¹ Lima's walls were dismantled in 1871.

² See Hunt, Lynn , Politics, Culture and Class in the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), p. 59.Google Scholar

³ “Crónica Local,” El Nacional, 14 July 1866.

⁴ “Crónica Local,” El Nacional, 31 July 1866.

⁵ For an account of this incident see Chueca, Francisco Quiroz, La protesta de los artesanos LimaCallao, 1858 (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1995).Google Scholar

⁶ For a complete account of the artisan position within the debates over commercial policy in the early decades of the national period see Gootenberg, Paul, Between Silver and Guano (Princeton: Princeton University Press), pp. 46–53.Google Scholar For accounts of early national politics see Gootenberg, Silver and Guano, and Aljovín, Cristóbal, Caudillos y constituciones Perú: 1821–1845 (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica—Instituto Riva Aguero y Fondo Económico de Cultura, 2000).Google Scholar For an account of a similar conflict between artisans seeking protectionism and free-trade liberals in nineteenth century Bogotá see Sowell, David, The Early Colombian Labor Movement (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992).Google Scholar

⁷ For coverage of artisans during the period of caudillo politics see García-Bryce, Iñigo, “Crafting the Republic: Lima's Artisans and Nation-Building in Nineteenth-Century Peru, 1821–1879” (Ph.D. Diss., Stanford University, May 2000), Chapter 2.Google Scholar

⁸ See McEvoy, Carmen, Un proyecto nacional en el siglo XIX: Manuel Pardo y su vision del Perú (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1994).Google Scholar

⁹ See Joseph, Gilbert and Nugent, Daniel eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1994),Google Scholar Mallon, Florencia, Peasant and Nation: The Making of Postcolonial Mexico and Peru (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995),Google Scholar Warren, Richard Andrew, “Elections and Popular Political Participation in Mexico, 1808–1836,” in Peloso, Vincent and Tenenbaum, Barbara eds., Liberals, Politics and Power: State Formation in Nineteenth-Century Latin America (Athens and London: The University of Georgia Press, 1996),Google Scholar Thurner, Mark, From Two Republics to One Divided: Contradictions of Postcolonial Nationmaking in Andean Peru (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997),Google Scholar Walker, Charles, Smoldering Ashes: Cusco and the Creation of Republican Peru (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999),CrossRefGoogle Scholar Chambers, Sara, From Subjects to Citizens: Honor, Gender, and Politics in Arequipa, Peru 1780–1854 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Historians have drawn on Habermas’ notion of the public sphere to trace the emergence of the institutions of a public sphere in Latin America. See Sàbato, Hilda, La política en las calles: Entre el voto y la movilización Buenos Aires, 1862–1880 (Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1998).Google Scholar

¹¹ In particular the recent work of Florencia Mallon on peasants in the nineteenth century posits the notion of a counterhegemonic popular alternative to elite liberalism. See Mallon, Peasant and Nation.

¹² This situation changed during the period of economic crisis of the 1870s. At this time, a more combative artisan discourse merging artisans with the working class begins to emerge. See García-Bryce, “Crafting the Republic,” Chapter 5.

¹³ A number of studies of Latin American labor movements present mutual societies primarily as precursors of later developments. Alba, Victor, Politics and the Labor Movement in Latin America (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1968),Google Scholar Spalding, Hobart A. Jr., Organized Labor in Latin America: Historical Case Studies of Workers in Dependent Societies (New York: New York University Press, 1977),Google Scholar Hart, John, Anarchism and the Mexican Working Class, 1860–1931 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1978).Google Scholar For Peru, see Blanchard, Peter, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement, 1883–1919 (Pittsburgh: The University of Pittsburgh Press, 1982).Google Scholar Two valuable studies of Peruvian artisans focus primarily on moments of protests: Giesecke, Margarita, Masas urbanas y rebelión en la historia, golpe de estado: Lima 1872 (Lima: Centro de Divulgación de Historia Popular, 1978),Google Scholar and Quiroz, Protesta de artesanos. ForChile, Romero, L. A., La Sociedad de la Igualdad: los artesanos de Santiago de Chile y sus primeras experiencias políticas, 1820–1851 (Buenos Aires: Editorial del Instituto Torcuato di Telia, 1978)Google Scholar focuses primarily on protest and presents artisans as pawns of radical liberal elites rather than as actors in their own right.

¹⁴ See Gootenberg, Silver and Guano and Sowell, Early Colombian Labor Movement.

¹⁵ While studies of mutual aid societies for the cities of Cusco and Mexico suggest that the social and economic functions of mutual aid societies outweighed their political functions, a recent study of Chilean mutual aid societies confirms the idea that behind their apolitical front, these societies played an important political role in recruiting artisan support for liberal politicians. For Cusco see Kruggeler, Thomas, “Unreliable Drunkards or Honorable Citizens? Artisans in Search of their Place in the Cusco Society, 1825–1930,” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champagne, 1993),Google Scholar and for Mexico City, Hades, Carlos, Hacia la república del trabajo: la organización artesanal en la ciudad de México, 1853–1876 (Mexico: El Colegio de México y la Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 1996).Google Scholar For political implications of mutual aid societies in Chile see Grez, Sergio, De la “regeneración del pueblo” a la huelga general: Génesis y evolución del movimiento popular en Chile (1810–1890) (Santiago: Ediciones de la Biblioteca Nacional de Chile, 1997), p. 485.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Gootenberg, Paul, Imagining Development (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 43–162.Google Scholar He writes “Not much is known about artisan thinking before the dislocations of the war” (p. 156), and in a footnote he recognizes that “we lack solid study of associations, often mentioned in the press of the mid 1870s.” (p.155).

¹⁷ The brief interlude of direct elections contrasted with the established system of electoral colleges and indirect elections that kept decisions in the hands of propertied notables and thus held in check the possibility of offering excessive political power to voters.

¹⁸ Pike, Frederick, The Modern History of Peru (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1967), p. 104.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Peloso, Vincent, “Liberals, Electoral Reform, and the Popular Vote in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Peru,” in Peloso, and Tenenbaum, eds., Liberals, Politics, Power, p. 194.Google Scholar

²⁰ According to the 1866 census for the city of Lima, rates of literacy among artisans were extraordinarily high. Among the entire population of shoemakers, carpenters, tailors and tanners, literacy rates were 80 percent. The census can be found in the Archivo Histórico Municipal de Lima.

²¹ Peloso, , “Liberals,” p. 195.Google Scholar

²² Santisteban, José Silva, Breves reflexiones sobre los sucesos ocurridos en Lima y el Callao con motivo de la importación de artefactos (Lima: Imprenta calle de Jesús Nazareno, 1859), p. 7.Google Scholar

²³ El Comercio, 17 October 1849.

²⁴ Peloso, , “Liberals,” p. 204.Google Scholar

²⁵ Such short-lived ideological newspapers were a common feature of nineteenth-century political life.

²⁶ Gootenberg, , Imagining Development, p. 141.Google Scholar

²⁷ Carlos Forment calculates that 45 associations were formed by the elite between 1845 and 1879 throughout Peru. See Forment, Carlos, “La sociedad civil in el Perú del siglo XIX: Democrática o disciplinaria,” in Sàbato, Hilda ed., Ciudadanía política y formación de las naciones, perspectivas históricas de América Latina (Mexico: El Colegio de México, Fideicomiso Historia de las Américas, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1999), p. 213.Google Scholar

²⁸ It is noteworthy that actors who have traditionally been considered a disreputable social group should have attempted to gain security and a measure of respectability through such associations.

²⁹ Similar types of society had begun to appear somewhat earlier in parts of Europe, toward the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century in France and England. See Farr, James R., Artisans in Europe 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 290–1.Google Scholar

³⁰ On the new forms of sociability distinguishing Spanish American modernity during the early nineteenth-century, see Guerra, Francois-Xavier, Modernidad e Independencias (Madrid: Mapfre, 1992), pp. 86–91.Google Scholar

³¹ Illades, , Hacia la república del trabajo, p. 86.Google Scholar

³² Harriman, Brenda, “Los británicos en el Perú,” in Primer seminario sobre poblaciones inmigrantes (Lima: Concitec, 1988), pp. 152–3.Google Scholar

³³ Jordán, Pilar García, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporaneo, 1821–1919 (Cusco: Centro Bartolomé de las Casas, 1991), p. 204.Google Scholar

³⁴ El Heraldo, no. 294, 18 June 1855. El Heraldo de Lima (1854–6) founded by Luis Benjamín Cis-neros and Toribio Pacheco defended the conservative Echenique and attacked Castilla.

³⁵ La Zamacueca Política, 8 June 1859. La Zamacueca Política criticized Castilla as an enemy of republican ideals and expressed popular sentiment by upholding the artisan cause for tariffs. The newspaper was eventually closed by the Castilla regime in 1859. See Gootenberg, , Imagining Development, pp. 144–6.Google Scholar

³⁶ The unavailability of public records on these societies makes it very difficult to determine the number of members. I would venture to estimate membership in the low hundreds. It is interesting to note that the Sociedad Fraternal de Artesanos, despite specifying specific membership requirements, also broadly defined its members as being “all the honest artisans residing in the Capital and in Callao.” Reglamento Sociedad Fraternal Artesanos, p. 5.

³⁷ The achievement of social respectability on the part of artisans who belonged to these societies has been pointed out by Thomas Kruggeler in his study of Cusco artisans during the same period. Kruggeler also claims that Cusco artisans were not as politically involved as their Lima counterparts. See Kruggeler, , “Unreliable Drunkards,” p. 166.Google Scholar

³⁸ Reglamento Sociedad Fraternal Artesanos, p. 5.

³⁹ The figures for the racial makeup of the artisan population are based on the total number of shoemakers, carpenters, tailors and tanners in the city, as recorded in the 1866 census located in the Archivo Histórico Municipal de Lima. I give the proportions for the entire city based on the information provided in the 1876 national census.

⁴⁰ See Burkholder, Mark, “Honor and Honors in Colonial Spanish America,” in Johnson, Lyman and Lipsett-Rivera, Sonya eds., The Faces of Honor: Sex, Shame, and Violence in Colonial Latin America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), pp. 18–44.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Calderón, Francisco García, Diccionario de la legislación peruana, v. 1 (Paris, 1879), p. 172.Google Scholar

⁴² The term was made popular in Peruvian historiography by Alberto Flores Galindo. See Galindo, Alberto Flores, La ciudad sumergida: aristocracia y plebe en Lima, 1760–1830, 2nd ed. (Lima: Editorial Horizonte, 1991).Google Scholar

⁴³ In his study of London artisans during the second half of the nineteenth century, Geoffrey Crossick sees mutual aid societies as instrumental in ensuring artisan respectability. He writes: “The benefits provided by the society allowed the independence from charity and poor relief that was essential to the notion of respectability.” Crossick, Geoffrey, An Artisan Elite in Victorian Society: Kentish London, 1840–1880 (London: Croom Helm, 1978), p. 194.Google Scholar Crossick makes the point that illness, unemployment or sudden death could throw an artisan family into destitute poverty. Crossick, , Artisan Elite, p. 174.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The rules went into great detail regarding the various possibilities of illness. If a member of the society who was receiving the 12 monthly soles for disability should become ill, the society made provisions for an additional 50 centavos per day. See Reglamento Sociedad Fraternal, p. 9.

⁴⁵ Hunt, Shane, “Growth and Guano in Nineteenth-Century Peru,” in Conde, Roberto Cortés and Hunt, Shane eds., The Latin American Economies: Growth and the Export Sector 1880–1930 (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1985), p. 292.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ El Artesano, 15 May 1873.

⁴⁷ The 1839 Reglamento de Policía specifies that artisans are to contribute to putting out fires: “It specifically mentions the obligation of carpenters, blacksmiths, masons and water-carriers to come with the instruments of their trade and help the police intendant and his assistants to extinguish fires; shopkeepers and tavern owners must have a hook, a crowbar, a ladder and two leather buckets available for these cases.” Basadre, Jorge, Historia de la República del Perú , 6th ed. v.3 (Lima: Editorial Universitaria, 1983), p. 317.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ El Obrero, 5 June 1875.

⁴⁹ I find James Sheehan's definition of the liberal notion of the middle strata (Mittelstand) particularly helpful: “The liberal concept of the Mittelstand was both a social and a moral category. It depended less on objective criteria than on the existence of shared moral virtues. These virtues meant that the Mittelstand coincided with what liberals often called ‘the real Volk,’ those enlightened and progressive men whose political and social virtues would eventually triumph, producing that liberal world to which the movement was committed.” Sheehan, James, German Liberalism in the Nineteenth Century (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1995), p. 26.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ The link between artisan societies and citizen formation has parallels in revolutionary France. See Hunt, , Politics, Culture and Class, p. 72.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Archivo General de la Nación (AGN), Juzgado de Cofradías, Leg. 26, Cuaderno 358 (1835).

⁵² Celestino and Meyers note in reference to the Andean city of Jauja during the early twentieth century, that the “Sociedad de Artesanos” included members of cofradías. Celestino, Olinda and Meyers, Albert, Las cofradías en el Perú: región central, (Frankfurt: Vervuert, 1981), p. 215.Google Scholar

⁵³ AGN, Juzgado de Cofradías, Legajo 31,(1848). The term “guild” is used losely here to refer to the brotherhood rather than specifically to the guilds.

⁵⁴ See the essays in Beezley, William et al. eds., Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance : Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Mexico (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1994).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ The title of this newspaper means “The Worker.”

⁵⁶ El Obrero, 3 April 1875.

⁵⁷ In the case of the Cofradía del Niño Jesús, the 1 st ordinance specified that the members of the brotherhood must partake of the celebration of the Feast of the Circumcision, on January 1. The 6th ordinance mandated that the brotherhood's officials attend a meeting one month prior to the fiesta in order to “address the issue of how best to conduct the celebration with the greatest devotion and solemnity.” AGN, Juzgado de Cofradías, Legajo 31 (1848).

⁵⁸ The rules for the Sociedad Fraternal de Artesanos state: “This Society recognizes as its patron saint San Francisco Solano, whose fiesta is to be celebrated the first Sunday in January,” Reglamento Sociedad Fraternal Artesanos, p. 5.

⁵⁹ “Swearing in” is my translation of the term “sacramentación” which evidently has more religious connotations than the term I have chosen. Reglamento Sociedad Fraternal Artesanos, p. 6.

⁶⁰ I have not found any internal records for these societies that would allow me to expand on the actual functions of these various officials within the society.

⁶¹ For a study of Francisco Laso's painting in the social context of the nineteenth century see Majluf, Natalia, “The Creation of the Image of the Indian in 19th Century Peru: The Paintings of Francisco Laso (1823–1869)” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Texas, Austin, 1995).Google Scholar

⁶² Basadre, Jorge, Introducción a las bases documentales para la historia de la República del Perú, vol. 1 (Lima: Ediciones P.L.V, 1971), p. 413.Google Scholar

⁶³ Archivo Histórico Municipal de Lima (AHML), Gremios, (1870). Hurtado employed blacksmiths, carpenters, and gilders.

⁶⁴ El Comercio, 12 August 1869.

⁶⁵ For example, the rules of one such society, the Sociedad Fraternal de Artesanos (Fraternal Society of Artisans) stated: “It is forbidden to address political matters in the meeting hall and in any other place where the Society may convene.” Reglamento Sociedad Fraternal de Artesanos, p. 21.

⁶⁶ Sábato, , La política en las calles, p. 61.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Benites, Ricardo Temoche, Cofradías, gremios, mutuales y sindicatos en el Perú (Lima: Impresora Escuela Nueva, 1987), p. 78.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ McEvoy, , Proyecto nacional, p. 258.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ McEvoy, Carmen, La utopía republicana; Ideales y realidades en la formación de la cultura política peruana (1871–1919) (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1997), p.87.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ McEvoy includes the full list of names of “artisans and day-laborers” who attended the meeting. McEvoy, , Un proyecto nacional, pp. 335–343.Google Scholar

⁷¹ The availability of this meeting place suggests that the Sociedad enjoyed a prominent social standing.

⁷² El Comercio, 14 December 1872.

⁷³ Basadre, , Historia república, v.5, p. 99.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ El Comercio, 7 June 1873.

⁷⁵ El Nacional, 23 September 1867.

⁷⁶ El Comercio, 11 November 1873.

⁷⁷ On artisan pride in public festivals for the United States see Wilentz, Sean, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press), p. 90.versity Press), p. 90.Google Scholar