to have positive impacts on populations that neighbor logged forest concessions through effective law enforcement at environmental, social and economic levels. It is generally assumed that by improving governance in the forestry sector and law enforcement FLEGT-VPA may have positive impact on livelihoods and social sustainability of forest-based communities (Beeko and Arts 2010, www. vpaunpacked.org/vpa-principles). However, it is also important to note that some authors have recognised the potential negative impacts of VPAs (Wiersum and van Oijen 2010, Ramcilovic-Suominen et al. 2010, Wiersum et al. 2013. For example, Carodenuto and Ramcilovic-Suominen (2014) drew attention to the perceived barriers to the implementation of the VPA, while Bigombé Logo (2015) also mentioned the difficulties of implementation, at the same time highlighting the progress made. FERN (2016) noted that the VPA has resulted in an improvement in forest governance at the levels of accountability, coordination, transparency, stakeholder participation and stakeholder capacity. Cerutti et al. (2020) presented some relevant narratives on VPA impacts and noted that many VPA-related targets have improved over time with positive VPA contribution.
As mentioned above, one of the potential solutions to the problem identified concerns the sharing of forest royalties. As part of the forest reform of the 1990s, the Cameroon government decided to share the forest royalties (area tax) between the public treasury, municipalities and neighboring villages where logging activities are located. The government consider AFR as a tool to promote the development of localities where industrial logging takes place. The use of these funds is framed by a text generally known as the Joint Order or Joint Decree. The Joint Order No. 000122 / MINEFI / MINAT of 29 April 1998 which governed the management of AFR until 2010 had a limited impact on local development (Bigombé Logo 2003, Topa et al. 2009, Eloundou 2010, Cerutti et al. 2010, Cerutti et al. 2016 and was replaced in 2010 by Joint Order No. 520 / MINADT / MINFI / MINFOF of June 3, 2010, which was supposed to have greater positive impacts on populations living near logged forests. With the aim of improving this management framework, another regulation (Joint Decree N ° 076 MINATD / MINFI / MINFOF) was made on June 26, 2012 to replace that of 2010. The joint decrees of 2010 and 2012 introduced important new elements (including the roles of mayors and the composition and operation of local management entities) in the management of AFR compared to the joint decree of 1998. The drafting of the 2010 and 2012 regulatory texts also differed in that they included a significant involvement of civil society organizations (CSOs). CSOs began to get more involved in the independent monitoring of logging around the same time.
Official independent observation of logging in Cameroon began in 2000 and lasted until the end of 2013. This means that at the beginning of the 2010s, it could be said that official independent observation had reached a mature phase and the contribution of independent external observation should have made it possible to strengthen its achievements. Around 2003, the Center for the Environment and Development (CED), a national NGO, embarked on independent forest observation with the financial support of several European NGOs. This was an external observation (without a mandate from the Government) with the aim to identify and denounce infringements observed in the process of attribution and management of logging titles, with the strong participation of the local communities (Kamga 2013). From around 2010, the CED was joined in this work by an increasing number of national NGOs (FODER, CAFER, PAPEL, CEFAID), most of the time acting with the support of external donors. This involvement of CSOs was consolidated around 2015 by the establishment of an External Independent Observation Coordination and the use of the approach of the SNOIE certified ISO 9001-2015. Their contribution towards improving respect for the law and transparency in the sector has been significant. This contribution was timely for Ngoyla since the significant entry of CSOs into independent observation roughly coincided with the start of industrial logging in this subdivision.
Industrial logging began in Ngoyla in 2012, more than a century after the start of this activity in Cameroon and more than 15 years after the allocation of the first Forest Management Units (FMUs) in the country. As a result, Ngoyla could have learned from the difficulties faced by other forest sites which had attempted to limit negative impacts and maximize the positive effects of this activity on their people. Moreover, the arrival of logging in this significant remaining forest block in Cameroon took place in the context of lively debates, and even controversy, which pitted those in favor of Payments for Environmental Services (PES) as a means of value-creation for most of the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block against those who defended industrial logging as the best option for the area. For the proponents of logging, led by the government, the absence of logging in Ngoyla was cited as a reason for the low levels of local development and was seen as detrimental to both local populations and the national economy (Ongolo and Badoux 2017). Logically, this argument implied that industrial logging would cause the government to make improvements to the living conditions of the Ngoyla populations in order to show the opposing side that its choice of assigning FMUs to logging was the best option. In order to show good faith in this climate of controversy, and following the lobbying undertaken by WWF and the European Union in the framework of WWF-EU Ngoyla-Mintom Project, the government included innovative clauses regarding the technical, environmental and social obligations of logging companies operating in the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block in 2012. These innovative clauses 7 required that companies make their legal obligations known to the public, participate in a synergy platform between stakeholders in the area (Article 20) and take special measures to protect wildlife. Moreover, apart from the monitoring by traditional services of the Ministry of Forests and Wildlife (MINFOF), the government instituted another innovation: the local monitoring and evaluation of these obligations. Projet Ngoyla-Mintom, was mandated to do this work, as well as, to provide support to logging stakeholders alongside Ngoyla-Mintom TOU and WWF-EU Ngoyla-Mintom Project.
Contrary to what has generally been the case elsewhere in Cameroon, right from its beginning, logging operations in Ngoyla-Mintom have directly and indirectly benefitted from the support of large-scale actors, namely the Ngoyla-Mintom TOU and two major field projects funded by international cooperation. Indeed, in 2013, thanks to the lobbying of international partners, the Prime Minister created the Ngoyla-Mintom TOU (Order No. 1017 / PM of 20 February 2013) whose main mission was to promote the sustainable management of the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block. The WWF-EU Ngoyla-Mintom Project and Project Ngoyla-Mintom contained various field initiatives aimed at enhancing the potential for positive outcomes from logging at the local level. These included strengthening the technical and organizational capacities of logging stakeholders and those managing the AFRs, establishment of a platform for developing synergies between stakeholders, facilitating the establishment of Village Forest Management Committees (VFMC), and addressing poaching and promotion of SFM. These projects also benefited from the presence of numerous CSOs 8 that were encouraged to operate in the area or were already active there. Mining prospecting and the debate around the management of this forest block had led many CSOs based in Yaoundé, Yokadouma, Bertoua, Lomié and Djoum to work in the area from the end of the 2000s. This exceptional concentration of CSOs was supported by the significant presence of international organizations such as WWF, IUCN and FPP. These organizations and CSOs should have, in principle in their roles as watchdogs, facilitators or capacity building actors, been instrumental in optimizing the positive impacts of logging on local populations. The expectation was that such role would be facilitated by the fact that almost all of the logging companies operating in Ngoyla were large (FIPCAM, SIM and STBK are among the largest in Cameroon in terms of total areas managed and/or volumes of timber exported (FAO 2017)) 9 as these companies should, at least in theory, have had a relatively large technical and financial capacity to meet regulatory obligations and thereby implement SFM.
It is generally accepted that large forestry companies are more able to meet social obligations than small and mediumsized enterprises due to their wider financial opportunities and their concern about maintaining their reputation vis-à-vis their European consumers and partners (Karsenty 2007). Moreover, in Ngoyla, the contributions of these companies to local development should have been enhanced and facilitated by the fact that Ngoyla already had a communal development plan (2012) and village development plans (2015). These plans should, in principle, have constituted frameworks for federations of efforts, rationales for interventions and investments or for the construction of convergent representations between local development actors. It should be noted that according to Joint Decree N ° 076 MINATD / MINFI / MINFOF, the communal development plan constitutes the basic document defining the projects to which 70% of the share of AFR managed by the municipality must be devoted.
The ensemble of elements noted above is expected, to some degree, to provide solutions to failed aspects previously mentioned and/or create a new environment that can influence the nature, intensity and extent of the socio-economic impacts of industrial logging. For example, in a study of logging in the Yokadouma area, Defo et al. (2013) identified the quality and monitoring of technical, environmental and social obligations of companies, the presence of CSOs and international cooperation, and the support to populations in the management of AFR as some key elements that could lead to a positive and significant contribution of logging to the improvement of the living conditions of the populations.

Study site: Ngoyla Subdivision and industrial logging
Ngoyla subdivision covers 4,382 km 2 (commune de Ngoyla 2012: 16) located between longitudes 13°38′E-14°35′E and latitudes 2°10′N-2°56′N. Ngoyla is part of the Eastern Region and Upper Nyong division of Cameroon ( Figure 1). In 2010, Ngoyla had 4424 people 10 divided among its 29 villages. The native populations of the area are Baka and Djem (respectively 15% and 65.2% of the population in 2015) 11 . The rest of the population is comprised of immigrants. The Baka are Indigenous People living mainly from fishing, gathering, hunting and some agricultural activities. Djem are Bantu who depend mainly on agricultural activities but also carry out Council Forest), SIM (FMUs 10-027, 10-032 and 10-036), STBK (FMU 10-028) and GRACOVIR (FMUs10-033 and 10-067). In addition, GRACOVIR has the only industrial wood processing unit in Ngoyla.
Industrial logging began in the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block within the context of widespread poverty as mentioned by Defo (2017: 7): "Despite the richness of the environment, its inhabitants live mostly below the poverty line where the level of human development is very low and basic equipment and infrastructure are insufficient. For example, in 2012 there was one source of potable water for an average of 448 people and 61% of the houses were made of provisional materials". In such an environment some people saw logging as a way to boost Ngoyla's development based on the hope that forestry companies would have a direct impact on jobs, health, education, culture, equipment and infrastructure, and on the AFR. According to Article 66 of Law No 94/01 of 20 January 1994 and Article 18 of the agreements between the government and logging companies operating in Ngoyla-Mintom, these companies must contribute to improving the livelihoods of local populations and to the construction of socio-economic infrastructure, in addition to the payment of the AFR. The local council and population's share of AFR is significant in Ngoyla (average of US $ 1 160 000 a year) and constitutes more than 80% of the council' budget 14 .

METHODS
As part of the monitoring of socio-economic dynamics in the Ngoyla-Mintom area, data were collected in the framework of WWF-EU Ngoyla-Mintom Project between 2011 and 2017 using the participatory rural appraisal approach. In 2018, a specific survey on the socio-economic impacts of logging in Ngoyla was conducted. This survey used standardized questionnaires, interview guides, survey sheets, direct observations and focus group discussions. The components of the survey were designed to take into consideration concerns expressed through the SDGs (Sustainable Development Goals) as well as the national strategy for combating poverty as set out in the Growth and Employment Strategy Paper (GESP) and the promotion of local development via logging (MINEF 1995b). These components included health, education, water, forests, poverty, infrastructure and governance and also reflect the areas of interest and/or indicators contained in similar works (Auzel 2001, Defo et al. 2013, Endamana et al. 2010, Lescuyer et al. 2012, Mengue, Mbairamadji 2006, Medou and Waaub 2005 even if the present study does not aim to compare the results in these areas of interest with those obtained elsewhere. Many of these variables falls under three of the asset categories identified by the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (Scoones 1998, Serrat 2010, namely human, natural and physical capital. hunting, gathering and fishing activities. The Ngoyla people live mainly from agriculture, hunting, fishing, exploitation of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), artisanal mining and, since 2012, are engaged in industrial logging. Baka and Djem constitute communities with segmented socio-political structures, without any real rigid hierarchical structure of concentration of authority. The Baka are dominated and exploited from a social, political and economic point of view by the Djem and constitute a marginalized social group.
Ngoyla is part of the northwestern Congo Basin tropical rainforest and has a rich biodiversity (Usongo et al. 2007). Ngoyla forests constitute the bulk of the eastern part of Ngoyla-Mintom forest block. This forest block has had a turbulent history since the end of the 1990s because of differences of opinion concerning its allocation, leading Ongolo and Badoux (2017: 131) to describe this forest as a "forest of discord". In fact, the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block was initially allocated to industrial timber logging (Decree No. 95-678-PM of 18 December 1995). But in 1998, under pressure from international partners including the World Bank, WWF and Conservation International, the government changed its mind and froze the allocation of this this area to logging in favor of conservation (Ongolo and Badoux 2017). In 2006 and 2007 12 , the government reconsidered this option (MINFOF 2006). From 2007 to 2012, the government and some of its partners began leaning towards a partial allocation of this forest block to logging and a partial allocation to conservation in return for financial compensation from the international community, in the framework of PES (Usongo et al. 2007). In April 2012, the Government of Cameroon issued a call for tenders for the allocation of FMUs of these forest blocks for logging or for conservation of biodiversity 13 . For a month and a half, a lively debate took place between the defenders of logging on the one hand and proponents for the conservation of biodiversity and PES on the other hand. The first camp was led by MINFOF, supported discreetly by logging companies and some local elites, while the second bloc was led by WWF and EU and supported by IUCN, REDD+ promoters and some local CSOs. This debate focused on arguments and counter-arguments regarding the financial, socio-economic and environmental benefits of each of the options at the local, national and international levels and lasted until the publication of the results of the call for tenders on 28 August 2012. At the end of this process, 58.21% of the permanent forest estate of this area was allocated to logging (FMU and council forest). Regarding Ngoyla in particular, only 28.10% of its permanent forest estate was allocated to biodiversity conservation.

FIGURE 1 Location map of Ngoyla subdivision
As part of the 2018 survey, a standardized questionnaire was administered to 7.5% of adults (186 person of 20 years and above) 15 of the Ngoyla population. To take into account the diversity of sociological and socio-economic characteristics in different parts of Ngoyla, the sampling was conducted across the north, center, south and south-west zones of the subdivision ( Figure 2) in proportion to the adult population of each of these areas. In each survey zone, the selection of informants was random but took into account the need for the representativeness of women and the Baka Indigenous population (stratified random sampling, women and Baka representing respectively 49% and 15% of the population in 2015) 16 . Three focus group discussions were conducted in each of the survey areas and one-to-one interviews were conducted with twenty key informants from several social, economic, administrative and cultural sectors of Ngoyla. These key informants include the administrative and traditional authorities, officers in charge of public security, local MINFOF officers, school and health officers, CSOs leaders, employees of logging companies, small business owners and informants without a specific socio-political or administrative position.
The identification of the socio-economic impacts of industrial logging was done mainly by comparing the prelogging and the post-2012 situation, based on the indicators selected for each of the socio-economic components mentioned above. Measuring social impacts is difficult, in part because researchers rely on perceptions of people, an issue which can be imprecise or open to interpretation. In order to limit the potential for bias from peoples' own perception of the impacts, the study also recorded certain key indicators (e.g. number of zinc roofed houses, prices of basic commodities). In addition, attention was focused on changes arising from the direct or indirect actions of industrial logging, or simply those related to its presence. On another aspect, still with the aim of objectively identifying the impacts of logging, data from Mintom, one of subdivisions bordering Ngoyla, are mentioned as a comparison with those of Ngoyla. Industrial logging activities are older in Mintom compared to Ngoyla, but they are marginal in size compared to what is happening in Ngoyla. 17 It is important to note that, apart from industrial logging, there is almost no other event that could have led to large-scale socio-economic changes in Ngoyla between 2012 and 2018. Thus, for more than six years, industrial logging has been the most important factor influencing socioeconomic dynamics in Ngoyla.

Demography, education and health
Between 2011 and 2015, the population of Ngoyla (Figure 3) increased from 4 428 to 4 848 (Boum et al. 2016: 12) with an average annual growth rate of 2.26% (compared with -3.51% for Mintom during the same period.) 18 . Between 1965 and 1987 this rate was 1.78% and from 1987 to 2010 it was 2.28%.
Between 2006 and 2011, there was significant immigration to the southwestern part of Ngoyla (Defo 2016) due to mining exploration 19 , and the cessation of this activity (2012-2014) led to a huge emigration of population in this area. Indeed, industrial logging caused massive immigration to Ngoyla, but this demographic increase was counterbalanced by strong emigration in the southwestern part of this subdivision between 2012 and 2015. This becomes clearer when one compares the growth rate of the southwestern part (more than 40 km away from the main current wood exploitation sites) with that of the rest of the subdivision between 2011 and 2015 (-2.82 % against 2.57%).
Despite this population growth, there was almost no improvement in education infrastructure and human resources. Indeed, an overwhelming majority (almost 90%) of the Ngoyla population indicates that industrial logging has had no positive impact on the quality of education. The changes in teacher/pupil and classroom/pupil ratios (Table 1) corroborates assessments made by the population. In Ngoyla, the teacher / student ratio went from 43.8 to 56.9 between 2011 and 2015 while in Mintom, it went from 18.3 to 21.5 during the same period (Boum et al. 2016: 19-26). Indeed, in six years of presence in Ngoyla, logging companies have built only one classroom and have no teachers under their financial responsibility. Moreover, the AFR paid by these companies has not made it possible to reduce crowding in the classrooms or to increase the level of supervision of the pupils. On the contrary, immigration caused by logging has increased the pressure on school's infrastructure and staff, despite the efforts made by other actors to build classrooms 20 and to pay teachers. The negative impacts of logging on education also translate into increased school dropout as attested by school officials and the general population. In fact, almost 50% of respondents believe that logging increases school dropout due to the increase in the level of delinquency and early departure from school because of employment opportunities with logging enterprises. Interviews with officials of government secondary technical and government high schools of Ngoyla corroborated this observation obtained from the questionnaire.
Similar negative outcomes are observed in the health sector. In fact, the doctor of the Ngoyla Medical Center reports an increase in cases of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and abortion. Over half (56.2%) of respondents indicate that logging is responsible for this greater occurrence of STDs (Figure 4). Less than half (44.8%) of respondents think that logging has led to the emergence of "new diseases" such as hernia which could be linked to the transport of heavy loads in the sawmill and respiratory infections due to dust raised by trucks (but 62.6% of respondents think that logging has no impact on the occurrence of respiratory diseases -RDsas shown in Figure 4). Additionally, immigration has increased pressure on health personnel (in Ngoyla, the health staff/ population ratio went from 553.5 to 969.6 between 2011 and 2015 while in Mintom, it went from 220 to 369 during the same period) 21 , infrastructure and equipment. As a general assessment, 94.6% of populations consider that logging has no positive impact on the quality of public health. It is however important to mention one positive aspect, that the mayor of Ngoyla noted that the hospital of Ngoya gained equipment thanks to the AFR, even if the doctor of this hospital indicated that this investment is insignificant (less than US $ 4000) compared to the needs and the huge amounts of AFR paid to Ngoyla.

Infrastructure and equipment
In terms of material well-being, improvements have been made in Ngoyla for several recorded indicators from 2011 to 2015, although not for access to radio and TV receivers ( Table 2). In Mintom during the same period all indicators improved. It should however be noted that in Ngoyla, the acquisition of motorbike and mill was more important than in 18 Boum et al. 2016: 12-14. 19 Mineral exploration activities in this area were conducted by CamIron and Cameroon Mining Company (CMC). 20 The National Participatory Development Program and WWF also built classrooms in Ngoyla. 21 Boum et al. 2016: 19-26. FIGURE 3 Population trend in Ngoyla between 1965Sources: ORSTOM 1968(data of 1965, RGPH 1987RGPH (data of 1987, BUCREP 2010 (data of 2010), Boum et al. 2016Boum et al. (data of 2011Boum et al. and 2015 Mintom (In Ngoyla the number of people per motorbike was reduced by 46.8% between 2011 and 2015 against 13.1% in Mintom and the number of mills was reduced by 58.9% in Ngoyla against 42.1% in Mintom during the same period) to meet immigration and the consequent demand for service : 23, Boum et al. 2016. Improvements can be directly or indirectly attributed to logging's stakeholders and to other actors such as WWF-EU Ngoyla-Mintom project and the Projet Ngoyla-Mintom. Thus, for example, the increase in the number of cocoa sprayers is due not only to the purchase of sprayers by logging companies' employees for the maintenance of their cocoa farms (native employees) or the cocoa plantations that they rent, but also linked to the promotion of cocoa production by WWF-EU Ngoyla-Mintom project and the Projet Ngoyla-Mintom. Thanks to logging companies' direct investment, the mayor using AFR and Projet Ngoyla-Mintom (they built three and five wells respectively), the number of wells increased but due to lack of maintenance, the life span of a well rarely exceeds 6 months and that is why 91.4% of those surveyed think that logging has no impact on access to drinking water ( Figure 5).
The ferry installed by logging companies on the Dja river in 2013 is unquestionably one of the investments with strong socio-economic impacts of these companies in Ngoyla. This new ferry, built and maintained by two logging companies (SIM and FIPCAM) with their funding has significantly improved connections between Ngoyla and other parts of Cameroon by maintaining regular traffic and reducing the crossing time by almost half. It is important to note that people use this ferry for free and are very grateful for it, as expressed by the traditional chief of Ngoyla village: "The only thing that we benefit [from logging] today is that it is now possible to go to Lomié and return the same day thanks to the ferry of the logging companies".
Apart from impacts related to the direct interventions of logging companies, the AFR managed by the mayor could have, in principle, considerably improved the level of

FIGURE 5 Impacts of timber industry on some infrastructure and equipment parameters in Ngoyla
equipment and infrastructure of Ngoyla. But, it was noted that this important financial endowment has had only a modest impact in this area from 2014 to 2017 compared to the amount of AFR allocated to Ngoyla Council every year. Indeed, the performance report of the mayor cites as achievements made with the AFRs: "purchase of chairs for the council hall", "rehabilitation of the official gallery", "landscaping of public gardens", "acquisition of equipment for the services of the town hall", "completion of work of the municipal inn", "repair of the generator", "purchase of a pick-up Land cruiser double cabin", "maintenance of equipment", "various supplies", "construction of an annex building of five rooms for the services of the town hall", "reconstruction of the old building housing the services of the town hall", "construction of 5 wells equipped with PMH", "Electrification of the annex offices of the town hall" and "purchase of 02 desktop computers for the services of the town hall" (Maire de Ngoyla 2015. This list shows not only that the achievements are insignificant compared to the amounts of the AFR (an average of more than US $ 1 160 000 every year) 22 , but also that money was squandered on inappropriate items which are far from the needs of the populations and the priorities defined in the Council Development Plan of Ngoyla (Commune de Ngoyla 2012).

Economic growth
According to 65.2% of questionnaire participants industrial logging has led to an increase in economic activities in Ngoyla through the increased purchasing power that logging provides its employees, improving accessibility and increasing demand for high-consumption products. Importantly, this means that logging has given Ngoyla an economic vitality that is fairly stable throughout the year, whereas formerly it was limited almost exclusively to the period of cacao sales (November-January). The construction in 2018 of a small shopping center in the town of Ngoyla is an indication of this improved economic activity. Moreover, thanks to logging, Ngoyla is more integrated than before to national and international economic networks, as shown for example by the increased recruitment basin of this activity and the destination of the wood it produces. Logging has created 246 direct jobs in Ngoyla and is therefore the largest employer of the nonstate formal sector of this subdivision. Of this number, 40.7% are from the neighboring villages. This proportion of employees from neighboring communities is a good performance compared to the rates recorded in logging companies of Yokadouma by Mbairamadji (2006: 4) and Defo et al. (2013: 16) which are 32.17% and 27.6% respectively. From this point of view, the impact of logging on the fight against youth unemployment in the neighboring communities is positive. Logging has also had a positive impact on the transportation sector. Through the installation of a faster and more functional ferry on the river Dja and the sporadic maintenance of the Ngoyla-Nkongdong and Ngoyla-Ntam roads by companies, the improvement of purchasing power and free transportation of some people, logging has made a very significant contribution to increasing the mobility of people ( Figure 6) and the movement of goods in Ngoyla. Despite this improvement, the cost of transport in Ngoyla remains high (US $ 0.07 to US $ 0.08 per km on Ngoyla-Lomié road against for example US $ 0.033 on Yokadouma-Bertoua road which is also a poorly maintained dirt road like the Ngoyla-Lomié axis). However, it should be noted that the rate of inflation over the period (nearly 1.8% on average in Cameroon) 23 justifies this increase despite the improvement in accessibility.
The increase in the prices of industrial or manufactured products such as soap, palm oil and kerozene can also be justified by this rate inflation. But, it is also important to note that the levels of increase were generally more significant in Ngoyla compared to those of Mintom between 2011 and 2016. So for example, the price of "33 Export" beer went from 1.8 to 2 US $ for Ngoyla against 1.6 to 1.7 US $ for Mintom; that of 400g soap from 0.8 to 0.9 US $ for Ngoyla against price stability for Mintom (0.8 US $) 24 . In fact, immigration in Ngoyla generated by logging has led to an increase in demand for highly consumed industrial or manufactured products and a consequent rise in their prices. In addition, by increasing the volume of cash in circulation in Ngoyla and by giving certain people (employees) a relatively high purchasing power compared to that of non-employed villagers, the wages paid by forestry companies generate an increase of prices of highly consumed industrial goods. This phenomenon, which was mentioned by people interviewed in Ngoyla, was also noted in Gabon by Mengue Medou and Waaub (2005) in the logging sites of the Leroy-Gabon company in Gabon.
The same reasons (population growth due to immigration, increase in the volume of cash and increase in purchasing power) justify the increase in the prices of agricultural highconsumption products such as plantain and cassava (Table 3, Figure 6). The magnitude of the increase in agricultural commodity prices (100% for plantain and more than 100% for cassava, for example, as shown in Table 3 compared to 33.3% for plantain and same for cassava in Mintom from 2011 to 2016) reflects a larger increase in demand. It should be noted that 19.9% of respondents believe that the arrival of logging has led to a reduction in the availability of agricultural products while 29.6% support the opposite point of view. Anyway, the increase in prices reflects the fact that agricultural production or supply has not increased at the same rate as the demand for food. Several reasons may be at the origin of this insufficient adjustment of supply to demand. These are, for example, the diversion of part of the agricultural workforce to industrial logging and the lack of agricultural inputs (according to 83.3% of the population, logging has had no impact on the availability of agricultural inputs) Finally, at the economic level, the consequences of industrial logging can also be seen in services such as housing, catering and in trade as shown in Table 3 and Figure 6. A general increase in the number of inns, restaurants, bars and stalls/shops was observed in Ngoyla.

Social, political, administrative, cultural and sporting life
Results of the questionnaire and interviews show an increase in risk behaviours including the excessive consumption of alcohol and drugs (cannabis, tramadol, cocaine), theft and swindling, as well as an increase in risk sexual behaviors including promiscuity, adultery and sexual exploitation of young girls, resulting in unwanted pregnancies, abortions and divorces (Figure 7). In this regard, the Commissioner of Ngoyla elaborated that "Several cases of divorce are reported. When logging truck drivers woo women, they abandon their marital homes. More cases of unwanted pregnancy are reported, the increasing consumption of drugs and alcohol, early sexuality." The priest of the Ngoyla Catholic Church Number of "restaurants" in 7 selected villages 21** 26 Number of "bars"/"drinking points" in 7 selected villages 23** 30 Number of "stalls"/"shops" in 7 selected villages 16** 58 Public transportation cost from Ngoyla to Lomié (US$) 6** 7 Price of 1kg of rice (US$) 1 1.1 Price of 400g soap ("Azur") (US$) 0.8 0.9 Price of 1 liter of kerosene (US$) 1.4 1.5 Price of 1 liter of refined palm oil (US$) 2.8 3.1 Price of one beer ("33 export") (US$) 1.8 2 Price of a Bowl (20l) of macabo (US$) 3 5 Price of a Bowl (20l) of cassava (US$) 3 7 Price of a bunch of plantain of medium size (US$) 1** 2 Sources: *field work **Fogue 2012,  (for data without *)

FIGURE 6 Impacts of timber industry on some economic activities in Ngoyla
Source: Field Work, 2018 corroborated the Commissioner's thoughts. He said, "marriages between employees of logging companies and girls from the local communities are quickly formed and destroyed immediately when pregnancies and diseases are reported". The priest of the Ngoyla Catholic Church further expressed his concern relating to alcoholism by saying: "When the pay period for the wages of employees of logging companies arrives, everything stops. People get into alcohol. Alcohol consumption has become excessive". Significant social problems have been created in Ngoyla since 2013 by the competition between some logging company employees and members of the middle classes native to Ngoyla related to the rental of cocoa plantations from poor farmers. Before the advent of logging, members of local communities were the only ones to rent cocoa plantations but since 2013 this situation has changed due to the greater financial power of employees of logging companies. Faced with this situation, some locals are trying to agitate xenophobic attitudes towards logging company employees which has created a perceived air of social conflict in Ngoyla. This situation has been aggravated by an increase in extramarital sexual relations caused by the financial influence of some logging company employees. The outcome of unwanted pregnancies, STDs and children unacknowledged by fathers, in addition to the issue of disruption to the market for cocoa farm leasing, has been most heavily felt by Bantu women and Baka Indigenous peoples in part due to their disadvantaged social situation.
The situation of Baka Indigenous people (semi-nomadic Indigenous communities, mainly hunters-gatherers) in general deserves special attention in relation to negative impacts. Indeed, with 18% of the population of Ngoyla, the Baka occupy only 6% of the jobs in logging companies and almost all the positions that are assigned to them are temporary. However, it is the Baka who suffer the most from the direct or indirect degradation of the forest area by logging since, more than the Bantu, they depend on the forest ecosystem for their food, habitat, pharmacopoeia and culture. For example, at present, Baka who depend more than 80% on wildlife for their animal protein needs suffer enormously from overexploitation of the fauna and the drastic reduction of the hunting yields following the increase in poaching generated by logging. On this subject, the head of the Baka community of Mabam expressed himself as follows: "with the forest roads, foreigners enter deep into the heart of the forest with motorcycles and guns to kill game. When we get to where they went, we can't find the animals and we have no meat to eat". Bakas are also involved in strong competition with "foreigners" for the collection of certain NTFPs because of the facilitation of access to the "heart of the forest" through roads created by logging and difficulties finding their bearings in the forest due to the multiplicity of logging trails opened by logging companies. An analysis of the management plans of FMUs concerned revealed that the damage suffered by Bakas due to the degradation of the forest is enormous in part because none of the logging companies has conducted participatory mapping with Baka communities to identify their resource areas (areas where they carry out their socioeconomic and cultural activities at a particular moment of the year in forest) in FMUs and define with them protection, conservation and/or compensation measures. This lack of consideration of the resource areas of communities is a flagrant violation of their traditional rights on their ancestral land. The non-respect of the resource areas of the communities constitutes a violation of the customary or use rights devoted to the populations by article 8 of Law No 94/01 of 20 January 1994. This situation justifies the growing loss of the interest of some Baka in the forest areas and the semipermanent installation of the latter not far from the settlements of logging companies or some Djem hamlets. This semi-permanent relocation allows them to do housework and farm labor for the Bantu and company employees. Their payment is usually made of alcohol, cigarettes, old clothes or less than US$ 1 for more than 5 hours of work. This cheap labor force is highly appreciated by immigrants who have rented cocoa farms in Ngoyla and by some local Djem elites who have undertaken to create plantain farms in order to try to capitalize on the increasing demand for food products in Ngoyla. In this respect, it is worth noting that industrial logging has accentuated the practice of quasi-enslavement of the Baka by the Bantu and the immigrants in Ngoyla. The fact that Baka had their cocoa plantation rented at low prices and turned themselves into workers in the same plantations is the most emblematic case of this situation of impoverishment of the local population due to the presence of industrial logging.
The amplification of the cocoa leasing phenomenon by employees of logging companies (the number of cases of cocoa leasing more than doubled between 2011 and 2015) is increasing the precariousness of livelihoods and the poverty of local and Indigenous populations. The rise in the prices of agricultural products in Ngoyla as shown in Tables 3 and 4 can also be a factor of the impoverishment of some people. The presence of logging companies with their employees who have a purchasing power much greater than that of the mostly peasant populations of Ngoyla has led to a local inflationary trend of prices of certain commodities on the local market and a consequent high cost of living. During group discussions, one of the resource persons expressed this situation as follows:

FIGURE 7 Some social impacts of timber activities in Ngoyla
Source: Field work, 2018 "The standard of living is higher and the poverty is growing [. . .] the pace of life has changed. Logging companies came and aggravated the situation".
At the political and administrative levels, the biggest positive impact in Ngoyla is the functioning of the council. Indeed, until 2013, the Ngoyla council was one of the poorest in Cameroon with a budget hardly of around US$ 100 000 a year. Since 2013, thanks to the AFR and the industrial exploitation of the council forest, this budget is generally above US$ 1 000 000. This importance of forest royalties has been emphasized by the mayor as follow: "the product of the AFR contributes more than 80% to the financing of the municipal budget and is a real lever for the development of our municipality as a territorial entity and even for the functioning of municipal services" (Maire de Ngoyla 2015). As such, it is impossible to imagine the acceptable functioning of the Ngoyla council without the AFR, i.e. without industrial logging.
In terms of the negative effects, it should be noted that the arrival of the AFR in Ngoyla sparked a strong competition for the position of mayor in this municipality in 2013. Indeed, during the municipal elections of 2013, for the first time since the creation of this council in 1995, three lists were in competition within the ruling party, the Cameroon People Democratic Party (CPDM). The political battle was so severe that it took the highest national bodies of the CPDM to suspend some of its local cadres for indiscipline, in order to try to restore order after the elections. This political tension generated by the poor management of AFR and the outcomes from the Ngoyla council forest has seriously hampered the ability of the mayor to act on initiatives requiring the mobilization of the population.
At the cultural level, no significant impact has been attributed to logging according to interviews. At the level of sport, people are unanimous in saying that logging companies contribute to Ngoyla's sports activities, notably through the layout of some playgrounds and the organization of football competitions. It should be noted that this impact on sport is seen almost everywhere in Cameroon at the level of logging localities. Logging companies seem to have understood that football, which is a passion almost everywhere in Cameroon, could help them distract the population from difficult issues and improve their image.

Natural resources
Three important natural resources in the livelihoods of the Ngoyla people were considered: wildlife, forests and land. It has previously been recorded that industrial logging, through improved accessibility and immigration, encourages poaching, overexploitation and reduction of wildlife populations in Central Africa (Auzel 2001, Defo et al. 2013, Mengho 2003, Mengue Medou, and Waaub 2005. Investigations conducted in Ngoyla show that the same causes have produced the same effects. For example, the local agent of MINFOF declared that "poaching has become intensive with employees of forestry companies who have more financial means and use service cars to transport their booty". Indeed, as shown in Figures 8 and 9 between 2011 and 2015, populations of great apes, elephants and duikers have considerably decreased in the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block.
Elephants are a potential source of income for local and Indigenous communities through potential ecotourism activities while duikers constitute one of the main sources of animal proteins for the Ngoyla populations. Overexploitation of fish was also reported, following the immigration into Ngoyla of members of certain communities with extensive experience in fishing. Overexploitation of wildlife results in reduced availability and a consequent increase in Ngoyla bush meat prices as illustrated in Figure 10 and Table 4.
The prices of wildlife products have increased remarkably in Ngoyla between 2011 and 2016 compared to the trend FIGURE 8 Population trends of great apes (gorillas and chimpanzees) and elephant in the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block (2011)(2012)(2013)(2014)(2015) Source: Ngoran Kouame 2017: 39 recorded in Mintom. For example, the price of an average sized porcupine roughly doubled in both Ngoyla and Mintom. The price of a food dish with bushmeat 25 went from 0.6 to 1 US$ in Ngoyla while in Mintom, it was stable at 1 US$ (Fogue 2012: 36, Defo et al. 2017. Logging has had both negative and positive impacts on the availability of NTFPs in Central Africa. But, overall or at a general level, the impacts of logging on NTFPs are considered to be negative (FAO-COMIFAC 2007). People in Ngoyla also believe that logging has both positive effects and negative impacts on NTFPs, but these people point out that the harms are generally greater than the positive impacts. Group discussions in Ngoyla indicated that there is a decrease in availability of some NTFPs and a consequent increase in the prices of products such as of moabi (Baillonella toxisperma) oil and the larvae grown from sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum).
Industrial logging has had a highly significant impact on the exploitation of community forests in Ngoyla. Between 2004 and 2008, nine community forests were created in Ngoyla, but remained largely unexploited due to geographical inaccessibility. However, after 2013, improved accessibility by logging companies allowed small-scale loggers to log and sell timber from community forests easily. In this framework, one of the industrial logging companies operating in Ngoyla has partnered with three Ngoyla community forest entities through a small-scale timber operator, to harvest timber in their community forests. This exploitation enabled these communities to sell their wood at more lucrative prices (between US$ 50 and US$ 60 / m 3 ) compared to prices in other remote and inaccessible areas (usually less than US $ 40 / m 3 ). The (2011)(2012)(2013)(2014)(2015) Source : Defo 2017: 37   sale of wood in the framework of this partnership helped Djadom and Malechene communities in Ngoyla to significantly improve the quality of their houses and to promote the education of their children (twenty houses with corrugated roofing sheets constructed, building a house for two teachers and paying the salary of a temporary teacher 26 in 2016) 27 . With regards to land, there is no real problem as shown in Figure 10. Demand for land for agricultural activities has not increased significantly, resulting in little increase in land conflicts. Therefore, there is no significant pressure on land. This situation is justified by the low population density (1.1 person / km 2 in 2015), the availability of vast areas not yet cultivated or developed, the fact that people cultivate everywhere without taking into account land use zoning 28 and the absence of large-scale land consuming investments such as agro-industries in Ngoyla.

Outcomes of logging for local populations: a mixed result despite the new context
The hypothesis which underpinned this work was that the novel environment resulting from the conjunction of the factors presented in the introduction (improvement of the normative framework; enabling conditions for law enforcement; strong and influential presence of numerous support structures and other elements) could generate clearly significant positive impacts of logging on the populations of Ngoyla. The results show that this was not the case. Logging in Ngoyla is far from having significant more positive impacts compared to what has been noted elsewhere in Central Africa in general and in Cameroon in particular. The favorable factors noted therefore were unsuccessful at creating an environment capable of generating a strong and marked tendency towards local development or at least positive dynamics in contrast with what has so far been observed at other operating site of logging companies.
Furthermore, in Ngoyla, according to 55% of the surveyed population the impact of logging is perceived to be generally negative, compared with approximately one-third of the population, who think that this impact is positive, while the remainder considers the impact to be neutral. A village chief stated: "If logging was like this everywhere, it is not worth it. Logging is not useful in Ngoyla. We only have the tradition to react; we are waiting for them in the forest" (the chief thinks they must oppose logging mystically). The Divisional Officer (DO) of Ngoyla decried the absence of positive outcomes from logging in the following way: "There is no noteworthy impact of industrial logging here. The roads are not maintained. After the "tenue de palabre" 29 logging companies give a little food to the people, but nothing follows, what they said remains like "Paroles politiques" 30 (the local Administrative Authority is saying that when the logging companies arrived in Ngoyla, they gave food to the population and promised them other achievements, but after their implantation, they have not kept their promises and that is why there is almost no significant positive impact). Despite these criticisms, only 29% of people suggested that timber exploitation should be stopped and 47.3% think that exploitation can continue under certain conditions. These data confirm the ambivalent attitudes of local populations vis-à-vis industrial concession as observed by Joiris and Bigombe-Logo (2010) 31 . Populations are divided between, on the one hand, the advantages that logging provides, such as improving accessibility and jobs, and, on the other hand, the disadvantages linked to this activity (reduction in the availability of certain forest resources for example) as well as the disappointments in relation to their expectations in terms of support for education, health and rural water supply.
The negative impacts of logging are more numerous and affect vital areas such as education, health, social cohesion, governance, and the rights of vulnerable social components. These are sensitive issues without which any structural and sustainable improvement of the living conditions of a population is not possible. The overall results corroborate observations made in various works carried out in other tropical areas of Africa (Hakizumwami and Milol 2000, Mengho 2003, Bigombe Logo and Atamana 2004, Mengue Medou and Waaub 2005, Counsell et al. 2007, Topa et al. 2009, Lescuyer et al. 2012, Alemagi and Nukpezah 2012.

Gaps remain between adoption and effective implementation of policies and regulations
Pa rt of the perceived failure of industrial logging to meet the expectations of the local populations can be explained by the gaps between anticipated impacts (expected impacts from AFR, expected impacts from specific obligations prescribed to logging companies operating in Ngoyla, expected impacts related to legality enforcement as prescribed by VPA-FLEGT) and what has been delivered. That situation is due to discrepancies in the texts (policies, regulations . . .) on the one hand and what is actually applied in the field on the other. For example, after almost a decade since the signing of VPA, 26 Teacher recruited and paid locally by the parents of pupils to remedy the shortage of teachers recruited and paid by the government. 27 Defo 2017: 19. 28 Land use zoning distinguishes the permanent forest estate (where agricultural activities are prohibited) and the agroforestry zone (where agriculture is allowed). 29 The "tenue de palabre" is a meeting organized by Senior Divisionnal Officer (SDO) at the beginning of logging activities to introduce the logging company at the in the neighboring villages of the logging site. 30 In Cameroon, "Paroles politiques" in popular jargon are promises that are not necessarily respected by the people who make them. 31 Joiris and Bigombe-Logo (2010) quoted by Karsenty (2016: 33). progress in implementation has been slow. The first certificates of legality were issued by MINFOF eight years after VPA signature, and eight years after the initial deadlines (2012) for producing FLEGT legality licenses there is no immediate likelihood of them being completed. In addition, forest policy and governance reform prescribed by VPA-FLEGT has made no significant progress.
Evidence of the lack of logging companies to adhere to formal regulations comes from field observations where, in spite of the requirements of the VPA legality grid, acts of illegality continue. For example, logging companies operating in the area have not carried out environmental and social impact assessments before starting forest exploitation in violation of the framework law on the environment, the practices of obstructing watercourses are recurrent in their concessions in violation of intervention standards in the forest environment, none of these companies has published its specific obligations, which constitutes a violation of the requirements of the operating agreement, and communities were not involved in the development of FMUs' management plans, which is a violation of Order No. 222 establishing the procedures for the preparation and approval of management plans. As such, it would be unrealistic to expect positive direct or indirect effects of VPA on communities adjoining logging (Beeko and Arts 2010, Wiersum and van Oijen 2010, Ramcilovic-suominen et al. 2010, Wiersum et al. 2013, FERN 2016, Cerutti et al. 2020.
Regarding the AFR, the 2012 Joint Decree was amended by the 2015 finance law which cancelled the share of the AFR allocated to communities (2015-2017) and devoted almost all management powers to mayors. Taking into consideration the quasi-monopolistic system in Cameroon till now, mayors are not really accountable to the people. Taking advantage of this situation and the political rivalries that surrounded his election in 2013, the mayor of Ngoyla side-lined all the participative management entities of the AFR provided for by the joint decree of 2012 (Communal Management Committee and local management committee) and ignored the communal and local development plans while using the AFR. For example, one chief of village in Ngoyla said: "We do not see what the AFR is for, yet the companies declare having paid. We do not know where that money goes. However, I am a member of the communal management committee of AFR. We sit when the mayor wants. In 2018, we sat only once. The mayor rejects the projects requested by the communities. Indeed, others have sought homes, a health centre but nothing is yet in place". In addition, despite the provisions of the above-mentioned Joint Decree, effective monitoring, evaluation and control of the management of the AFR are rare. The combination of these above-mentioned factor resulted in poor management of the AFR and limited impacts on population's livelihoods. It can therefore be noted that despite the change in the normative framework (advent of the joint decrees of 2010 and 2012), huge gaps remain between what the regulations say and what is actually applied in the field. Results of AFR management in Ngoyla is not different from those presented in other studies (Bigombé Logo 2003, Topa et al. 2009, Eloundou 2010, Cerutti et al. 2010, Lescuyer et al. 2012, Cerutti et al. 2016. Gaps were also noted in the implementation of specific obligations of logging companies operating in the area. For example, one of the logging companies installed its operating headquarters outside the area indicated in the legal obligation thereby facilitating illegal hunting, companies were indifferent to the fight against poaching for which they are partly responsible, and some of them did not participate in the platform intended to promote good environmental and social practices in the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block. This noncompliance with regulatory obligations has been facilitated by the scarcity of monitoring and control missions designed to oversee logging companies' obligations (between 2012 and 2017 only two missions were carried out by the competent services) and also by the corruption and collusion that prevail in the forest sector in Cameroon (Carodenuto andRamcilovic-Suominen 2014, Cerutti et al. 2016). The networks and practices that underlie illegality seem indifferent to the presence of independent external observation. This indifference is all the more likely since external independent observation has so far mobilized only a few CSOs whose deployment on the national territory is moreover greatly limited by the lack of means.
Finally, the last aspect on which an enormous gap between regulatory decisions and implementation on the ground was noted concerns the TOU which was supposed to promote sustainable management of the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block. Indeed, from 2013 to 2018, apart from the coordinator and a few eco-guards, none of its bodies was set up. The TOU has never been really functional due to lack of financial, human resource and administrative support as well as lack of political commitments. The observations noted in the previous paragraphs concerning the gap between regulations or the normative framework on the one hand and field practices on the other corroborate the observations made by other researchers (Alemagi andNukpezah 2012, Cerutti et al. 2016) who worked on industrial logging in Cameroon.

Need for a real reform
The causes of the discrepancies noted are numerous and are for the most part structural, including corruption, lack of accountability, insufficient participation of stakeholders at the grassroots level, limited inclusive discussions, the sociopolitical system, and the absence of a real vision underpinned by effective commitments in the long term. These gaps raise questions about the context and the conditions for the adoption of laws, regulations, and other commitments by the government as well as the mechanisms for evaluation, monitoring and control of these different frameworks. It is clear that the government, through these frameworks, holds the essential levers to make industrial logging an important factor of local development. But it seems, with regard to these frameworks, that the government or at least the forest administration, is rather following a process that Ongolo and Badoux (2017: 129) called "gouverner par la ruse" ("govern by cunning/trickery") which is "the deployment of a range of strategies or tactics by an actor apparently weak to face or circumvent the domination of a powerful actor (or groups of actors)) and thus make one's own interests prevail". Indeed, a good part, if not all, of the above-mentioned measures (VPA-FLEGT, changes in the management framework of AFR, creation TOU, specific legal obligations) taken by the Government, have been under the pressure or the injunctions of donors, financial and technical partners or international NGOs and were more a strategy of "avoidance of blame" 32 than a real desire for improvement. The reality today makes it possible to say that by opening the Ngoyla-Mintom forest block to industrial logging the objective of the forestry bureaucracy was more geared toward the search for sources of income for the public treasury and the creation of new opportunities of "clientelistic advantages" 33 for its benefit than concern to improve the living conditions of the Ngoyla communities.
This observation and the results obtained suggest, in accordance with other researchers interested in the constraints and challenges of the forest sector in Cameroon (Carodenuto andRamcilovic-Suominen 2014, Cerutti et al. 2016), that satisfactory results in the sector can be obtained only if enforcement of laws and regulations is strengthened and a real reform in terms of vision, strategy, institutions, norms and culture related to the forest industry in Cameroon is carried out. Therefore, it is important, for example in the context of VPA-FLEGTs to insist on in-depth reforms of the forest sector.
Regarding a possible reform which would target the impacts of industrial logging on the living conditions of the populations living near logging sites and in connection with VPA-FLEGT, it will be important to have decision-making data collected over a longer period and during the fully operational phase of the APV-FLEGT. The data in this study essentially cover only a period of six years (2012)(2013)(2014)(2015)(2016)(2017)(2018) which fall within what can be considered the early phase of the implementation of the VPA-FLEGT in Cameroon. The same observation can be made for the AFR management framework of 2012. This is highly relevant because only three years after its adoption, this framework suffered from inflation generated by the finance laws (2015, 2017) and which disrupted its implementation.

CONCLUSION
The opening of the Ngoyla subdivision forests to industrial logging in 2012 took place in a context marked by the conjunction of a certain number of factors likely to stimulate a significant improvement in the living conditions of local and Indigenous populations of this locality. These factors included the signing of the APV-FLEGT, the reform of the AFR management framework, the definition of special social and environmental obligations for logging companies in the area, the establishment of a TOU and the presence of a large number of support, observation or surveillance actors. Six years later, it is clear that the results of logging in terms of positive socio-economic impacts at the local level are significantly below expectations. It was anticipated that logging would bring positive outcomes in the wellbeing (education, health, water supply and other socioeconomic needs) of the population. However, after six years, while it could be argued that financial capital has increased in the subdivision, notable negative impacts were experienced in the natural, human and social capitals. Examples such as a marked decline in the populations of some wildlife species, a reduction in the availability of certain NTFPs, a rise in social tensions, and a deterioration of the school and health services could be noted. A significant reason for poor outcomes of industrial logging result from the gaps between the regulations and the commitments on the one hand and what is actually practiced on the ground on the other. This is the case, for example, with some requirements of the legality grid of the VPA, of Joint Decree N ° 0076 / MINATD / MINFI / MINFOF of June 26, 2012, and of the social and environmental obligations specific to logging companies operating in Ngoyla-Mintom. Alth ough it is straightforward to conclude that the strengthening of the enforcement of laws and regulations is required, the elements underlying these almost systematic discrepancies (corruption, collusion, lack of accountability to local actors, lack of participation, etc.) highlight that without an in-depth reform of the forest sector and related fields it would be unrealistic to expect industrial logging to be a realistic lever for socio-economic development at logging sites. The VPA process should therefore put more emphasis on forest reforms and these reforms should be guided by good governance principles such as participation, transparency, accountability and rights. The reasons for the discrepancy between what should be happening and what is actually happening on the ground need to be identified.
In order to maximise the positive impact of industrial logging in terms of socio-economic impact at the local level, the local environment must be favourable. This requires strengthening the organizational capacities of local and Indigenous communities, developing internal cohesion and a sense of collective action on the part of these communities, engaging independent CSOs experienced in monitoring, ensuring that logging companies are committed to durability, identifying accountable local or community leaders capable of mobilizing endogenous forces, and ensuring the participation of key stakeholders and external partners in development initiatives.