¹ David C. Rapoport, ‘Religion and Terror: Thugs, Assassins, and Zealots’, in Charles W. Kegley, Jr. (ed.), International Terrorism: Characteristics, Causes, Controls, New York, St Martin's Press, 1990, pp. 146–57.Google Scholar

² Josephus, The Jewish War, trans. G. A. Williamson, New York, Dorset Press, 1970, p. 147.Google Scholar

³ Rapoport, ‘Religion and Terror’.Google Scholar

⁴ Martines, Lauro, ‘Political Conflict in the Italian City States’, Government and Opposition, 3: 1 (196768), pp. 69–91 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Yves Renouard, The Avignon Papacy: The Popes in Exile, 1305–1403, trans. Denis Bethell, New York, Barnes and Noble, 1970, pp. 17, 28–9. While the papal residence at Avignon later became one issue in the election of rival popes in the Roman Catholic Church, the initial reason for the relocation involved the safety of the pontiff and the need to govern the church free from the threat of violence.

⁵ Mark Toher, ‘The Tenth Table and the Conflict of the Orders’, in Kurt A. Raaflaub (ed.), Social Struggles in Archaic Rome: New Perspectives on the Conflict of Orders, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1986, p. 301.Google Scholar

⁶ Staveley, E. S., ‘The Significance of the Consular Tribunate’, Journal of Roman Studies, 43 (1953), p. 32.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ Alexander Yakobson, Elections and Electioneering in Rome: A Study in the Political System of the Late Republic, Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 1999, p. 189.Google Scholar

⁸ Rachel Feig Vishnia, State, Society and Popular Leaders in Mid-Republican Rome 241–167 BC, London, Routledge, 1996, p. 46.Google Scholar

⁹ Jurgen von Ungern Sternberg, ‘The End of the Conflict of the Orders’, in Raaflaub, Social Struggles in Archaic Rome, p. 374; and Vishnia, State, Society, and Popular Leaders, p. 47.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Kurt A. Raaflaub, ‘From Protection and Defense to Offense and Participation: Stages in the Conflict of Orders’, in Raaflaub, Social Struggles in Archaic Rome, p. 219.Google Scholar

¹¹ Africa, Thomas W.,‘Urban Violence in Imperial Rome’,Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 2:1(1971),p.12;CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² Nippel, ‘Policing Rome’, p. 23.Google Scholar

¹³ Bauman, R. A., ‘The Suppression of the Bacchanals: Five Questions’, Historia, 39: 3 (1990), pp. 334–48.Google Scholar

¹⁴ F. E. Adcock, Roman Political Ideas and Practices, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1959, p. 59.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Yakobson, Alexander, ‘ Petitio et Largitio: Popular Participation in the Centuriate Assembly of the Later Republic’, Journal of Roman Studies, 82 (1992), p. 50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁶ Taylor, Lily Ross, ‘Forerunners of the Gracchi’, Journal of Roman Studies, 52: 1/2 (1962), pp. 19–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁷ Frank Frost Abbott, A History and Description of Roman Political Institutions, 3rd edn, New York, Biblo and Tanner, 1963, p. 48; R. Develin, The Practice of Politics at Rome, 366–167 B.C., Collection Latomus 188, Brussels, Latomus, Revue d'Etudes Latines, 1985, p. 314; and D. C. Earl, Tiberius Gracchus: A Study in Politics, Collection Latomus 66, Brussels-Berchem, Latomus, Revue d'Etudes Latines, 1963, p. 44.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Yakobson, Elections and Electioneering, p. 195.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Africa, ‘Urban Violence’, p. 7; and Sherwin-White, A. N., ‘Violence in Roman Politics’, Journal of Roman Studies, 46: 1/2 (1956), p. 1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ Yakobson, Elections and Electioneering, p. 180.Google Scholar

²¹ Earl, Tiberius Gracchus, p. 81; W. W. How, ‘Cicero's Ideal in His de Republica’, Journal of Roman Studies, 20 (1930), pp. 24–32; and Arthur Keaveney, Sulla: The Last Republican, London, Croom Helm, 1982, p. 60.Google Scholar

²² Fergus Millar, The Crowd in Rome in the Late Republic, Thomas Spencer Jerome Lectures 22, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1998, p. 136; and Charles Matson Odahl, The Catilinarian Conspiracy, New Haven, CT, College and University Press, 1971, p. 26.Google Scholar

²³ Fergus Millar, ‘Politics, Persuasion and the People before the Social War (150–90 B.C.)’, Journal of Roman Studies, 76 (1986), pp. 10–11, and Millar, The Crowd in Rome, p. 149.Google Scholar

²⁴ Yakobson, Elections and Electioneering, p. 38.Google Scholar

²⁵ Nippel, ‘Policing Rome’, p. 25.Google Scholar

²⁶ Millar, The Crowd in Rome, p. 150.Google Scholar

²⁷ Runciman, W. G., ‘Capitalism without Classes: The Case of Classical Rome’, British Journal of Sociology, 34: 2 (1983), p. 160.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁸ Adcock, Roman Political Ideas, p. 65.Google Scholar

²⁹ Franklin L. Ford, Political Murder: From Tyrannicide to Terrorism, Cambridge, CT, Harvard University Press, 1985, p. 47.Google Scholar

³⁰ E. Badian, ‘Tiberius Gracchus and the Beginning of the Roman Revolution’, in Aufstieg und Niedeergang der romischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung, New York, DeGruyter, 1972, pp. 714, 729–30; and H. H. Scullard, From the Gracchi to Nero: A History of Rome from 133 B.C. to A.D. 68, London, Methuen, 1970, pp. 29–30. The surviving sources were generally written by Gracchus' opponents; as a consequence, they emphasize the danger that his reforms posed.Google Scholar

³¹ Badian, ‘Tiberius Gracchus’, pp. 723–4, and Earl, Tiberius Gracchus, pp. 80–3.Google Scholar

³² Ford, Political Murder, p. 55.Google Scholar

³³ Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, pp. 96–7; and Peter Garnsey and Dominic Rathbone, ‘The Background to the Grain Law of Gaius Gracchus’, Journal of Roman Studies, 75 (1985), pp. 20–5.Google Scholar

³⁴ Ford, Political Murder, p. 58.Google Scholar

³⁵ Nippel, ‘Policing Rome’, p. 27.Google Scholar

³⁶ Sherwin-White, ‘Violence in Roman Politics’, pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ford, Political Murder, p. 60.Google Scholar

³⁸ Keaveney, Sulla, pp. 46–7, 59.Google Scholar

³⁹ Lintott, A. W., ‘Cicero and Milo’, Journal of Roman Studies, 64 (1974), p. 69 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Millar, The Crowd in Rome, p. 182.

⁴⁰ Millar, The Crowd in Rome, p. 183; and Nippel, ‘Policing Rome’, p. 29.Google Scholar

⁴¹ How, ‘Cicero's Ideal’.Google Scholar

⁴² Yakobson, Elections and Electioneering, p. 165.Google Scholar

⁴³ Odahl, The Catilinarian Conspiracy, p. 79.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Cf. ibid.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ George A. Brucker, Florentine Politics and Society, 1343–1378, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1962, p. 206.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ David C. Rapoport and Leonard Weinberg, ‘Elections and Violence’, in David C. Rapoport and Leonard Weinberg (eds), The Democratic Experience and Political Violence, London, Frank Cass, 2001, pp. 23–4.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Paddy Griffith, The Art of War of Revolutionary France, 1789–1802, London, Greenhill Books, 1998, pp. 62–3; Colin Lucas, ‘Revolutionary Violence, the People and the Terror’, in Keith Michael Baker, The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture: Volume 4, The Terror, Oxford, Pergamon, 1994, p. 69; and George Rude, The Crowd in the French Revolution, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1959, p. 113.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Albert Parry, Terrorism: From Robespierre to Arafat, New York, Vanguard Press, 1976, p. 51.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Richard Bessel, ‘Violence as Propaganda: The Role of the Storm Troopers in the Rise of National Socialism’, in Thomas Childers (ed.), The Formation of the Nazi Constituency, 1919–1933, Totowa, NJ, Barnes & Noble, pp. 133, 138; and Ivan T. Berend, Decades of Crisis: Central and Eastern Europe before World War II, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1998, pp. 303, 337.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Lucas, ‘Revolutionary Violence’, p. 64; and M. J. Sydenham, The Girondins, Westport, CT, Greenwood Press, 1961, p. 117.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Peter H. Merkl, ‘Approaches to Political Violence: The Stormtroopers, 1925–33’, in Wolfgang J. Mommsen and Gerhard Hirschfeld (eds), Social Protest, Violence and Terror in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Europe, New York, St Martin's Press for the German Historical Institute, 1982, p. 372; and Benjamin Ziemann, ‘Germany after the First World War – A Violent Society? Results and Implications of Recent Research on Weimar Germany’, Journal of European History, 1: 1 (2003), p. 89.Google Scholar

⁵² Adrian Lyttelton, ‘Fascism and Violence in Post-War Italy: Political Strategy and Social Conflict’, in Mommsen and Hirschfeld, Social Protest, p. 259.Google Scholar

⁵³ James M. Lutz and Brenda J. Lutz, Global Terrorism, London, Routledge, 2004, pp. 40–1; and Mousseau, D. Y., ‘Democratization with Ethnic Divisions: A Source of Conflict?’, Journal of Peace Research, 38: 5 (2001), pp. 547–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁴ Martha Crenshaw, ‘The Causes of Terrorism’, in Charles W. Kegley, Jr. (ed.), The New Global Terrorism: Characteristics, Causes, Controls, Upper Saddle River, NJ, Prentice Hall, 2003, p. 94.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Mary Beard and Michael Crawford, Rome in the Late Republic: Problems and Interpretations, 2nd edn, London, Duckworth, 1999, p. 70.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Africa, ‘Urban Violence’, pp. 8–9, 12.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Martines, ‘Political Conflict’, p. 71.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ J. R. Hale, Florence and the Medici: The Pattern of Control, London, Thames and Hudson, 1977, p. 16.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ludwig Jedlicka, ‘The Austrian Heimwehr’, in Walter Laqueur and George L. Mosse (eds), International Fascism, 1920–1945, Journal of Contemporary History 1, New York, Harper and Row, 1966, p. 132; Lyttelton, ‘Fascism and Violence’; p. 261, and Ziemann, ‘Germany after the First World War’, p. 92.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Hale, Florence and the Medici, p. 78; and Judith Hook, Siena: A City and Its History, London, Hamish Hamilton, 1979, p. 44.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Bessel, ‘Violence as Propaganda’, p. 135.Google Scholar

⁶² Berend, Decades of Crisis, p. 306.Google Scholar

⁶³ Z. Barbu, ‘Rumania’, in S. J. Woolf (ed.), European Fascism, New York, Vintage Books, 1968, p. 157; and Constantin Iordachi, ‘Charisma, Religion, and Ideology: Romania's Interwar Legion of the Archangel Michael’, in Michael Lampe and Mark Mazower (eds), Ideologies and National Identities: The Case of Twentieth Century Southeastern Europe, Budapest, Central European University Press, 2004, p. 29.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Africa, ‘Urban Violence’, p. 7.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Marvin Becker, Florence in Transition: Volume I, The Decline of the Commune, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press, 1967, pp. 21, 207.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Gerhard Botz, ‘Political Violence, Its Forms and Strategies in the First Austrian Republic’, in Mommsen and Hirschfeld, Social Protest, pp. 306, 318; Jedlicka, ‘The Austrian Heimwehr’, p. 132; Bessel, ‘Violence as Propaganda’, p. 138; and Andreas Wirsching, ‘Political Violence in France and Italy after 1918’, Journal of Modern History, 12: 1 (2003), p. 62.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Lyttelton, ‘Fascism and Violence’, p. 267.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Earl, Tiberius Gracchus, p. 8.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ David E. Long, The Anatomy of Terrorism, New York, Free Press, 1990, p. 5; and Gary G. Sick, ‘The Political Underpinnings of Terrorism’, in Kegley, International Terrorism: Characteristics, Causes, Controls, p. 51.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Badey, Thomas J., ‘Defining International Terrorism: A Pragmatic Approach’, Terrorism and Political Violence, 10: 1 (1998), p. 93.CrossRefGoogle Scholar