Impressions and Glimpses of The Socio-Economic History of Migrant Settlement In Glasgow-An Overview of Factors Shaping Integration and Community Relations with the Host Community during 1840-1980

Accounts of the history of migrant and refugee settlement in Glasgow from mid nineteenth century onwards have been lacking in two aspects. Firstly, their arrival and settlement, as well as their economic participation profile, has not been placed in the context of the socio-economic evolution of the city. Secondly, a broader overview of the history of the arrival of a range of diverse migrant and settlement groups, their integration against a changing economic backdrop as well as ecological factors they encountered, and the implications of these for community relations, has not been constructed. In addition, there appears to have been little attempt to focus on this period with a view to identify if there are any patterns of community economic identities which evolved based on enterprise development, as well as the challenges the entrepreneurial or commercial sections of the community may have faced. In this first of a two-part series of working papers we explore mainly the experience and challenges of the invisible minority’s settlement patterns in these respects and attempt to develop an impressionistic socio-economic picture. We attempt to do the same for the post World War II Asian (mostly Panjabis of India and Pakistan origin) communities’ arrival and settlement in a subsequent working paper to be published soon. Article History Received: 01 June 2020 Accepted: 25 June 2020


Introduction and scope
The city of Glasgow, termed often as the second city of the British Empire, has had an established history of migration and settlement since 1830 this period with the Irish in/out migration strand prior to being an exception. Glasgow also had its own internal migration from the Highlands during the rapid city growth period as it evolved a strong industrial base and an industrial employment culture absorbing a diverse range of migrant groups and refugees. As the opportunities grew in this period its ecology also provided opportunities to both waves and trickles of migrant groups to be able to create and foster business niches alongside the local economy whilst developing specialty sectors such as in catering, textiles, clothing or tobacco. New sectors and markets were also created as in the case of Italians and Asians. Most communities were well able to economically integrate to varying extents and in diverse ways. This depended upon the environment they found themselves in on their arrival and their legacy skills mix base or copying what worked for the other arrivals. Some communities almost disappeared or got subsumed after a few years such as the early Germans or Polish and the Belgians.
Glasgow's population grew during 1841-1931 (Graph1) along with Scotland but with higher accelerated growth post 1900. It did not have the same exodus as other parts of Scotland by virtue of its own growing opportunities and also due to the arrival of the large number of Irish migrants(who tended to have larger families). Some 749,000 Scots left  and some two million emigrated abroad. For the best part of this period the opportunities were perceived as being greater abroad, particularly in America and Australia and other parts of the Commonwealth and even England. By 1931 the number of Scots who settled in England equalled those from Ireland.
A tradition of emigration had developed to such an extent that during evictions (1840-60) many Highlanders did not move to Lowland Scotland and preferred to settle in Canada to be able to work on the land 19th Century. Of the total UK overseas settlers an estimated 60 percent were Scots-born. Improved transport links aided exodus. There was also the phenomenon of English migration from the North of England to Scotland perhaps more focused on cities like Edinburgh than Glasgow. This also contributed to the population growth which is a subject beyond the scope of this paper.

Scope and Structure
This paper does not address the race relations and equal opportunities experience of different settling groups restricting references to such situations where it had a major impact on employment or business opportunities. The period focus is on the post 1840-1980 period although the earlier period has been alluded to wherever relevant.
In terms of structure this paper has two sections Section 1 outlines the economic back drop of the city by way of economic trends in the city of Glasgow in an attempt to piece together a relationship between the economic challenges arrivals faced and the political economic ecology they found themselves in. Section II pieces together and juxtaposes brief settlement histories of migrants and refugees as well as that of emigration against the changing economic backdrop. A traditional broad historical approach of the subject has been chosen to build an overall impressionistic picture.

Section I The City of Glasgow -A Brief Look
Glasgow founded as a market town acquired the status of a town (Burgh) in the 12 th century and a Royal burgh in 1611. Following a treaty of Union in 1707 with England and becoming part of the British colonial expansion project it transitioned from being an ecclesiastical, academic and market city of the north of the British Isles into a colonial commercial trading hub (Lever and Mather 1986) with a seaport aptly improved for trade with the colonies. From distilling to soap glass to textiles and cotton to tobacco trade, commerce grew in leaps and bounds By the end of 19 th century slavery, based on plantations (which created a Nabob class in the city), ended, partly aided by local anti-slavery campaigning leading eventually to the demise of the tobacco trade, which was so intertwined with slavery.
The technological advance of the age of steam power further enabled Glasgow's transition into an urbanised manufacturing hub, fuelled by large scale in-migration from the highlands of Scotland and from Ireland (Lever and Mather 1986), to become the 19 th century "second city of Empire" (Fraser 2004:1) with cotton and textiles links with India and slave plantation and slave -trade links with the Caribbean. Scots availed themselves of empire opportunities to become prominent middle managers of the British empire which enhanced their social mobility at home and abroad in the empire. They also began responding by emigrating overseas whenever the economy came under distress (See Graph 5 and 6).
Another key episode in Glasgow's history was the rise of 'Carboniferous Capitalism' (Hudson 1989) which established economic specialisation in heavy engineering, including rail, locomotives and shipbuilding such activity formed the basis of an urban industrial growth complex founded upon skilled labour, innovation, and the growth of related and support industries Glasgow's employment expanded steadily and above national growth levels between 1876 and 1901 (Lee C.H 1979). With local shipyards employing half the British shipbuilding workforce by 1870 and producing half the tonnage of shipping (Fraser 2004), it supplied the UK and the British Empire markets (Pacione 2009). It became "one of Britain's pre-eminent industrial cities" (Turok and Bailey 2004: 171).
In the early 1900s, city employment declined in the first decade ( Graph 1), and the earlier rapid population growth transitioned partly into a wave of emigration (Pacione 2009) to US and Canada and to England often corresponding with slow growth periods (Graph 4 and 5 ). Armaments production for World War I for almost a decade and a half created "boom conditions" (Pacione 2009: 148) led by locomotives and shipbuilding with employment peaking in 1921 (Graph 1).
The earliest industries of Scotland's industrial revolution, textiles, clothing and footwear, experienced job losses well before the inter-war period. Their experience therefore contrasted with the heavy industries of mining, shipbuilding and metal manufacture which created much new employment between 1901 and 1921 but experienced massive job losses thereafter. Other features included only limited employment gains in the rising new industries like electrical engineering and vehicle manufacture, the expansion in construction. Overall, A poor record of employment creation in Scotland 1 had become a feature of its economy.
The inter-war decades of the Great Depression during the 1930s were eventually relieved by virtue of increased short-term demand leading to economic growth from re-armament spending for the Second World War during 1945-53 (Young 2015). Post-war marked an era of lasting rapid deindustrialisation and decline in employment after 1955 to the 1960s (Graph 1) attributed to the narrow base of economic activities and sectors. This made Glasgow prone to economic swings and cycles as well to a reduced demand from the UK and other international markets. Excessive focus on making producer goods which had limited demand rather than taking account of the growing global consumer goods market was another reason for decline.
Glasgow firms were also vulnerable being insulated from longer term technological transformations ie the transition from the steam age to the oil-based economy and to growing overseas competition in a globalising competitive economy, for instance in the US and Germany. Hampered by the distance from their markets, inadequate capital investment aggravated by external ownership, within both private and nationalised industries, mergers and acquisitions by foreign-owned businesses, firms were further hampered by poor investment in basic infrastructure and skills (Slaven 1975, Checkland 1976, Pacione 2009).
In respect of the migrant dimension, the City of Glasgow has been a city of immigrants. Apart people from Germany, Italy, Asia and Poland came to the city as well as people from the surrounding countryside, the Highlands and from its neighbour Ireland, with which it had a strong historical link. They all had to find their place in a rapidly changing economy and culture. Although Glasgow remained a Protestant city it has had a mixed population with the growth of a significant Roman Catholic minority as well a small but significant Jewish presence and more recently a Hindu, Sikh, and Muslim presence.
For Ireland, a major contributor to Glasgow immigration although itself a recipient of migrants earlier on in the 17 th century Fitzgerald and Lambkin summarize 2 : "simply getting enough to eat was difficult for many in Ireland and the underlying weakness of the agricultural economy was exposed by brutal famines in 1728-9 and 1740-1 which, along with a shift from tillage to grazing and proto-industrialisation, especially in linen manufacture, drove much internal migration and emigration. Continental Europe continued to offer rank-and-file 'Wild Geese' the chance to put bread on the table and those of the officer class the possibility of preserving their military rank and social status" In contrast, the city of Glasgow in the 18th century grew on the back of Empire, its city status and its profits from slavery and the triangular trade in tobacco, rum and linen. The accumulation of wealth amongst its Nuova commercial elite, combined with its innovation culture against the backdrop of Scottish enlightenment and the Clyde port advantage, transformed it visually, culturally, and economically. In response to its growing industrialisation in the 19 th century and its rapid increase in population it evolved its civic responses and architectural landscape and transport. An example of change in the context of new arrivals is that, at the time of the pre Second World War settlement of Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe, Glasgow was going through a period of expansion, incorporating areas which had previously been independent burghs. Slums in the old city centre were cleared and new neighbourhoods were built. Its population increased with the arrival of many newcomers after the World War I. scale, rapid and prolonged deindustrialisation had seriously eroded the city's economic base. It had entered an "arrested development" phase with an ongoing struggle to formulate policies to deal with its "apparently intractable socio-economic problems" (Cameron 1971: 315).

Section II
In this section we provide glimpses of selected migrant group settlement and economic integration histories within a socio-economic framework. The literature is sparse for some groups whilst in other cases, like the Jews and Irish, the history is better chronicled.

The Irish
After Prince William of Orange defeated the Catholic King James III at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690, laws were introduced preventing Catholics from inheriting land from a Protestant, borrowing money to buy land or making a profit of more than 30% from their yearly rental income if they had tenants . When a Catholic died his land had to be divided equally between his sons. In addition, they were banned from all government jobs and were not allowed to have their children educated. As the 19 th century wore on the Irish found their way into some skiled occupations, such as handloom weaving but continued with muscle and strengthrequiring jobs increasingly in expanding Industries such as navvying on the railways, working in the docks, and other similar occupations. They remained primarily confined to low paid and unskilled work with little change until after the World War II when both education and the decline in sectarianism improved job prospects for the Catholic Irish population.
The data below is indicative as it is Scottish base data rather than Glasgow specific but nevertheless, a good trend indicator The Irish migrants were often prepared to work anywhere and helped build canals, railways, roads, bridges, and harbours of Glasgow's much needed infrastructure for a speedy Industrial development.
In some cases they worked for much lower wages than locals with employers often using them to break local strikes this together with the competition in the very poor quality housing rental market, often caused resentment and tension with local Glaswegians. Prior to World War I Glasgow was losing a substantial proportion of skilled workers and part of its betteroff populations to out-migration. In the early 1910s almost half of adult male emigrants from Scotland described themselves as skilled, compared with 36% of those from the rest of the UK. Just under one third categorised themselves as labourers most preferring to emigrate to Canada, Australia and the USA, while skilled and middle class workers tended to favour South Africa. 6 Many of these emigrants were doctors, merchants and farmers. Subsequently Highlands landless peasants, Lowlands unemployed craftsmen, labourers and small farmers followed, too often aided by assisted fares. The British empire also gave an economic escape route to the Irish as it did to the Scots often labelled as the managers of the Empire. Glasgow had been receiving its share of the poor migrants from the Highlands too who ended up living in its overcrowded poor-quality city tenements.

Graph 2
The exodus helped to ease the housing pressure on the city a little.
Post World War II new companies arrived on the scene, usually of foreign ownership, adopting more non-sectarian recruitment policies. Nevertheless, the school in which one studied and the name of the individual remained clues for continued discrimination. Ulster Protestant arrivals found it much easier to be accepted given their historical roots and family connections and having the same religion but also brought with them the baggage of sectarianism. Their children were able to attend the same schools as the local children and they faced a lot less discrimination, than their Catholic counterparts. Whilst all Irish immigrants often faced the challenge of affording school fees, Irish Catholics soon discovered available Protestant Parish and Council schools were not inclusive of Catholic faith teachings. The Catholic Church eventually was able to build Catholic schools which were often well reviewed by independent inspectors for their offering of quality broad education. In 1918 Catholic schools were brought under municipal control with the Church keeping control of the curriculum and of teachers' recruitment.
Unlike Belfast, Glasgow remained relatively successful in containing sectarian animosity and absorbing the Irish immigrants. Here, our image of the Irish in Glasgow becomes more one of stability amidst hostility rather than that of overt and open conflict. Nevertheless, Catholics of Irish extraction still faced discrimination, when competing for skilled occupations in shipyards and engineering works, the educated ones wanting subsequently to enter the growing white-collar public sector.
A section of the Irish population in Glasgow, although poor earlier on arrival, did eventually manage to establish themselves as entrepreneurs and contractors in some sectors. For instance, some became pawnbrokers, ran betting shops, others became small landowners and hoteliers, as well as pub owners (Gallagher T1987), contractors and builders. By the mid-twentieth century many second and third generation Scots of Irish extraction became educated and moved out of traditional unskilled work or became tradesmen, businessmen and professionals. Discrimination continued well into the eighties, perhaps mostly in recruitment and at work as a matter of general perception at least, as I was informed by many people when I worked there in the eighties. Many Irish doctors, nurses and health workers also migrated from Ireland in the post-war period to work in the UK's NHS, an important contribution that warrants more study and recognition. It is interesting to note that the Irish, despite being part of the woollen and cotton industry, did not go on to develop enterprise in this arena.

The Jewish Communities
Early records of Jewish presence in Glasgow can be traced back to 1812 onwards with most originating from Germany and Holland. They were often urbane with commercial backgrounds attracted probably to the city's rapidly developing commerce base. They established a Synagogue and secured a burial ground by 1835. By 1850 they numbered 200 and focused on shop-keeping and commerce for their living. Three decades later a Glasgow Hebrew Congregation was built in Garnethill in 1879 followed by two others in the south side. 7 The figure increased to around 1500 -2000 by the mid-eighties as Russian persecutions led to further arrival of Jews and their settlement in Gorbals, alongside Irish and Italians.
By 1915 the Jewish Yearbook put the number of Jews in Glasgow at around seven thousand following new comer's mostly orthodox scholars, merchants and trained tailors all fleeing persecution in Russia and Poland .They also came from countries in central and Eastern Europe. Other smaller numbers had arrived from Germany and Austria-Hungary, while some had Bulgarian and Turkish nationalities. There is a view that this group was relatively poorer as compared to the pre-1850 urbane, somewhat better off, arrivals.
Before the 1880s in the Jewish community's economy a small group of wealthy merchants and manufacturers and people involved in commerce stood at the top of the hierarchy , unlike in England, they were rarely involved in finance. The second identifiable layer was a larger group of shopkeepers, wholesalers, and craft manufacturers. Occasionally some were able to make it into the top echelon but could also slip to the bottom of the pile during economic depressions. The third layer of this hierarchy were numerous small retailers, hawkers, workshop owners and workers, probably half of these working for fellow Jews They were frequently joined by newcomers or by those who fell out of the second group. Right at the bottom were the most deprived, who often relied on Jewish charity, which remained stretched during most part of their history.
In his book, Collins notes the occupational profile of the mostly second and third tier Gorbals' (see 1951 Map in the Appendix) Jewish residents in 1881.
Out of a total of 76 heads of households (which could be a family head or an independent person), most worked in the clothing industry and retail or were hawkers, some as picture frame makers, jewellers, glaziers, joiners, and shopkeepers. The Census (1814) suggests that almost half of all Jews in the Gorbals pre-1881 residents were still living there in 1891. Most were in drapery, hawkers, and tailors.
To avoid the persecution of the Russian Empire in the 1880s, many Jews migrated to Glasgow and settled in the pre-established base of a Jewish community in Gorbals, alongside Irish and Italian immigrants. Russian Jews tended to come from the west of the empire, in particular Lithuania and Poland, hoping to use Glasgow as a stopping post on-route to North America. Unable to afford further fare many settled in the city. In 1897, after the influx, the Jewish population of Glasgow was estimated to be around 4,000 increasing to 6,500 in 1902. Many of the newcomers, who settled in the Gorbals district, were tailors or furriers. 8 A census in 1891 recorded that half of all the Jewish immigrants in the Gorbals were working in the clothing industry, mostly as hawkers, tailors or shopkeepers catering for the local population and expanding their reach into the rest of the city. The Jewish Representative Council was formed early in 1914 in Glasgow at a time when occupations were concentrated in the clothing, furniture, and retail trades, and where Jews were active as workers and owners. They were also important in their contribution to the cigarette and furniture industry in Glasgow.
Overall number of employed people declined during 1851-1861 (Graph 3) but increased three times to 1871 to five times in 1901 to dip again in 1901 for reasons unknown. As more Jewish people arrived in this period and they were mostly absorbed by the growing ethnic economy as it widened to other occupation sectors. An increase in tailoring due to the affordability of new clothes probably due to the cotton connection with empire was part of the persistent growth as was cigarette making as smoking demand escalated. However, its cottage industry probably faced challenges from the aggressive marketing of corporate tobacco companies this data also does not seem to record hawkers and peddlers or people in clothing trade and drapery trade unless these were included in another occupation which sustained itself well. LUTHRA, Current Research Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 03(1), 19-52 (2020) Shop-keeping steadied as did peddling and hawking after 1891 as a direct high street sales culture evolved and specialist jewellers and watch making sector employment opportunities remained steady, being highly skilled, limited jobs sectors. Overall, the range of occupations in the ethnic economy appear to widen probably a sign of integration with the main economy as many other occupations appeared to attract whilst the older ones were discarded.
An established system of community welfare, which the older Jewish settlers in Glasgow had developed and later on the emergent immigrant middle classes adopted, assisted newcomers and unemployed workers to make use of the local commercial opportunities and gain an economically independent status. Meanwhile self-improvement zeal, relative financial stability and openings provided by the Scottish education system started to help young Jews to move into a professional occupation (Braber 2007 P78-97) while their children were rapidly moving into professions such as medicine and teaching being particularly popular with some other into mainstream commerce. Their socio-economic Integration into local society developed along several lines. From a small group of retailers, wholesalers, merchants and manufacturers in the old city centre and the West End, this commercial community grew to become a significant socially-mixed community living on the South Side of Glasgow and to a lesser extent in the West End.

The garment and Clothing Trade
The clothing trade, a principal sector of Jewish enterprise economy, expanded and declined and was rescued by the demand for production of uniforms during the First World War. The post-war period departmental stores took over the retail role of wholesalers, new markets were identified and increasingly retail and manufacturing required larger
Post 1920 price falls meant that wholesale clothing business suffered. Larger manufacturers however who expanded the outerwear trade with a factory production mode rather than workshop tailoring style of production with direct sales to larger retailers and department stores as well as Scottish Cooperative shops which supplied working class people with clothing did well too. The production section of outerwear industry grew many folds into the later 1930's in which Jewish hawking played a significant outlet role for the industry with flexible credit and payment facilities for the rising local upper working classes. Glasgow Jewry's increased participation in manufacturing was well aided by large number of new arrivals at the turn of the 20 th century, known as the machine-made textile period.
In the nineteen thirties the community's economic pattern shifted somewhat back to commerce, exploiting Glasgow's economic opportunities for small businesses and trades, and utilising traditional expertise and cumulative local experience and networks all aided by an established communitybased welfare system and outreach sales system. In the period approaching the Second World War the growing economic confidence of the Jewish population supported an emerging generation of young Jews to enter a professional occupation aided by the Scottish education system.

The German Jews
The early first cohort of Jewish settlers who mostly arrived in 1820s were mostly German and Dutch and well-heeled urbanites. The refugee German Jews who arrived in 1939 have been described by KoImel (Kolemel A 1979 pp. 55-84). About a thousand came to Glasgow fleeing the insecurity and intimidations of pre-Holocaust Germany. They found it difficult to adjust to their new environment and they largely remained outsiders with uneasy relations with the existing Jewish community primarily due to cultural differences. At first reluctant to assist them, established Jews in Glasgow, along with local trade unions, nevertheless did, to ease their settlement.

Social Mobility and Integration
The primacy given to learning and a doorstep quality provision of Scottish education system including private schools helped many young Jews to enter higher education and enter a professional occupation. The clothing industry in 1939 still had a large enough contingent of the Jewish ageing workforce which stagnated socially whilst some remained poor. Many young Jews were able to choose higher education, benefiting from the opportunities offered by the well-developed and respected Scottish education system. Unlike English cities in the absence of a Jewish school in Glasgow during 1881 and 1939 the well-heeled Jewish immigrant children studied in public schools assisting their integration into the local middle and upper middle classes and widening a cultural gap between the first and second generation acculturation. As stated before community welfare assisted newcomers and unemployed workers to make use of the local commercial opportunities and gain an economic foot hold and rise speedily, although not all made it.
Taking a summative overview from 1880 to 1939, the Jewish immigrant occupational profile in Glasgow remained significantly concentrated in the clothing and furniture trades. From a largely commercially occupied group before 1880, Glasgow Jewry as a section moved into manufacturing at the end of the century, but after the First World War the patterns seem to have shifted somewhat back to commerce despite post-war economic growth. Why this manufacturing disappeared requires further research.
Members of the Jewish communities tended not to be employed in banks or in government jobs in a growing public sector (Graph6). This continued into the 1930s. Free from persecution, the Jewish community in Glasgow prospered and made an economic and civic contribution to city life particularly in the legal, accountancy and education professions. The early 19 th century urban Jewry established assistance institutions helped the disadvantaged, more diverse, non-English speaking new comers as well as the pre -Second World War German Jews. Unlike the Irish they had a different religion, language and culture to their hosts yet a significant section had a commercial and entrepreneurial back ground and skill set more relevant to the growing commercial dimension of the local economy as well as long established peddler/hawking sales systems. They were able to cope with economic fluctuations partly but significantly by growing the Jewish economy as a cushion for the new arrivals. They also assisted with repatriations to keep their number low to avoid antagonising the local population. The hawkers at times came under pressure from locals and suffered vilification regarding their business practices and had to endure legal exclusion from entry into government jobs and general antisemitism.
The evolution of a community-based welfare system meant less reliance on poor relief and state handouts reducing the scope for inflamed local nativist feelings of arrivals living off the state. Being able to network and articulate issues of concern through their institutions, community papers and participating in local institutions-all helped seek concessions for their community. Unlike the Irish they were not competing with the local workforce.
The story of what happened to the spawned tobacco, alcohol and textile industry needs further research as does the follow up on the modes of assimilation and integration of post-1880 and pre -1880 Jewry.
The post nineteen fifties decline of the Jewish population (Graph 4) is probably and mostly down to the demise of the ethnic economy, second generation emigration to Israel or the Americas

Graph 4
and third generation migration to the South of England or to the USA and Canada as well as by virtue of increasing intermarriage with non-Jews and general secularisation (over one third of Scots are unaffiliated) affecting their recorded self-identity.
The third generation appears to have totally exited the old enterprise model of the Jewish economy over time mostly entering the professions or skilled occupations. Taking all three generations together those who, according to the 2001 census, identified themselves as Jewish were recorded to be overrepresented in the three top socio-economic groups in terms of jobs, for owning detached quality housing as well as being in higher education and least represented in the lower rungs.

The Italians
Scots-Italians' history can be traced back to the mass migrations of the late 1800s, most probably the 1880s, from six key areas of Southern Italy : Tuscany where they fled famine, corruption, and a crippling economy and the disastrous agricultural condition of their homeland; Province of Lucca -in particular Barga and Garfagnana; Lazio, mainly from the Province of Frosinone -significantly Picinisco; Molise, mainly from the Province of Isernia; Ligure, primarily from the Province of La Spezia); postwar, they originated from Campania; Valdotaro and Borgotaro (mainly from the Province Parma). 10 The first to arrive in Glasgow and form a contingent were immigrants from the Ciociaria district as Sereni Bruno(1974-They took the low Road Barga) asserts in a brief history of Italian immigration from Barga to Scotland. In early 1900 one successful entrepreneur, Leopoldo Giuliani, owned a chain of twenty shops and held an interest in at least sixty. He helped many youths from Bargato to come and work for him as many aspired to eventually own a business one day. Indeed, many did manage to do so often mentored and stepped up by their employers. Hence, thereafter, the chain migration continued for some time.
The influx of Italian immigrants also rose further in Glasgow when America modified its immigration policy and restricted entry to many of the poorest Europeans in 1924. Most were economic migrants as poverty and famine were widespread with sluggish industrialisation of agriculture in the South unlike northern Italy. By the early 1900s Italian immigrants were becoming more successful as their businesses, mostly in the shop keeping and catering industry, flourished. 11 Early settlers were mostly statue makers and small salesmen who often arrived with a stop-over in London. On arrival they would sell their goods in the ports anything from little statuettes to blocks of ice. Many settled in the port cities of Glasgow, Greenock and Edinburgh, subsequently opening shops and selling dairy ice cream to the working classes in areas such as Garnethill and Paisley.
In the beginning the ice cream was served direct from the barrows with loud calls of "Gelati, ecco un poco". Consequently, they acquired the name as the 'HokeyPokey' boys.

From Ice Cream Cart to Café to a Restaurant
It was the Ciociari 12 who is thought to have laid the foundations for what was later to become Scotland's flourishing ice-cream industry. The necessity to earn more than could be put together by street music itinerant musicians graduated into itinerant ice-cream salesmen. In summer they sold ice-cream in carts at main public parks.
In for the purpose of establishing security risks or to develop 'dangerous characters' 'with a view to interning or deporting them. Some were even sent to Australia and Canada. Hundreds died when the ship they were on, the Arandora Star, was attacked by a German U-boat in July 1940-a deeply sorrowful event for the community. Remaining family members of the interned were left to run dilapidated premises and to tackle businesses challenges and to cope with mistrust and persecution. Business premises were vandalized, and many had to be rebuilt following the end of the war. 13 An analysis of the internment record card index held in the National Archives indicates that one fifth of those interned experienced severe emotional distress through enforced separation from their families and also suffered substantial economic losses. Often friends, customers and neighbours attacked the Italians' shops and businesses, fundamentally undermining their sense of belonging. Ugloni notes (Ugloni Wendy 2011) that women bore the brunt of racial hostility on the 'home front' having to run family businesses in protected areas and the slightly older age cohort who entered war related work. Only second-generation women, as British subjects, were permitted to stay in their homes. LUTHRA, Current Research Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 03(1), 19-52 (2020) They took on the burden of familial responsibilities (Ugloni Wendy 2011).
The Italian immigrants unlike the Jews appear to have dispersed away from Gorbals in a shorter period probably and principally to acquire cheaper business premises further afield and to live near these to minimise competition with each other. The ice cream wars as they were known in the folklore erupted now and then as the ice cream business sector became saturated. So diversification into cafés became the next step in many cases. Once the cafes were fully operational, it was expected that all family members contribute. The business would often recruit young Italians, from their home village or in the extended family. Once settled in turn they would eventually start their own businesses. Italians also helped build many civic buildings including the magnificent Town Hall.
Over a period, cafes became focal points especially for the younger generation, an alternative to pubs. Unlike their English counterparts they also traded on Sundays as they did not sell alcohol (Macke Franko 1991 17 The German butcher was also a familiar sight in several Scottish towns and the presence of many German seamen merchants, clerks, craftsmen, restaurant workers, retailers and musicians was also noted. The First World War had a devastating effect on the German migrant populations as they got classified as enemy aliens, hence were registered, interned, repatriated, suffered verbal abuse and physical attacks. Their property was confiscated, and they were prohibited from areas.. 18 Saunders (Saunders 1985 4 pp 5-27), suggested that aliens already had a pre-war troublesome relationship with the native population before 1914 which was further complicated by the war. Panyi( 1991) expanding on this concludes that the destruction of German communities in Britain was a result of a combination of popular hostility and largely consequent upon government policy and animosity towards aliens which was only one aspect of the general intolerance that gripped Britain during the war.
Braber(2009) concluded that Germans in Glasgow were not successful in countering official punitive measures and local prejudice as they were hampered by a lack of political influence and coherence and being geographically widely distributed. Local German business leaders proved ineffective in the hostile wartime climate. Internal diversity also aided the decline of the German community in Glasgow. Furthermore, German associations had a social, religious, or political character, but they lacked a strong unifying institution that could have taken up their cause.
Alluding to the rioting involving the Germans in Greenock Barber suggests that it may have been prevented by the police, but viewed in a wider context it also appears as if in Glasgow the urge to strike out against Germans was processed through public debate hence no such rioting took place in Glasgow . However, newly arrived Belgian refugees at the same time also occupied public debate space as did a local rent strike deflecting attention. Panayi describes riots in Greenock but does not ask the question why these riots did not occur in Glasgow unlike the Northern English cities such as Liverpool and Manchester. She stated that the state lost its ability to protect the Germans, many British communities were cleansed of what was regarded as an unwanted alien presence although she omits Glasgow from her review. 19 There was some public support for the Germans in Glasgow, but they did not enjoy the level of sympathy expressed for Belgian refugees, and even those who spoke out on behalf of local Germans met local hostility. Yarrow and Gullace (1990 pp. 97-81) point out that the Germans were not simply helpless victims but were able to organise themselves to provide each other with financial and moral support, sometimes with the assistance of a small number of British sympathisers. The proclamation of Lithuanian independence in December 1917 and the signing of the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty with Germany 1918 left many Lithuanian soldiers who had gone there to fight stranded in Russia with their families unsupported in Glasgow since those who could not prove they had fought alongside the Allies were not allowed back (Jenkinson Jacqueline 2016), In this situation of enforced absence of adult males, many of their families were faced with destitution. Lithuanian women had to take on brick making and work as surface workers in the mines to augment the dwindling family income. Lithuanian families did however receive trade union and left-wing political support.
As to the government's financial assistance to the impoverished families of those who were deemed to have fought with the enemy, their case for local poor relief was not accepted at first but granted grudgingly in 1918. Lithuanian families formed part of the celebrated 'speech from the dock' by John Maclean, Glasgow teacher and Marxist member of the British Socialist Party, in Edinburgh on 9 May 1918 following his arrest for sedition the previous month. He blamed their suffering on the central government decision to 'send Russian subjects back to Russia to fight' and the inadequacy of the government aid to distressed families which also placed a burden on local authorities to find replacement housing for those Lithuanian dependants who were evicted.
With a semi-official policy of anti-Catholic discrimination, the "Poles" as they were universally known were all but systemically arm-twisted to integrate. A few had their names changed to something that their bosses found easier to spell, but many others preferred to choose their own disguise.
Today there are few traces of Lithuanian culture remaining in Scotland. Nobody really knows how many of their grandchildren are still here, calling themselves by local names. The old mining communities splintered, and many moved to interwar housing. Marriage with Scots became common. Children attended local schools and the Lithuanian language died out.

The Belgian Refugees
During the First World War Scotland housed around 20,000 Belgian refugees constituting eight to ten per cent of Britain's wartime Belgian refugee population who arrived following the German invasion in August 1914. Arriving as victims of Nazism in distressed anxious states they got a warm public reception in the early pre-war-casualties period. In early 1914 the first large group of 3,000 refugee arrivals were met with dispersal and their accommodation arrangements made by a hurriedly established committee of local magistrates in Glasgow. The refugees' committee travelled all round drumming up support for the plight of refugees and raising funds. Other cities helped with their cost of living in designated hostels in Glasgow.
Despite the initial welcome and long-ter m humanitarian commitment, local authorities remained concerned as they felt the new arrivals had the potential to drive down wages. Minutes of Glasgow Corporation meeting in November 1914 noted that refugee employment was stipulated to be channelled through local labour exchanges on 'trade union' rates of wages. A general point here is also that both trade unions and socialist groupings at times supported and at other times challenged their employment rights. For instance, in June 1915 the National Amalgamated Furnishing Trades Association, Glasgow branch, expressed concerns over their employment.
Securing employment meant that refugees could move out of hostels and into private accommodation. Among the 57,000 Belgian refugee workers were 10,000 women (17.5% of the workforce).
A 1918 survey discovered that 95% of these domestic servants, an estimated 1,000 'girls', were teachers in Belgian schools or worked in refugee hostels as support staff. The 1914/15 employment register recorded 2,730 females over the age of 12. Of these 668 had listed occupations (24.5%) including domestic service of some kind followed by dressmaking and tailoring. Another survey of Belgians in 1916 noted thirty-two nuns and fifteen fish merchants.
Belgian refugees occupied a distinctive but a transitory position in the Scottish First World War history. Initially warmly welcomed, they were quickly regarded with suspicion as potentially lowering wage rates and then, in particular, the women became absorbed into the domestic workforce. Moreover, they overwhelmingly left Scotland willingly utilising the government repatriation scheme for unresearched reasons. The Scottish census figures recorded a significant increase in residents' numbers from 137 in 1911 to 1914 in 1921 for those who stayed on after the war -a significant increase at Scottish level but less so when apportioned to Glasgow.

Post war Scenario
As shown below in Table 1, by 1955 approximately 3000 registered aliens (excluding the Irish) were competing in the immigrant economy mostly and in the Glasgow economy in which there is no mention of Belgians .The numbers in this table exclude those who became denizens or naturalized as per UK law and probably young people. Poles, Italian and Russians contributed most of the post second world war aliens working in agriculture, construction, and the personal service industry. It is estimated that one fifth of overseas British nationals were in professional, technical and administrative sectors by the 1950's which needs further research.
The Italians had carved out a niche as indicative from the table below as domestic servant's waitressing with over 300 cafes and restaurants. The large number of Russian housewives among Russians suggests a prevalent patriarchal orthodoxy of women staying at home followed by the Italians too.
There was a high number of elderly amongst the Russians. Jewish Poles were in manual occupations and along with Russians were in a diverse range of occupations.
Post war dispersal by virtue Poles, Jewish social and economic mobility and business-led spatial dispersal of Italians and subsequent slum clearance development programs as well as intermarriage reduced invisible immigrants' clusters. Some communities left little traces like the Belgians. The Polish born population was mainly elderly and became depleted by 2001.
If emigration is an indicator of local economy distress the decades following 1810 and 1890 seems to indicate distress in which the Irish Immigration continued as shown in the first graph 1. From 1851 to 1871 there was a dip in employment opportunities as shown in the graph which shows some dips in correspondence with high peaks of may be primarily due to Scottish level distress rather than a Glasgow level one The Irish immigration continued beyond 1920s although not shown in this Graph but shown in graph 1.
Holligan (Holligan Chris 2011) found that the oldest cohort of those with a Catholic upbringing are disadvantaged as compared to Protestants, in terms of qualifications and representation in professional classes, but hardly any differences in general .   Salesmen and shop assistants  219  19  15  3  15  2  1  11  285  Unskilled labourers  16  111  27  14  11  7  26  43  246  Cutters, pressers and other  garment and cap makers  3  52  56  6  1  1  7  13  139  Roads, rail and water transport  Workers  4  57  4  13  12  11  3  27  131  Filters and machine erectors  25  40  4  12  16  5  2  22  126  Building trade workers  24  51  5  -4  -2  32  118  Housewives  184  81  376  75  30  9  45  87  887  Students  10  7  -19  15  90  -130 271  Retired  -8  105  2  17  7  8  5  152  Others  82  415  181  87  77  47  35  212 1136  Totals  1019 946  789  273  208 190 137   it is now clear that in terms of key life chances -access to education, to jobs, to opportunities for social mobility -there is little evidence of significant, let alone systematic, differences between Protestants, Catholics and the irreligious. Additionally, sectarianism does not seem to be a shaping, let alone a determining, factor in life choices -a person's political and social values, networks of friends and family, and choice of romantic partner. By and large, Scotland's Protestants and Catholics think and act like each other, and indeed live, work and make babies together, rather more than the truisms around 'sectarianism' would suggest. This is likely to be true of the Italians too although the data to analyse it is missing to analyse it.
If Religious endogamy is an indication of isolation, then it was found to be higher amongst Protestants than Catholics. In Glasgow, although the data is not adjusted for population sizes, Catholics are also more likely than Protestants to cohabit, another indication of their secularisation

Graph 5
As evident from the above table the Glasgow Jewish endogamy profile for Glasgow quite resembles the Irish Catholics. Continuing with the census in terms of economic integration Jewish along with the Hindus top most of the occupational categories whilst church of Scotland and RC ranked at the bottom with little difference between them. They were also over represented amongst elementary occupations and both were in the lowest social grades with little difference. RC also had similar proportions of women directors as the other Christians and COS as well as ranking similarly in terms of qualifications and housing, although Catholics still leaned towards catholic areas of dispersal. Jews were least represented in elementary occupations.
Gorbals acted as an initial focal point in hosting migrants due to cheap housing, a small business and amenities hub for new arrivals from Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland, Jews and Italians and many other groups alluded to in this paper with Garnethill and Pollockshields followed by Woodlands, Anderson and Calton as alternative locations of resettlement. We have attached a map showing the distribution of Jewish settlers in 1901. We are working on the archives to unearth the spatial distribution of other groups during this period in what appears to be a few corridors of dispersal over a period mostly determined by affordable housing and kinship and transport links.
Berry's (Berry J 1997 pp 451-477) famous typology of acculturation: assimilation, integration, marginalisation and separation was critiqued by Taylor(Taylor A 2013).He argued in the conclusion of his paper with particular reference to the Jewish community that the notion of' community is a mere medium for the expression of very diverse interests, aspirations and attitudes towards their non-Jewish neighbours. He reasoned that given universal aversion to intermarriage for the Jewish community between c.1890 and c.1945 it was neither a melting pot nor a separate cholent pot ie it contained elements of both and in transition keeping sustaining elements left behind both materially and spiritually while the migrants adjusted to their new lives. This kind of fluid acculturation can also be applied both to the Irish Catholic and the Italian Catholic communities, both originating in rural cultures finding themselves in an industrial economy and culture being subjected to secularisation, consumerism, and post WWI modernity.
Overall this model based on psychology is a bit rigid and has limitations for the strands of integration and assimilation we explored ie social, economic( entrepreneurial as well as occupational) and educational as well as genetic .We are working on a construct to present in the second paper which would also cater for the Asians.

Conclusive Impressions
As this is a working paper as stated at the beginning, we offer some impressions of our forgoing survey as we explore further evidence. A standard push and pull economic factors model would need a significant modification for accommodating the trans-migrants having to balance opportunities and costs in making the decision either to stay on a permanent or an interim basis. In many cases many arrivals had to abandon the myth of return (Anwar 1979) the exception being the Belgians a rare case for refugees and, in other cases, the myth of their destination. • Early first batch Polish elite arrivals got assimilated and early Jews integrated at the middle and lower end of the local economy and social classes, being urbane and commercially skilled and having the advantage of arriving at the height of the empire led boom in Glasgow. The early Jews fostered a sense of community with the foresight to set up systems to assist others and influence local politics. • Emigration from Scotland appears to have had little impact on the overall population of Glasgow although it probably led to skill deficits in many cases, often partially filled by the arriving immigrants and refugees. It also gave heart to the residents. • In the case of the Irish immigrants, destitution, wage gap and disease were the major push factors turning their seasonal immigration into a settlement one. Other groups were often fleeing oppression, poverty, and insecurity or all of these. Some found freedom from persecution or sought economic or intellectual opportunities as was the case with early Poles. The pre-1870 Jewish small business enterprise economy acted as an absorbent for many new Jewish arrivals who were often less skilled and poorer and non-urbane and some were financially aided too .On the eve of the First World War Jews formed the third largest group of non-Scottish migrants in Glasgow after the Irish. They had developed an ethnic economy based mostly on their previous commercial and craft skills capable of absorbing new comers which they did well by creating opportunities and evolving a supportive community-based welfare system.The internal support system often remained stretched to suggest that a lot of Jews remained poor for some decades. • Competition for wages leading to decline in local wages often remained a major issue for the host community and also, in particular, for those arriving communities who did not have a pre-existing ethnic economy or a welfare system as a cushion on arrival. Historical and religious fault lines and extreme poverty and poor education often created an ill-disciplined lumpen proletariat element amongst the arrivals as did the cultural habits as was the case with the Catholic Irish and the Lithuanians which along with their poverty consolidated their negative stereotypes inviting local anger . The absence of Jewish schools and Scottish education systems also created integrating and secularizing opportunities for the first and next Jewish generation. In the Irish Catholics the Catholic schools were able to not only provide good education but instilled pride and discipline too. The diffused ice cream and restaurant business locations of the Italians in their case determined their spatial distribution in the 1930's and probably also played a key role in their integration . • The enterprise trajectory of the Italian and Jewish communities suggest a beginning mainly in hawking or peddling to move to low cost shops or service premises as a foot hold often in affordable low cost areas, often employing their own community people we surveyed followed by the Lithuanians who did blend into the mining communities after initial difficulty. In the case of the Irish Post famine, the exceptionally large influx for almost over two decades of destitute workers fueled nativist antagonism further. There were moral panics at the time by virtue of their numbers as a threat to the local moral fabric and culture as they struggled to find opportunities for skilled work. They took a long time to develop an enterprise dimension to their settlement profile which remains unstudied. They significantly married into their own community slowing down their integration although many became secularized. Overall, in the period we surveyed in this paper, a range of factors balanced the in and outflow of population keeping it in tandem with economic growth (with the decade exceptions). There was the needful absorption of the Irish in both agro-economy and subsequently in the industrial economy as hardworking unskilled labor. The continuing emigration, repatriations and deportations maintained the pace of growth of population in step with the growth of the economy till the ninety fifties. The interwar need of unskilled work force and postwar economic need of Polish manpower absorbed significant newcomers. In addition, there were economic opportunities and a support cushion provided to the newcomers by the established earlier nucleus of settlers by both the Jewish and Italian communities having evolved their ethnic economies.
Unlike Belfast, Glasgow has been relatively successful (despite the arrival of Ulster protestants some of whom may have carried a strong sectarian baggage) and despite some segregation of areas, in containing sectarian animosity and absorbing the Catholic Irish immigrants. Here, our image of the Irish in Glasgow becomes more one of stability amidst hostility rather than one of overt and open conflict. Nevertheless early Catholic arrivals of Irish extraction faced sectarian discrimination particularly a smaller section of the population which sought to enter skilled occupations in the shipyards and engineering works on Clyde side and subsequently in the public sector as it grew. The emerging empire jobs in the expanding Commonwealth and the local education system also created economic escape routes for some of the Irish and Scots.
Overall the large migrating Catholic population, despite their historical disadvantages and experience of sectarian discrimination, managed to align their socio economic profile with fellow Protestants as they secularised, softened endogamy, became educated with Catholic church help and then by the labour government's educational policies in the nineteenth century. This is a remarkable accomplishment worthy of celebration. Other groups such as the Italians and the Jewish groups despite some growth in their numbers remained small in terms of city population percentages and created their own small business economies in the early days the basis of a time-tested route to put down roots as well as avoiding job competition with the locals.
The rest like the Lithuanians or the Russians also participated mainly in the growing extremely hard Graph 6 faced limited competition. They may have either left Glasgow to go back or transmigrated or got genetically and culturally absorbed to leave little trace. The economic and political policy factors we trawled in this paper which shaped the patterns of settlement and integration include the two war economies, the deterring restrictive immigration and Aliens legislation ,exclusion from government jobs( The Irish and the Jewish groups till the 1930s), the continuous transmigration and emigration as well as government's labour and welfare policies. The principal factors however remain the balance between the economy and growth in the population and continuous economic assimilation of large groups such as the Irish and the number and size of other groups remaining small never creating tipping points for community conflict with the local populations. The ethnic economies also acted as cushions and absorbents keeping the economic competition low.
All the above factors played their role in managing the balance between population and economic growth and the community relations wittingly or unwittingly as did the settling groups themselves by for instance in some instance funding repatriation. Some credit for this goes partly to the emerging welfare state and the local elite. The painful exception to this story are persecution and a sense of diminishing as well as damage to family well being and property damageinflicted on them ( the Italians and Germans being examples) during periods of WWI and WWZ against the back drop of heightened Jingoism and Nativist exclusion eg in the case of Lithuanians, by the Trade unions, who at other times were helpful, and the moral panics in the press are hurtful periods in this story not resonating well with Marxist notions of class solidarity, We have created a construct chart based on our forgoing survey of key factors.
Overall emigration and continuous economic growth with the exception of some in late 19 th century creating commercial opportunities, and later on creating unskilled dirty job opportunities in the mid-20 th century as well as ethnic enterprise formation acting as a cushion were the major influencing factors in keeping economic competition with locals down in this story. As to the different community advancement models entrepreneurial (Italians and Jewish communities) or occupational (The Irish) or mixed pursued by different communities we will explore these after undertaking a similar exercise for the post nineties sixties Asian settlement in Glasgow.
The overall economic story is summarised in Graph 6. To what extent this applies to the economic immigrants of colour from the Punjab who arrived mainly in the post 1960's a period of decline and how they fared in the city is a narrative we pick up in the second paper of this series. As to how the post war immigrants of colour would fit in the above construct, we will explore that in the next paper in the series as well as list future areas of research.
One question is as to why the Jewish community excelled to the apex of the league table of the local socio economic groupings. The other one is how an Irish community managed to catch up after over a hundred years so damaged and devasted and, to use Frank Gunders term, systematically under developed by the imperial masters but yet was to recompose itself and to equalise with the most community. These are challenging questions we address further in the next paper picking up the story from 1955 onwards.
The Irish were also deemed by the social Darwinists a 'white niggers' of Europe in the age of prevalent pseudo-scientific racism which even the Scottish philosophers like David Hume could not escape. So how the notion of the outsider and othering survived well in a society which had a strong tradition of immigration and emigration and experience of extreme poverty of arrivals of the highlanders who came and lived in terrible conditions. It seems that the othering notions not only survived, simmering away these got laced with anti-Catholicism, antisemitism and economic nativism often further aided by the press. A final Summery of the impressions is presented in the last chart at the end of this paper. grateful to Ms Maureen Boerma who kindly worked late to do her best in helping with proof reading this paper in a compressed time and at a very short notice. Also thanks to Nigel Karney and Hakim Din for their help too

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.