UP TO THE GARDEN FENCE OR THE WORLD AT PRIMARY SCHOOL

: Up to now only few empirical studies have focused on the development of children’s spatial cognition. The study examines the map-drawing abilities of an international sample of ten-year-old children by examining the nature of world maps they have drawn. It explores the extent to which diff erent factors of infl uence, e.g. the presence of media, travel activity, handling of cartographic media, individual interest and family or school factors of infl uence are correlated to the enhanced ability of the children to represent their spatial cognitive structure of the world as a drawn map. The paper discusses the implications of the fi ndings for the creation of learning environments which support the development of map-drawing using both ways - the way “from local to global” as well as the way “from global to local”.


Introduction
If one examines the eld of experience of today's primary school children regarding Europe, foreign countries or the world, one can basically distinguish between ve di erent elds:

1.
Experiences from living together with people from di erent countries and cultures In Germany, foreign citizens have led and continue to lead us to a multicultural society, where people from di erent countries with di erent ways of life 7 (e.g. ways of interpretation, attitudes, habits, religions, values) live. Children face these di erent ways of life in their everyday life, e.g. at local parties and events, at stores with exotic-sounding (family)names, in their own surrounding area, through exotically dressed people as well as from what their parents, adults, friends and acquaintances have to say. But the multicultural society is not just felt in everyday life. In the eld of school, strong traces can be detected. 8 The situation is very di erent on the di erent levels of schooling. Especially primary school, as an educational institution common to all, has a large number of foreign children. 9 In 1991, the average number of children of foreign backgrounds at German primary schools was 8.8% 10 . By the year 2000 the number had increased to 11. 8%. 11 Due to this fact, primary school children are part of our multiculturally compounded society and experience this in their everyday lives. In their so-called "sub-communities", e.g. kindergarden, day-nursery, school, sports associations and their neighbourhood, they gain rst impressions of di erent cultures as well having their rst experiences of them. Büker's statement from the year 1998, where she says that living together with people from di erent cultural backgrounds is normality (see Büker, 1998, p. 68) for today's children, remains valid today.

2.
Growing mobility and increased travel among the population In 2006, every German travelled by plane or train (at least one overnight stay) an average of 2.3 times. 43.8% of these ights or journeys by rail headed to European countries abroad. Passengers ew from German airports to European countries abroad 41 million times. The most frequent destinations within Europe were Spain (with 9.9 million ights altogether), the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland (with 4.9 million ights) and Turkey (with 4.4 million ights). 12 , 13 Regarding the consequences of increased travel for pupils' spatial knowledge, 8 In quantitative terms the most signi cant country of origin is Turkey; in the year 2000 almost 502,000 pupils in Germany had Turkish nationality, accounting for almost 43.4% of all foreign pupils. Another 195,000 (16.9%) came from the member states of the European Union; Italianswith almost 92,000 (7.9%) and Greeks with 43,000 (3.7%) were the biggest groups amongst them. With a total of 149,000 (12.9%), the states of the former Yugoslavia account for a huge proportion of foreign pupils in Germany; of this amount of more than half -84,000 (7.2%) -are from the former Yugoslavia. Of the remaining pupils whose nationality is not German, 24,000 (2.1%) are from Poland, 78,000 ( studies show that growing primary experiences through travelling, besides individual and experience-based in uences, has an in uence on the spatial imagination of primary school pupils (see Schmeinck, 2007a, p. 181;Schniotalle, 2003;Halocha, 1998). Related to this, interviews would show that besides the primary experiences they have in countries in which they spend their own holidays, children have great access to a wide range of travel experiences through their classmates, parents and grandparents (see Schniotalle, 2003, p. 200). Due to this the growth in travel seems to have a crucial role in class with regard to a global dimension.

3.
In uences of the di erent (mass)media Nowadays the media are the information medium for foreign countries and cultures because they can give one an impression of and an insight into the past and the future, the here and the there, the great diversity of human ways of life and behaviour, where personal encounters are not possible (see Büker 1998, p. 73cf.). Therefore, television has a pre-eminent role in the lives of children.
According to the KIM-study from the year 2005, television is still the most important medium for children. Almost half of children have their own set, and 78% watch television almost daily (See Medienpädagogischer Forschungsverbund Südwest 2006, p. 19). The computer is an important medium at primary-school age, too. In the year 2005 83% of households with children had a computer or laptop and 12% of children already had their own equipment. 63% of children use a computer at least once per week (see Medienpädagogischer Forschungsverbund Südwest 2006, p. 26). Besides television and computers, children's print media such as children's books (e.g. Pipi Longstocking, Emil of Lönneberga, etc.) and special magazines for children (e.g. Mücke, Geolino, etc.) provide impressions of foreign countries, nations and their cultures. Judging by this one can assume that even children of primary-school age have a media-generated knowledge and experience of foreign countries and the world.

Increasing European and international consumption
As early as 1989 Bausinger detected that Lacoste and Benetton were often rm terms associated with the youth (see Bausinger, 1989, p. 7) and also Büker found that the clothes that originated from di erent nations and the typical ways of dressing were becoming more and more mixed-up, crossing over into folklore and becoming more and more part of international fashion. Examples of this development are kilts, traditional costumes and Norwegian pullovers (see Büker, 1998, p. 72). But not just in the area of fashion are we confronted with Europe and di erent countries of the world. Danish bed depots, Swedish furniture shops, Italian furniture design, French, Italian and Polish makes of cars, Italian ice cream and pizza, Spanish paella, Turkish doner kebab, Dutch tomatoes, Greek olives, Spanish grapes, etc. have become a big part of our daily lives and within this a big part of the (daily) reality of primary-school children. Therefore children grow up with an international range of goods on o er which seems natural to them. Given that this is so one has to assume that these enormous amounts and all the special o ers are not viewed as such through the eyes of children. One should be aware that children are not aware of the foreign origins of certain products because they were not yet born when international goods were integrated into the local network of supply (see Büker, 1998, p. 72).

5.
O cially supported programmes for the support of the growing together of Europe Especially in recent years there has been an increasing range of o cially supported programmes for the support of the growing together of Europe, even for primary schools. Supportive measures from the European committee surely are of particular importance for this growing together. So not only partnerships between schools are supported (e.g. COMENIUS projects), but also the forming of networks for partnerships between schools. Numerous European competitions for pupils of all ages are advertised and organized by the Centre of European Education, the Council of Europe, the Federal Ministry of Education and Research, the Department of Foreign Responsibilities of the KMK and/or the German-French Youthclub. 14 To summarise, children nowadays can fall back on extensive experiences of di erent kinds with regard to their idea of seeing the world. With reference to Negt (1998, p. 22) the understanding of the changes in the world as well as the detection of aspects concerning one's own personality are not just super uous luxury, but essential requirements. The necessity of the implementation of a European or rather global dimension in class has been emphasized for years not only at a political level but in primary-school-related didactic discourse. 15 . Analysing the current guidelines and school curricula of Germany, we detect in most of the federal states of Germany an orientation towards the principle "from close to far" (see in detail Schmeinck, 2008). In spite of the di erent decisions from the Council of Ministers for the education system, the resolutions of the KMK on the topic "Europe in class" or rather "Teaching Europe in school" from the years 1990 and 2008, the reports of the Gesellschaft für Didaktik des Sachunterrichts (GDSU) in their "perspective frame general sciences" as well as di erent didactic discourses and the ministerial declaration of intent from 1992, to integrate the European dimensions into the new school curricula (see Büker, 1998, p. 38), in many federal states region-related learning is still taking place in the home region.
But what ideas do ten-year-old children have of the world? Which kinds of in uences on the development of three-dimensional ideas of the world are of crucial importance? What does "distance" mean to the primary-school children of today and the future? Which preconditions are needed by learners in the future? Empirical research on the origins of the three-dimensional ideas of primary-school children are rare. But an overview of children's ideas of the world, how these ideas are created and under which circumstances they change, would be very important.
The study presented in this paper therefore examines how ten-year-old primaryschool pupils perceive the world, the cognitive map they have in their minds and which factors may have an in uence on the development of their perceptions. The paper discusses the implications of the ndings for the creation of learning environments that support the development of pupils' spatial representation. 16 Theoretical background The necessity of helping children to develop spatial perceptions of the world and an understanding of the ways in which societies and environments are connected has long been recognised as desirable (see Gould & White, 1974). Previous research has therefore focused attention on children's perceptions of the world as well as on the development of spatial cognitive structures (see Cohen & Schuepfer, 1980;Tanner, 1999;Bourchier et al., 2002).
Despite the fact that recent research has focused attention on children's perceptions of the world, we know relatively little about children's perceptions and the reasons for their development. Nevertheless, this aspect of geography education is highlighted as very important by Holloway and Valentine (2000, p. 7) who refer to the ''small, but signi cant literature about children's spatial cognition and mapping abilities. '' Likewise, the manner in which travel experiences, exposure to cartographic media, personal interest as well as familiar and school in uences interact in the development of spatial cognition and mapdrawing ability is not fully understood. Thus Poria et al. (2005) identify this as an area where additional research is still required.
In 1950 Piaget concluded that children aged 7 to 11 are at a 'concrete operational' stage of development. According to Piaget children at this stage use symbols to represent objects and can solve problems that have a concrete, rather than an abstract basis. In terms of examining children's spatial awareness of the world Piaget's work suggests that at the age of ten children are still developing the ability to represent in maps things like countries and places that they may not have visited and of which for that reason they may have only an abstract knowledge. In the last few decades arguments have raged in respect of exactly when children develop the ability to represent their spatial cognition of the environment or the world as a map (see among others Blaut, 1997aBlaut, , 1997bBlaut, , 1999Catling, 1979;Cook et al., 1998;Goodnow, 1977;Newman & Newman, 1978, Rivlin et al., 1985. Some authors report the development of this ability in children as young as four (see Blades et al., 1998). According to Blaut even children as young as three can make maps with toys (see Blaut, 1997a;Blades & Cooke, 1994;Blades & Spencer, 1990). Other authors con rm the statement that a basic requirement for the understanding of maps -the understanding of symbolical representations and/or the understanding of objects as representatives of other objects -is already developed at the age of three (see e.g. DeLoache, 1987DeLoache, , 1989DeLoache, , 1991DeLoache, , 2000DeLoache, Miller, & Rosengren, 1997;DeLoache, Uttal, & Pierroutsakos, 1998). Children who are ve years old can both reorientate maps that are not aligned correctly (see Blades & Spencer, 1990) and interpret aerial photographs (see Sowden et al., 1996). Nevertheless, some authors still assert that only when children have entered the 'concrete operational' phase can they start to represent their spatial cognitive structure of the world in the form of a (mental) map (see Towler & Nelson, 1968;Towler, 1971;Stückrath, 1963).

Aims of the study
Bruner states that new knowledge (in or out of school) is taken up and memorized signi cantly (see Bruner, 1960). In order to avoid placing excessive or insu cient demands on pupils it is necessary for teachers to become aware of the knowledge and the personal and individual experience of their pupils. The understanding of how children develop cognitive structures of the world and a profound knowledge of their ability to represent these structures in maps is required to help develop e ective pedagogical strategies for the teaching at school of mapping skills and spatial abilities. Additionally, an understanding of how children's spatial cognition of the world grows may also help deepen knowledge of how operational thought develops in children.
In order to be able to examine the di erent factors of in uence (e.g. school or cultural in uences), in addition to the German sample corresponding international samples were taken. The results of these smaller studies o er explanations as to whether the results of the German study deviate from those of other countries, or whether they can also be con rmed at an international level. In accordance with this the aims of the present research were to: x identify representative samples of ten-year-old children from Chile, Germany, France, the UK, the US, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland; x collect data from the sample regarding ability to represent spatial cognitive constructs of the world in mental maps; x collect data from the sample in respect of previous travel experiences, personal interests, school and family in uences, out-of-school-experiences and exposure to cartographical media. In order to address the overall aim the following research questions were investigated: x How do children represent the world in a mental map?
x Were there observable di erences in the mental map-drawing abilities of the children?
x What in uence do di erent experiences have on children's ability to represent the world in a mental map?

Method Sample
The sample for this study comprises 724 ten-year-old primary-school children from Chile, Germany, France, the UK, the US, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland. In the selection of the countries various criteria were taken into account: x geographical boundaries (e.g. UK) vs. political boundaries (e.g. Switzerland) x special settings of the countries (e.g. Australia = country and continent) x role of geography in the school system x curricula di erences * Whilst the data set may be unduly in uenced by the variance in sample size between each country, it should be noted that analyses between countries are not attempted within the data set. With regard to the purpose of the study it would have been desirable to be able to collect data by randomly chosen, homogeneous and identically sized samples. However in conjunction with the actual data acquisition in the international parts of the study this proved to be unrealisable because even the identi cation of comparable schools and/or classes turned out to be a practically unsolvable task. Given the fact that the international parts of the study were performed mainly for purposes of comparison and examination, the results of the underrepresented countries (Chile, the USA and Sweden) are also considered in the analysis of the results.
The last two points in particular appeared to be highly relevant, as it was assumed that the framework of a separate subject or an early start in the teaching of geographical or cartographical input accompanied spatial abilities and/or mental map-drawing abilities. To ensure the best possible comparability of the data local contacts were asked to select schools that might yield a sample representative of their educational system and which were based in an urban location with an associated population of between 10,000 and 25,000. In addition the schools had to have a roll of between 200 and 240 students. The classes selected for study were composed of ten-year-old students. The number of students per class in the classes selected was in the range of 20 -25. Therefore, schools were not randomly selected for involvement in this project and a convenience -rather than probability -sample albeit with speci c design parameters, was selected for the study. However, within the schools a full study of all fourth graders (age 9/10) was accomplished. Table 1 presents the numbers of children from each country in the sample.

Instruments
For the collection of the di erent data from the sample the pupils were asked to draw a mental map of the world. This data was gathered from a free map-drawing exercise with no reference to cartographic media. This technique was developed from methods previously reported by Schniotalle (2003), Matthews (1992) and Gould and White (1974). The children in the study sample were assigned the following task: Draw a world map.
Draw and write on your map anything you can think of with regard to the world. The mental maps drawn by the pupils were interpreted by a method of coding. This was done in order to allow comparisons to be made within the data set. Codes were developed on the basis of criteria that described the nature and qualities of the mental maps. These codes resulted in each map being assigned a numerical score. Increasing scores were awarded to maps of increasing complexity and quality (see gure 1 and table 2).  To give valuable clues as to the correlation between the mental maps drawn and the di erent factors of in uence related to the development of spatial conception, additional data were collected in the form of specially developed questionnaires from the children, their parents and the teachers. Both the children's and the parents' questionnaires combined open and closed questions with a range of possible answers, with the closed clearly outweighing the open because of their higher objectivity (see Bortz & Döring, 2002, pp. 194f ). The cognitive capabilities of the children were measured both by the estimation of the class teacher and by the awarding of school marks (Mathematics, German, General Studies {Sachunterricht in German}).
In accordance with the objectives of the present study the children's questionnaires were divided into two parts. In the rst part the focus was set on the di erent factors of in uence and awareness of foreign countries and continents. The The questionnaires were developed, examined and optimized beforehand in numerous pretests and by two di erent methods of cognitive laboratories regarding the cognitive processes during the question-answer process: on the one hand by the use of the retrospective-think-aloud method, in which after answering the question the respondent is asked to explain why he/she chose that particular answer (Prüfer & Rexroth, 1996, p. 105), on the other hand by the methodology of paraphrasing, where the respondent is asked rst to answer the question and then to reproduce and/or formulate the question in his/her own words (Prüfer & Rexroth, 1996, p. 108). The nished children's questionnaire contained 20 questions from the various areas mentioned above. In order to assign questionnaire data according to family, class and country a liation whilst respecting privacy, all questionnaires were completely coded and completed anonymously.
In the available survey, for the children's and teachers' questionnaires a response rate of 100% was achieved. However, in this respect this is not surprising as all the students' surveys took place during a school day. With 81.3% for the German survey and 73.7% for the survey as a whole 17 the response rate for the parents' questionnaires is pleasingly high.

Data Analysis
Non-parametric statistics were used to analyse the data. This decision was justi ed on the basis of the following factors: x Samples were not randomly selected from countries and the sample size from each country varied. x Although the data set for quality of world maps was numeric in nature, the scale developed was non-parametric.
x The use of weighting factors in the development of index scores meant that it was appropriate to use non-parametric statistical analyses.
For the reasons given the use of non-parametric statistical analyses was less likely to give anomalous results of positive correlations as a result of the statistical processes. The Kruskal-Wallis test, a non-parametric equivalent to ANOVA, was therefore used to determine statistical di erences between the sample means. Kendall-Tau-b and Spearman-Rho tests were selected to explore evidence of correlation between variables.
With the aid of cluster-analytical proceedings, additional enquiries about the markedness of the groups' characteristics were conducted to test how groups with the same or similar characteristics were perceptible within the survey. Afterwards an analysis was performed to discover whether conclusions about the quality of the mental map drawn, gender or nationality could be drawn on the basis of membership of a cluster based on markedness of characteristics.

Results
The results of phase one of the mental mapping exercise show that the children did not produce a uniform spatial cognitive representation of the world as a map. The maps drawn present di erent and individual spatial cognitive representations of the world. The Data presented in gures 2 and 3 show the number of children who drew a map of each type in the German and French sample. Figure 2 indicates that about 89% of the German children were not able to draw a world map at all. 6.1% drew holiday pictures, regional maps or single countries (type B to type D). The majority of the children (74.2%) drew world maps in the form of countries, continents or cities that were stuck together randomly or were represented as isolated islands without any relationship to one another (type E to type H). Another 17.1% drew parts of the world in the form of single countries which were stuck together in the right form and were identi able by size, shape or distribution (type I and type J) or islands that could be identi ed as the di erent continents (type K and type L). Only 2.1% of the German children were able to draw identi able world maps with identi able shape and/or more or less detailed information (type M to type O). In contrast to this data, the results of the French study show that all children were at least able to draw maps (type E). Furthermore more than half of the French children were able already to draw world-similar maps (see Schmeinck, 2007a, pp. 156-157). Schmeinck, 2007a, p. 158 -original in German) Also in comparison with the other European sample groups of the present study the average quality of the German world maps is much lower (see table 3). Thus age-related development in the form of common map representations could be diagnosed neither in the context of the study nor in the pilot survey with around 600 children from kindergarten to university (see Schmeinck, 2004). Additional analysis of the data set of the German sample using the Kruskal-Wallis test indicated that the average mapping abilities of male students were signi cantly better than those of female students in the sample ( χ 2 =11.8, df=1 and p=0.001).
To examine the meaning and e ectiveness of the di erent factors of in uence for the development of spatial imagination, index-results of the di erent aspects of in uence were calculated out of the questionnaires' results. In particular the elds of travelling, the use of cartographical media, interest, family in uence, school, knowledge and abilities in dealing with cartographical media and a consciousness of one's own country and continent were considered. The survey's results show that the development of space-imagination is very complex and in uenced by several factors. On the basis of the data gained it was not possible to identify one single factor out of all those examined and thus to draw a decisive conclusion.
For the index-results that have been acquired through the analysis of children's interest, school, cartographical competences, in uence of media and travelling it was possible to prove connections between the quality of the Mental Maps drawn, but they were only weak or moderate. Even intensive or numerous experiences in one of the elds do not as a rule lead inevitably to a corresponding development of spatial imagination. The clearest correlations were proven in the cartographical competence index, where the connection between the Mental Maps drawn and the index-results was comparatively the strongest. For the index family however, it was not possible from a statistical point of view to prove connections, so that it is necessary to assume that family in uence is insigni cant for the development of spatial imagination (see Schmeinck, 2007a, p. 231).
The analysis of the "competences concerning maps" index indicates that boys have more experience of and more competencies in working with cartographic media than girls and additionally get more bene t from this experience and these competencies. In contrast to this, girls get more bene t out of their experience of travel than boys, whilst their interest in foreign countries a ects the quality of their mental maps less strongly than those of boys (see Schmeinck, 2007a, pp. 174-209).
With regard to the question, "To what extent can di erent types be distinguished within the study by the markedness of their characteristics?", it was possible to identify three di erent types with the help of cluster-analytical processes. The rst type distinguishes itself by particularly low results in the eld of cartographical competence. Beyond that, children show only average results in the other indexresults; it is likely that as a rule they have less extracurricular access to or contact with cartographical media, less experience of travelling, only an average interest in the world or in foreign countries and received only average exposure about foreign countries at school or used cartographical media in the classroom. 50% of this type's children draw Mental Maps of types G and H, meaning maps within which the land areas are situated absolutely arbitrarily and which with regard to their legend do not show a town-county-continent hierarchy. Furthermore this cluster also shows a great number of extreme values and mavericks, and hence both children who drew plainly better and plainly worse maps. Regarding gender, it is generally possible to say that children from the rst cluster tend to be girls. Children of the second type tend to produce lower results than the children of type I, when one discounts cartographical competence. Hence do those children have as a rule both less extracurricular access to or contact with cartographical media and less experience of travelling than the children from the rst cluster. They have not heard much about foreign countries at school nor have they used cartographical media, and they show very little interest in foreign countries or the world. Compared to children from the rst cluster, type II children show as a rule plainly more cartographical competence. Half of the children of this type draw maps of types G to I, where illustrations are plainly available that show the rst countries situated correctly. Type III children tend to have very high results in all elds of index. They have as a rule both extracurricular access to and/or contact with cartographical media, a great interest in foreign countries and the world, have heard a lot about foreign countries at school and/or have used cartographical media, and they have a broad cartographical competence. But even they have not had distinctive experience of travelling. 50% of the children of this type draw maps of types I to L, hence maps in which at least individual countries are situated correctly in relation to one another, with the continents partly shown in the correct positions. Regarding gender it is possible to determine within this type that the children here tend to be male. With regard to the membership of countries and clusters the study's results show, the countries di er signi cantly regarding the arrangement of established clusters. Especially with girls membership of a country tends to have a greater in uence on spatial imagination and/or on the quality of the Mental Maps drawn, whereas locally-available or lack of school in uence seems to matter more than the country itself (see Schmeinck, 2007a, pp. 231-233).

Discussion
With regard to the question, "To what extent have primary-school children already developed spatial ideas about foreign countries?" and individual conditions of learning in this eld, as well with regard to the extent to which primary-school pupils are able to deal with foreign countries and/or remote areas and to depict these if applicable in the form of maps, the results of the current study -especially those of the partial studies in France, Czech Republic, Sweden, Great Britain and Spain -show that children at the age of ten are very well able to do this. Also with regard to the knowledge, imagination and interest of the children in the eld of spatial learning, the results of the current study show that these are neither restricted to one's own garden, neighbourhood or village nor to one's own country. The results prove rather that the children already know many countries and that their knowledge of countries is not at all restricted to single continents or to communities of states such as the European Union. The perception of remote areas is often regarded as being too abstract; but with the development of the infantile view of the world already starting at primary school (probably even earlier), it should be picked up, supported, used intensively and developed in the framework of a purposeful teaching unit. The view that an understanding of abstract spatial coherence is not yet developed su ciently at primary school and remote areas could be reasonably covered from a developmental-psychological point of view rst at secondary schools seems to be unreasonable (see Schmeinck, 2007a, p. 233). Based on the present research gure 4 shows a suggested model for the development of spatial conceptions at primary-school level. The individual strands represent di erent areas, which are -in the context of the spiral curriculumrepeatedly taken up, extended and deepened.
Actual geographical proximity or distance cannot necessarily be equated with pupils' emotional and/or personal proximity or distance. For this reason, the organization of the areas cannot be exclusively bound to real geographical distances. The di erent areas must be de ned individually in relation to the subjective experiences and conditions for learning of the children. Constant movement between areas and perspectives at increasingly complex levels is important for the development of spatial conceptions. Therefore teachers need to provide pupils repeatedly with experience of the di erent spatial dimensions and with perspectives other than their own. In order to enable an emotional and personal relation between the individual strands, it is crucial that new information always connects to pupils' already acquired knowledge and/or cognitive structures.
Besides the development of topographical knowledge and competences which allow orientation in the world, the development of spatial ideas described in the model comprises the ability to form critical opinions and the children's development into mature citizens. Therefore a positive attitude towards other people is important. The aim of the present examination -as well as those depicted in gure 4 -and of the framework of a spiral curriculum should be to develop spatial dimensions and the consciousness of the children with regard to their own relationship to the world.