Professionals and Public-Good Capabilities

Martha Nussbaum (2011) reminds us that, all over the world people are struggling for a life that is fully human a life worthy of human dignity. Purely income-based and preferencebased evaluations, as Sen (1999) argues, do not adequately capture what it means for each person to have quality of life. There are other things that make life good for a person, including access to publicly provided professional services. The question then is what version of education inflects more towards the intrinsic and transformational possibilities of professional work and contributions to decent societies? This paper suggests that we need a normative approach to professional education and professionalism; it is not the case that any old version will do. We also need normative criteria to move beyond social critique and to overcome a merely defensive attitude and to give a positive definition to the potential achievements of the professions. Moreover universities are connected to society, most especially through the professionals they educate; it is reasonable in our contemporary world to educate professional graduates to be in a position to alleviate inequalities, and to have the knowledge, skills and values to be able to do so. To make this case, we draw on the human capabilities approach of Sen (1999, 2009) and Nussbaum (2000, 2011) to conceptualise professional education for the public good as an ally of the struggles of people living in poverty and experiencing inequalities, expanding the well-being of people to be and to do in ways they have reason to value – to be mobile, cared for, respected, and so on. In particular we are interested in which human capabilities and functionings are most needed for a professional practice and professionalism that can contribute to transformative social change and how professional development is enabled via pedagogical arrangements.


Introduction
Martha Nussbaum (2011) reminds us that, all over the world people are struggling for a life that is fully human -a life worthy of human dignity. What theoretical approaches could then be the ally of these struggles and situations, and direct attention to an analysis of and recommendations for university-based professional education to enable well-being for all?
Purely income-based and preference-based evaluations, as Sen (1999)  We suggest that we need a normative approach to professional education and professionalism; it is not the case that any old version will do. We also need normative criteria to move beyond social critique, to overcome a merely defensive attitude and to give a positive definition to the potential achievements of the professions. Moreover universities are connected to society, most especially through the professionals they educate; it is reasonable in our contemporary world to educate professional graduates to be in a position to alleviate inequalities, and to have the knowledge, skills and values to be able to do so.
To make our case, we draw on the human capabilities approach of Sen (1999Sen ( , 2009 and Nussbaum (2000Nussbaum ( , 2011 to conceptualise professional education for the public good as an ally of the struggles of people living in poverty and experiencing inequalities, expanding the well-being of people to be and to do in ways they have reason to value -to be mobile, cared for, respected, and so on. Such a version of professionalism seeks to advance human development (Haq, 1999) in society, by which we mean, creating enabling and empowering conditions for human well-being, flourishing and agency. It takes as its yardstick freedoms and well-being and asks about the real opportunities people have to flourish. It asks us to consider the normative, the structural, and the subjective (real lives with histories, abilities, and so on), all of which are necessary for the theory and practice of professional lives. In particular we are interested in which human capabilities and functionings are most needed for a professional practice and professionalism that can contribute to transformative social change and how professional development is enabled via pedagogical arrangements. But also, what constrains or enables such professional orientations educationally and socially.
Moreover, professional work is complex; professionalism has never been neutral and apolitical and can be understood as a discourse, as part of an ongoing politics of knowledge, power and social organisation (Freidson, 2004;Larson Sarfatti, 2013).
We can draw on the idea that professions can and should build their moral missions and the integrity of professional life. In this vein, the potential meaning and value of professional work are strongly evaluated by Sullivan: Anyone who has been stirred and inspired by a committed teacher, an attentive health care provider, a dedicated pastor or rabbi; anyone who has experienced a well-functioning business firm or public agency, school or cultural institution has glimpsed the enlivening possibilities inherent in communities of professional purpose. (Sullivan, 2005: 290) What is further needed is what Sen (2009) describes as a process of 'public reasoning' where we subject versions of professionalism to public scrutiny and discuss together a public philosophy which can capture the possibilities of professionalism and its purposes for humanising professional work and improving well-being and justice in contemporary societies. Indeed Sullivan argues that how professionals engage in their civic function means bringing their expertise to bear on deliberation about the ends of development, as well as the means. Professional education ought, he says, to model this and challenge students to 'genuine involvement as experts and citizens alike' (Sen, 2009: 289), integrating individual goals with those of publics so that professional well-being is connected to advancing the well-being of persons and communities. Ever-evolving professional projects will respond to local circumstances and, despite the pull towards self-interest, professionals are attached to work that makes contributions to the improvement of their clients and the societies in which they work.

Capabilities-friendly professionalism
Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum's capabilities approach provides a transformative conceptualisation of professionalism so that, in our view, public-good professionalism is capabilities-friendly and falls under the human development umbrella; it enables rich human development and human well-being by advancing people's capabilities (their freedoms and opportunities) and their plural functionings (all the activities and states of being they have reason to value). Sen (1999) developed the capabilities approach to evaluate the effects of living in poverty. He focuses on whether or not people are in a position to choose and live a life that they value, and on comparative and interpersonal accounts of people's beings and doings. The approach allows an evaluation not only of well-being in terms of what people value being and doing, but also of the social conditions which increase their freedom to be or act in those ways; these conditions can include arrangements for professional education. If person X has more freedom to access quality professional services than person Y, the capabilities approach would ask about unequal social arrangements that enable freedom for one and not the other (assuming that it is agreed that this is a valuable goal).
The capabilities approach was conceptualised by Sen (1999) as an alternative to other ways of thinking about welfare economics and human wellbeing. From a capabilities perspective how well people are doing is evaluated neither by looking at GDP or average income in a country alone, nor by asking how satisfied people are with their lives (because people may resign themselves to bad circumstances). Rather, it aims to assess what people are actually 'capable' of being and doing in terms of living lives they regard as good. Our normative approach is thus for public-good professionalism and the education of professionals who support the capability expansion of their clients by exercising their professional capabilities as public-good functionings. Public-good professionals would be responsible agents with 'other-regarding' goals, aware of their obligation to enhance human development, democratic values, and social justice. From Sen's (2008) perspective, if someone has the power (the capabilities) to make a change that he or she can see will reduce injustice in the world, there is a strong social argument for doing so.
The public-good professional that we envisage through the lens of the capabilities approach would ask such questions as: 'What are my clients or the communities I work with actually able to do and be? What opportunities do they have to be and do what they value?
How do social arrangements have an influence on expanding their capabilities? How do we build a profession that values creating capabilities for all?' These professionals would be oriented to thinking about opportunities for persons to choose to live in meaningful, productive and rewarding ways. Where they found a failure of capabilities and valuable achievements for individuals, groups and communities they would ask what changes in structures, institutions, policies and practices might enhance people's flourishing. In turn, by influencing the thinking of professionals, the quality of professional education in universities might enable the poor and vulnerable -supported and empowered in part by professionals and their public service -to achieve valuable goals and to lead dignified and secure lives.
From the capabilities approach perspective, enabling people 'to live really humanly' is to reduce inequalities and to foster more justice. From this perspective, a professional education grounded in human development, capabilities' expansion and functioning achievements, can form rich human being, and should be one site where we 'advance justice or reduce injustice in the world' (Sen 2009: 337).

The project
We now turn to the empirical project which shaped this idea of public-good professionalism.
The project focused on five professional departments in three South African universities. It combined the theoretical resources of the capabilities approach with empirical data and a deliberative research process. The result of the combination was a 'Public-Good Professional Capabilities Index' to evaluate pedagogical aims and practice in a context in which professionals are urgently needed to address the multi-dimensional problems associated with poverty and to contribute to social transformation in a highly unequal society. Those interested in the project as a whole can read about it in 'Professional Education, Capabilities and the Public Good: the role of universities in promoting human development' (Walker and McLean, 2013). For the purposes of this paper we have selected the drafting of a 'wide' set of 'public-good professional capabilities' to explore what the capabilities approach can offer, as well as shedding some light on the challenges of providing university-based education which will produce professionals with the capabilities for contributions to social transformation.
In the project we made a distinction between general human capabilities to lead a valuable life and professional capabilities, drawing on Nussbaum's (2000) ten central capabilities, with three additions drawn from Wolff and De Shalit (2007) (see Table 1). Being able to live to the end of a human life of normal length; not dying prematurely, or before one's life is so reduced as to be not worth living.

Bodily health
Being able to have good health, including reproductive health; to be adequately nourished; to have adequate shelter.

Bodily integrity
Being able to move freely from place to place; to be secure against violent assault, including sexual assault and domestic violence; having opportunities for sexual satisfaction and for choice in matters of reproduction.

Senses, imagination and thought
Being able to use the senses, to imagine, think and reason -and to do these things in a 'truly human' way, a way informed and cultivated by an adequate education, including, but by no means limited to, literacy and basic mathematical and scientific training. Being able to use imagination and thought in connection with experiencing and producing works and events of one's own choice, religious, literary, musical, and so forth. Being able to use one's mind in ways protected by guarantees of freedom of expression with respect to both political and artistic speech, and freedom of religious exercise. Being able to have pleasurable experiences and to avoid non-beneficial pain.

Emotions
Being able to have attachments to things and people outside ourselves; to love those who love and care for us, to grieve at their absence; in general, to love, to grieve, to experience longing, gratitude, and justified anger. Not having one's emotional development blighted by f ear and anxiety. (Supporting this capability means supporting forms of human association that can be shown to be crucial in their development.)

Practical reason
Being able to form a conception of the good and to engage in critical reflection about the planning of one's life. (This entails protection for the liberty of conscience and religious observance.) Affiliation a) Being able to live with and toward others, to recognise and show concern for other human beings, to engage in various forms of social interaction; to be able to imagine the situation of another. (Protecting this capability means protecting institutions that constitute and nourish such forms of affiliation, and also protecting the freedom of assembly and political speech) b) Having the social bases of self-respect and non-humiliation; being able to be treated as a dignified being whose worth is equal to that of others. This entails provisions of nondiscrimination on the basis of race, sex, sexual orientation, ethnicity, caste, religion, national origin.

Other species
Being able to live with concern for an in relation to animals, plants and the world of nature.

Play
Being able to laugh, to play, to enjoy recreational activities.
Control over one's environment a) Political. Being able to participate effectively in political choices that govern one's life; having the right of political participation, protections of free speech and association b) Material. Being able to hold property (both land and movable goods) not just formally but in terms of real opportunity; and having property rights on an equal basis with others; having the right to seek employment on an equal basis with others; having freedom from unwarranted search and seizure.

Doing good to others
Being able to care for others as part of expressing your humanity. Being able to show gratitude.

Living in a lawabiding fashion
The possibility of being able to live within the law; not to be forced to break the law, cheat, or to deceive other people or institutions.

Understanding the law
Having a general comprehension of the law, its demands, and the opportunities it offers to individuals. Not standing perplexed before the legal system.
These should be the goals of public-good professionalism, to enable people to be and to do in all these ways. From our perspective, professionals involved in social transformation are involved in the expansion of human capability and capabilities. Once we had established a set of human capabilities which underpinned the goals of what we called public-good professionalism, we turned our attention to professional capabilities that might be acquired through education -the knowledge, skills and values which constitute the capabilities to practice as professionals working in specific conditions to expand human capabilities.
As there was no extant list of such professional capabilities, we set about developing a methodology for generating a list which was theoretically-informed and reflected both ideals and practical possibilities. All efforts to educate professionals occur in specific conditions, which shape what is possible. In the case of our project, political, social and economic conditions in South Africa combine neo-liberal politics with the legacy of apartheid, of which the most pernicious element is the continuing poverty of black South Africans, which is in sharp contrast with the affluence of most of the white population. Yet, although South Africa has been caught up in neoliberal policies, it has a transformation agenda in which universities have a role within higher education to contribute to social transformation. Thus there are constraints on but also enablements for public-good professionalism.
As noted above, the research sites were five professional departments in three South African universities selected for their diverse historical trajectories of apartheid dis/advantage: Acacia an historically advantaged university (HAI) (Theology and Engineering); Silvertree also an historically advantaged university (Social Work), and Fynbos, an historically disadvantaged university (HDI) (Law and Public Health). Our concern was to work with diverse interest groups to come to agreements about what would constitute the goals of professional education in South Africa; that is, we did not want to impose our own ideas. They included alumni, NGOs, professional bodies, lecturers, students and university leadership. Secondly, we wanted to understand how the educational arrangements in different university departments contributed to the kind of professional that was seen as able to contribute towards social transformation in South Africa. So we developed a methodology that would allow us to: 1. Draw up a set of professional capabilities that were agreed on by professional education interest groups in South Africa;

2.
Describe the kinds of educational arrangements at university and department levels that might produce graduates with these capabilities; and 3. Generate case studies of departments in terms of valued professional-good capabilities and the educational arrangements for forming them.
These processes were complex, dialogic, reflexive, participatory and iterative (described in detail in Walker and McLean, 2013). The final Index comprised four multidimensional elements: (1) meta-functionings which are both 'fertile functionings' (Wolff and De-Shalit, 2007) and capability multipliers; (2) professional capabilities; (3) educational arrangements; and (4) an over-arching element that refers to the constraints and enablements in specific contexts. 1, 2 and 3 are normative, structural and subjective, but 4 is historical and contextual. All elements are important, as is the multi-dimensionality of the functionings and capabilities.

Identifying professional functionings and capabilities
In order to derive professional capabilities for the Index, we explored what our respondents said about what professionals oriented to social transformation and poverty-reduction should be able to do, and, about what their practices would look like. The first element of the Index was provided by what all our respondents agreed upon. At a macro level all saw themselves as part of South Africa's ambitious project of social transformation; and, at a micro level, all acknowledged the crucial importance of transforming human relationships -whether with individuals or communities -by foregrounding equality, respect and dignity. These agreements were encapsulated in the first element of the Index which we called 'metafunctionings'; we see these as a normative yardstick for the public-good, even though both Sen and Nussbaum place the emphasis on capabilities, leaving people to choose or not choose functionings for themselves): • recognising the full dignity of every human being.
• acting for social transformation and reducing injustice.
• working/acting with others to expand the comprehensive capabilities ('fully human lives') of people living in poverty.
In order to identify the professional capabilities necessary to function in these ways, we analysed what our respondents said and worked backwards from functionings that they considered valuable so that one capability captures a range of practices (which are contextual rather than normative, thus neither definitive nor conclusive). In this way we identified eight public-good professional capabilities (see Table 2): While we could identify professional capabilities common to all the professions that were the focus of our study, there were nonetheless variations. As might be expected, we found a sharp distinction between Engineering and Law on the one hand, and Theology, Social Work and Public Health, on the other. Here we elaborate on how the professional capabilities appeared in three of the professional departments.

Engineering at Acacia (HAI)
We chose a new voluntary module on critical perspectives on society which also included a community work element where students went to the local township and taught mathematics and science to grade 11 and 12 learners (The module has subsequently been made compulsory Integrity was taken particularly seriously. Alumni who had been practising for some years were insistent about not being fraudulent, and about being truthful with workers and clients. They also stressed being responsible and accountable, conscientiously constructing products and buildings and following safety procedures; they pointed out the harm engineers might do by not doing their job properly. In fact, the need for integrity was so emphasised by the groups we spoke to that we suspected a problem within the profession as a whole in South Africa. Christo van Heerden, who reported that he makes a considerable effort to involve himself in community projects, had an opinion on this: 'A lot of engineers, they don't like responsibility, they just do something, but they take a step back'. The Dean, Thomas Ryer, elaborated the reasons for engineers to have a 'very good value system', again efficiency is foregrounded: You're always in a management position as an engineer, people look up to you. So if you're going to break the rules, you don't come on site, you're not punctual for meetings, you're slack, then that's going to come across to your workers, it's going to affect them. You're going to get people pitching up late [and] stealing, because it comes from management level.
The students --who it must be remembered were studying at Acacia, an historically white, elite university and whose future profession enjoys high status in society as a whole -conveyed a palpable sense of confidence and assurance that they will be problem-solving agents of change who can make a difference to society. For example, Dawie, a white student, spoke of the problems of rural communities living near mines: 'We just need to know there is a problem and we can actually do something about it'. While there was confidence about achieving practical solutions to infrastructure problems, it was not the norm to give serious time and effort to community projects either in the Department or in the profession at large.

Law at Fynbos (HDI)
Here we selected the final year elective for the Legal Practice course which involved working in the pro bono university law clinic.
Some law participants recognised that awareness of the realities of life for the majority of South Africa's population, and understanding the specific social and economic situations of clients enables lawyers to provide access to justice and socio-economic rights.
At the same time, there was little confidence that lawyers possessed or acted on such awareness and understanding: one lecturer, Khatidja Bashir, claimed that what is needed is 'a mindset change of how we provide legal services'. In general, despite South Africa's sharpened need for lawyers oriented to human rights, as anywhere else in the world, the individual lawyers who choose 'public-interest law' from conviction are a minority who accept that they will earn less money than in other legal areas of works. The group of students we spoke to was within this minority and held an informed vision. Many were from poorer communities themselves and so knew about disadvantage and most felt an obligation to 'put back' into the communities. Be that as it may, for lawyers knowledge of the law is paramount. All groups emphasised the importance of a thorough knowledge of the substance and content of the law to being an effective public-good lawyer. Like engineers, the knowledge is dense and specialised; and, like engineers, lawyers should be problem-solvers.
Valuable practical skills include opening a case file, managing a practice, and doing pro bono work. The law lecturers we spoke to also emphasised that a 'good' lawyer treats people with respect, as dignified human beings, and is not prejudiced by illiteracy and disadvantage. There were a number of key elements of good professionalism amongst lawyers.
During a focus group interview for example one student observed that resilience is necessary to remaining committed to legal and social principles for 'the long haul', that is, for a career of several decades. Integrity is also essential in law. All groups spoke of the importance of having strong principles and ethical standards of behaviour and acting honestly regardless of what branch of law. Arguably, lawyers also need to have the confidence and assurance that their work is worthwhile. Mainly this is to make a difference to individuals and communities; for a few it is also to make an impact on public policy. For example, Thandi Dlamini, a black African alumna who works for a women's legal aid centre, stated that she preferred to choose cases which could change an existing law, for example, challenging the principle of primogeniture to enable girls and illegitimate children the right to inheritance, because such cases will have a more lasting impact. For Leonard Smith, the Deputy Dean, professional confidence and leadership qualities will empower clients 'to establish businesses, to get into contracts, actually to work for themselves'.

Social Work at Silvertree (HAI)
Here we looked at the whole of the final year programme.
In In South Africa, social and collective struggle is integral to social work: lecturer Amanda Hoffman described the central purpose of social work as 'redress[ing] the wrongs of the past'. For Anne Hardy, quoted above, redress takes the form of 'giving a voice' to poor communities by 'encourag[ing] advocacy and systems and structures'. Nevertheless, even though it was emphasised by lecturers, collaborating with other components of the social welfare system was little mentioned by students or most alumni. A representative of the professional body, Liezel Vermaak, who was white, thought that poverty reduction 'is really something that must be planned strategically, and there must be a collective approach [...] across all the government Departments and professionals in this field', indicating that this capability could be strengthened.
Resilience is critical because economic and social problems appear overwhelming.
Again, Anne Hardy gave an insight into the difficulty: You've got to be prepared to be committed and to persevere. It's so easy to give up, and there are reasons to give up [...]. But if you stick long enough and you're committed enough there's a real sense of integrity and transparency and openness to the realness of the situation. I think that's what a social worker needs. And not to be deluded about the situation and not to romanticise it, but to know that humans can change, countries can change, but you've got to be there for the long haul.
Thandi Matshisa worked for an NGO and emphasised that avoiding burnout meant not getting 'over-involved', that is acknowledging that 'you're just a small drop in a big ocean', and so maintaining boundaries is right even though it is difficult; she continued, 'you're constantly taking your clients' stories home with you. You can't help it sometimes'.
Social work should encompass a good deal of emotional reflexivity, for example, students knew they would need to encourage and motivate, while simultaneously pursuing the principles of self-determination. One white social work student, Carla, commented: [When] going into impoverished communities [...] you can't go in thinking that you're the expert [...] people are going to be looking to you for answers because they feel hopeless, but at the same time if you go in there as a mediator between people and draw out those ideas and the needs from them, that immediately takes away that feeling of hopelessness and revives the community. Arguably, in South Africa social workers have low status, disproportionate to their education, level of skills and important role in society. Yet there was strong expression of assurance and confidence in the form of professional pride. For Amanda: 'The social work profession is a fantastic profession. I think that social workers have a huge opportunity to be transformatory, to make a significant contribution to transformation in any society where they're working, particularly in South Africa'.

Variations in public-good professional capabilities
The capabilities that we identified arose from theoretical considerations and from the complete set of data collected from different interest groups in five professional fields. This does not mean that the valuing of each capability was as strongly expressed by all professions or all individuals, and in some fields expressions of some of the capabilities were faint or implied. By way of reminder, the eight capabilities are: informed vision; knowledge and skills; affiliation; social and collective struggle; resilience; emotional reflexivity; integrity; and assurance and confidence. We attempted to characterise variation by conveying central values: • Engineers valued efficiency, creative problem-solving and honesty in dealings with clients and workers.
• Lawyers valued knowing the law and placing the client first.
• Ministers valued God's guidance in transforming themselves to transform the communities they work in.
• Social workers valued being change agents who empower clients to grasp their rights.
• Public health professionals valued understanding and addressing in policies and collaborative practices the complex determinants of health and health care.
It was possible to draw up a table as a heuristic referring to weak and strong manifestations of each public-good capability in each professional field (see Table 3). We found that these variations in values influenced pedagogical arrangements that students encounter in order to form the capabilities to: frame problems of justice and injustice in relation to their own professional field; think about them critically and compassionately; and acquire specific professional knowledge and skills which might enable them, in their future working lives, to reduce injustice by increasing the well-being of individuals and groups. We explored our empirical data for examples that could highlight what is actually possible in specific contexts. In the same way as the eight professional capabilities are broad enough to allow for situated interpretations, we developed wide dimensions of educational arrangements for public-good professionalism which we found inflected differently from site to site.
From our data, departments pursued the eight public-good professional capabilities in weaker and stronger forms, depending on the values of the professional field. These variations played out in similarities and differences of curriculum and pedagogy, which were also influenced by the wealth of the university -Fynbos was considerably less well-resourced than the others. All the departments were thoughtful about teaching, all had undergone review and change since the transition from apartheid in 1994, and for all we spoke to this is an ongoing process. The commonalities in pedagogy and curriculum clustered around the message that the past must be redressed. There were five major strands (inevitably more strongly expressed in some departments than others) that relate to four of the capabilities.
First, in all the departments, even if in one course or module, students were expected to understand that they were entering a professional field in specific socio-historic circumstances in a country where many people are living under conditions of great poverty, and that they have a role to play in addressing the problem (informed vision). Secondly, in all departments there were attempts to inculcate respectfulness (clearly seen as a part of a necessary break with the past), often demonstrated through relationships in the classroom (affiliation). Thirdly, knowledge and skills were seen as vital to make some form of contribution to a society that is in need of a great deal from its professionals, whatever the field. In particular, all professionals need to be and were expected to be creative, problemsolving, critical thinkers. Fourthly, the messages were strong in teaching that professionals must display integrity. Fifthly, we observed students gaining confidence and assurance as they were being educated, though it was differently inflected for engineers and lawyers who enjoy high status in society; for theologians who are accepted into communities as ministers; for social workers who know that their profession has not been held in high regard in the past and even now; and, for health professionals who are already working in the field and can reap an immediate benefit from their studies.
We can see, therefore, that the other three capabilities disappeared almost altogether in some fields. Social and collective struggle made almost no direct appearance in the curriculum or pedagogy in Engineering or directly in Law (despite significant involvement in the policy area by law academics). In Theology there was a strong focus on bringing black and white people and churches together, although in the South African context of deep religious divisions based on race, this could be understood as a form of social and collective struggle. As a functioning in Social Work and Public Health social and collective struggle appeared as encouragement to 'network', 'forge links' or 'collaborate'. In Public Health, appreciating and acting on the necessity of services and systems working together to promote the health of people living in poverty was a central value.
Both Theology and Social Work education stressed emotional reflexivity. However, they took quite different forms, which relate to pedagogy. In Theology emotional reflexivity related to making personal transformations that were expected to occur in the context of the university and department through discussion, prayer and thought, whereas in Social Work it related to the extensive placements students were given during which they come face-to-face with the harrowing realities of extreme poverty. The relatively light emphasis on practical, concrete experiences in real communities in Theology might also explain the absence of discussion about resilience (except from the alumni), which is in contrast with Social Work for which it was a central capability. Public Health appeared to assume resilience on the part of their working health professional students, and there were small hints of the need for both emotional reflexivity and resilience in Engineering and Law, in so far as students and alumni saw themselves as working directly on poverty reduction.
Overall, in terms of curriculum and pedagogy, we can connect the explicit vision of Theology, Social Work and Public Health to strongly articulated, transformative, critical curricula and pedagogies aimed both at students' acquisition of knowledge and skills, and at encouraging an attitude of conscious and responsible action in society. Nevertheless, the balance between actual concrete practice and experience, curriculum content, and opportunities for discussion and reflection is crucially important for the development of the full range of capabilities. Despite the similarity of the visions of Theology and Social Work, the former appeared underdeveloped pedagogically because too much emphasis was placed on transformation in theory -this was set to change with 'community service' elements being strengthened. In Engineering and Law specific parts of the curriculum and a general ethos from some lecturers (shared in the case of Law) lent themselves to the development of public-good professionalism -and the issue is one of extending innovative courses to more students.

Constraints
An integral part of our Index is the contextual constraints on public-good professionalism.
This is because without understanding of and working with the context, aspirations are likely to remain rhetorical. In the South African context, we found myriad systemic, material and cultural constraints on public-good professionalism in our case studies. For example, while the lecturers in Theology were highly committed to poverty reduction, the historical rift between black and white churches still reverberated; there are too few social workers working with individuals and communities in extremes of poverty and social breakdown, and they are under-resourced, low paid and low status; and, the Department of Public Health faces a serious lack of knowledge and skills in health professions in Africa. A major constraint for all professions was uncoordinated effort --there was an urgent need to build partnerships and to collaborate and network with other professions and groups. Undoubtedly, lecturers in professional education departments are making real efforts to educate students with the capabilities to tackle South Africa's many problems, and the students we talked to see themselves as part of social transformation. Nonetheless, our participants were also disillusioned by entrenched poverty, increased inequality, and the incompetence and sometimes corruption of professionals in their fields. The legacy of apartheid still poses tremendous material and social difficulties.
Our case studies demonstrate how historical, political, economic, social and cultural contexts set permeable if not fixed boundaries on what it is possible to achieve in terms of values and practice. It is clear that, interested as we are in the possibilities of education, lack of resources, understaffed services and inappropriate government attitudes toward the proper role of professionals can demotivate even strongly motivated groups to serve the poor, the needy and the disadvantaged.

Conclusion
Although our research was located in a specific context, we hope that it stimulates reflections about broader complexities, problems and questions related to social change and to university-based professional education. Taking a capabilities view, professional education is a means to advance social justice by providing capability-expanding services to people living precarious and vulnerable lives. The exploration of education of the 'public-good professional' through the lens of the capabilities approach sheds light on four important issues.
Firstly, it draws attention to the importance of making agreements with key interest groups about what constitutes professionalism: the aspiration of educating public-good professionals is unlikely to be achieved without such agreements. Secondly, capabilities can constitute a set of goals for professionalism that holds across professional fields. Thirdly, the capabilities approach reveals the conceptual difference between having opportunities (in the form of knowledge, attitudes and skills) and choosing to act on those opportunities. From the perspective that I have explained, the task of professional education is to design curriculum and pedagogy which offers students the freedoms to become and to choose. Nonetheless, Sen also notes that whether capabilities or functionings could be placed in the evaluation space depends on what one wants to look at. We still feel intuitively that professional education students ought to be able show the exercise of meta/fertile functionings during their degree education and training, and that we would recognise a public-good professional in the field as someone strongly exercising these four functionings. Fourthly, used as an evaluative framework the approach can reveal strengths and lacunae which are likely to configure differently in different professional fields. Finally, our case studies show how material conditions can constrain efforts to educate the public-good professional: the groups we spoke to wanted professionals who would possess the capabilities of contributing to poverty reduction and social transformation through their work, but a range of resources, history and culture presented constraints both in departments and later in the professional fields of work.
Despite the constraints, we believe that there are always grounds for hope in an imperfect world. We found it in the strong and clear visions of public-good professionalism that the students, lecturers, professionals and others we spoke to held, and in the strenuous efforts to equip future professionals with public-good capabilities by way of education. We witnessed an ideal at work: in pockets, professional education in South Africa is producing outstanding professionals whose solidarity, rationality and reflection will make them more likely to act as agents for transformation.
Within the ambit of professional services there are injustices which are 'redressable' (Sen 2009: vii). Without waiting for perfect social structures, or perfectly just institutions to be put in place, or even perfect professionals, the capabilities approach offers a contextualised, collaborative and feasible vehicle for designing and evaluating curriculum and pedagogy. We can imagine that more lawyers acting over and over again more humanely in the way described by the lawyers we spoke to can forge a more open legal access pathway for the poor, for example. New social pathways are 'walked and woven' (Cooper, 2001: 128) in non-ideal circumstances, while holding to the ideal of what it means to be a public-good professional.

Author bionotes
Melanie Walker is research professor and NRF chair in higher education and human development at the University of the Free State, South Africa.

Monica McLean is professor of higher education in the School of Education at the
University of Nottingham, UK.