Variations of Teke on Ngalaksa ceremony (population census) in Baduy tribe

Ngalaksa is a traditional ceremony in Baduy Tribe, Indonesia. The ceremony serves as a substitute for the population census. This paper uses qualitative analysis methods with anthropological approaches, especially ethnography and Feldman art criticism (descriptive-formal-symbolic analysis). This study aims to identify the various forms of teke at traditional ceremony Ngalaksa in Baduy Tribe. There are four types of teke are categorized by sex and age of a person, including 1) Teke made of kiray leaf that is destined for residents of Baduy Tribe. 2) Teke goler made of kiray leaf that is intended for the residents of Baduy Tribe Outdoor. 3) Teke kanteh made of rolls of yarn and carpets (bamboo to roll the yarn) which is destined for infants in the womb of 1-6 months. 4) Teke strands made of rolls of yarn and carpets that are destined for babies within 7 months of age. In the future, this research is expected to be a reference to examine the symbols of various forms of teke to understand ethnic behavioral patterns and customs, as part of customary and cultural wealth in Indonesia.


Introduction
As a cultural product, traditional ceremonies are not only a ritual to communicate with other forces outside of humans, celebrating a sacred day for society, or as a means of gathering. Traditional ceremonies also serve as an instrument that ensures the sustainability of customary ordinances and the preservation of values within the community. Thus, it includes a variety of symbols that reflect the views and behavior of the people concerned.
Similarly, what happens in traditional rituals Baduy Tribe. The Baduy tribe, located in Leuwidamar District, Lebak District, Banten Province, is one of the few tribes in Indonesia that retains old patterns and traditional customs firmly, including in customary rituals. One of the rituals that are still sustainable is the ritual Ngalaksa. Ngalaksa is one of the traditional ceremonies of the Baduy Tribe who are considered sacred and much kept secrecy at the time of its execution. In the implementation, all Baduy residents gathered in Baduy Dalam to commemorate it. There should be no foreigners during the ceremony.
This paper uses an interdisciplinary research approach that is anthropology, especially ethnography and art criticism which is then analyzed using a qualitative method. The data was collected by observation, literature study, documentation, and interview.
In practice, this ceremony involves a unique object, ie teke. Teke is a symbol of a population by sex and age. One of them is made of a kiray leaf (Metroxylon sagu) which is cut with a certain pattern/ shape and must be brought by every resident who follows the ceremony. In addition, there is a thread that is rolled on a bamboo diameter of 2 cm and 10 cm long. These patterns are symbols depicting the age and sex of the person who brought them. Thus, teke is not only a ceremonial equipment but also a population census tool.
As one of the richness in the treasures of Indonesian culture, traditional ceremonies ngalaksa, following a variety of existing scores in it, to be interesting to study. But so far, according to the author's observations, research on this topic has not been sufficient, especially with regard to teke. Therefore, essentially powerless, the plural is powerless due to being separated from one's partner so that the reenergies reappear, it is necessary to reunite the two opposite entity pairs.

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That is the view of the peasant man, and the man of the field that is still surrounded by this tropical jungle witnessed a tremendous pluralism. The real reality of tropical nature is responded by the reality of human consciousness. The result is a trinity mindset. The cosmology consists of three entities of Pattern three. The names of the pre-modern peoples' tribesmen in Indonesia have structured the three things differently.
In the practice of regulating the unity of three large villages in Sunda, Cikeusik as a Top Women-Based Symbol is highly respected despite not holding power, Cikeusik is the holder of the power mandate of the Upper World. The village is the owner of the mandate of power but does not exercise that mandate. Mandate submitted to Middle World symbolized in Cikertawana village in the middle between Cikeusik and Cibeo, Symbol of the Underworld Here is the law: the owner does not wear the user does not have. Women who have, men may wear. The position of the principle of women has a place of honour in the early Sundanese tribe [1].
From the above quotations, traditional art, as well as baduy art is very tied with the sacred or spiritual process, the art is merged and blend with the universe as a symbol of harmony and balance between human, nature with belief, and customs prevailing in the local area.
Franz Boas [2] explains that the art of primitive people two elements may be distinguished; a purely formal one in which enjoyment is based on form alone, and another one in which the form is filled with meaning. In the latter case, the significance creates an enhanced esthetics value, an account of the associative connections between the art product or the artistic art. Since these forms are significant they must be representative, not necessarily representative of a tangible object, but sometimes of more or less abstract idea.
Based on the above quote, Franz Boas argues that primitive art is divided into two elements, the purely formal one where pleasure is based on form alone, and the second is a form of meaning. In the second form, primitive art creates an aesthetic grade value, the quality of the associative connection of art products or artistic art. Thus, there is a very close relationship between a work of art and a process in the creation of a work of art. The process of creating works of art is inseparable from the techniques, ideas, and objectives of the creation of a work of art for a certain meaning. Broadly speaking Boaz's Franz research on primitive art rests on three philosophical aesthetic theories, namely formalism, symbolism, and mimesis. A representative work, not necessarily representing a real object, but sometimes more or less to abstract ideas, both abstractions of flora, fauna, and human and symbolic categories of work.
Representative art, In general, is strongly influenced by technical form, so there are many cases of natural prototypes. It is good for studying primitive art in a tribe around the world, a work of art or decoration that appears as something purely associated with the interpretation of meaning based on local culture. In addition to representatives or mimesis, primitive art also has a formalist element, symbolic and expressive.
Each ceremony is presenting a paradox phenomenon. The ceremony itself is a part of before the ceremony and after the ceremony. The time before the ceremony has its own ceremony. Likewise, the time after, the ceremony is the moment of transformation from the before to the after. This is a critical moment and full of the presence of supernatural powers in the human world. Thus the meaning of totality also includes the time before the ceremony and the time after the ceremony. Variety teke used in the ceremony Ngalaksa symbolize the gender and age of the local population.
Boas's approach to ethnography is found in an early essay on Geography Studies. He argues that ethnographic methodologies should consider every phenomenon worth studying for self-interest. The orientation to promote cultural anthropology is characterized by a strong commitment to empiricism (with skepticism resulting from attempts to formulate the "scientific law" of culture), the notion of culture as fluid and dynamic, the field of ethnography, in which anthropologists reside within the sphere of those under study, conducting research in the original language, and cooperating with native researchers, as a method of data collection, and a culture of relativism as a methodological tool when conducting field research, and as a heuristic tool when analyzing data.
From the research data and literature study above, then I make the map of theoretical concept in this research is as follows. The theory of Jakob Sumardjo, Franz Boas and Feldman combined so that it can be seen the meaning of diversity teke that leads to customary behaviour patterns Baduy. Adapun tahapan kritik seni Feldman meliputi tahapan deskriptif sampai sengan interpretasi [8].

Ngalaksa Ceremony in Baduy Tribe
Ngalaksa ceremony must be done by all residents Baduy tribe, both Baduy Dalam and Baduy Luar as a representation of inner soul. Kurnia explains that inner souls mean human beings have a birth and soul, because at once according to our belief inner man must be paid or registered to be prayed to the owner of a human about all aspects of life so that all soul and body Baduy society survived, prosperous, safe, and peaceful [9].

The function of a Ngalaksa ceremony in Baduy Tribe
Ngalaksa ceremony is an expression of gratitude Baduy people to the ancestors remember the harvest of rice harvest huma that year. Ngalaksa ceremony function for Baduy community is categorized into four; 1) Celebration and thanksgiving of crops, 2) Means of purification (fasting 3 days on kawalu) Census container of the population, and 4) Closing ceremony year [10].

Time in the Ngalaksa ceremony at Baduy Tribe
In addition to functioning as a celebration and celebration of the harvest, this ceremony is also a means for self-purification, just like the Eid for Muslims. Therefore, the time of its execution is considered a holy month. The time every year is always fixed, ie every month Katiga (March-April) is held on the fifth-day kawalu tutug or on the 21st of the month katiga. This activity started from Kampung Baduy Dalam, Baduy Luar, and Baduy Dangka [11].

location in the Ngalaksa ceremony at Baduy Tribe
At Ngalaksa Ceremony every representative of the Baduy Dalam family regularly attends the ceremony in three area (kapuunan area). Meanwhile, in Baduy Luar area, the ceremony is usually held in every Dangka. Therefore, the residents of Baduy Luar who live in more than 70 Kampung at Baduy Luar can follow the ceremony in one of the seven Dangka [10].

Procedures for Ngalaksa Ceremony in Baduy Tribe
The Baduy Baduy ceremony lasted for three days in a row. The activities are different every day, from the preparation, the core of the event and the closing. The first day, the heads of the family prepare kiray leaves for the manufacture of teke '. Men are also assigned to prepare firewood for cooking laksa on the second day. On this very day, every household head brings rice to Jaro Dangka's house. The second day, the women prepared laksa made from fresh rice pare (fresh rice) which was given coconut milk, then shaped like noodles, and wrapped in young coconut leaves. On this second day, the men make a teke from the leaves of kiray. The maker of the teke is not limited by age. The third day all the laksa supplies should be ready, as well as the teke.

Food at Ngalaksa Ceremony in Baduy Tribe
As explained earlier, not apart from its function as celebration and thanksgiving for the success of the harvest, Ngalaksa ceremony involves making a kind of food called laksa. Laksa is shaped like a noodle made from rice flour. The raw material of laksa is the compulsory donation of all members of the Baduy community.
At this ceremony, each family member is required to bring rice of one pocong/ beungkeut of white rice, equivalent to 2.5 kg. As stated by Jaro Dainah [11], the rice flour used as raw material for laksa should be taken from their own field. Rice taken is also not arbitrary but must come from rice crops in the middle of the field (pungpuhunan). Pungpuhunan itself is the most central part of the field cluster system patterned mandala. This section is considered the most sacred part. Pungpuhunan often also called as huma tangtu.

Figure 2. Placement of huma based on location
and direction of sacred [5] Rice to be cooked at Ngalaksa ceremony must be brought to Jaro Dangka's house to be mixed with rice harvested rice from pungpuhunan Jaro Dangka field. This rice will be processed into flour and made laksa. Rice flour is modified and made into laksa. Usually, laksa prepared by women. Jaro Dainah [11] explains that the process of making laksa consists of several stages, including 1) Rice pounded to release grains of rice from the epidermis, 2) Rice dikeueum (soaked) for three days in plain water, 3) Rice pounded into flour (ditipung), 4) Rice flour mixed coconut milk (cipati) into the dough, 5) The rice flour mixture is filtered using a sangku (rice container made of copper, with the bottom of the filter shape). Long-term filter results such as cendol/noodles, 6) Rice noodles are boiled. Mature noodles will be plain white.

Figure 3. Laksa[9]
Laksa is made not to be eaten by humans but made an offering to the supernatural beings, the Sanghyang who protect the village. Its meaning is man entrusted himself to Sanghyang Batara. Sanghyang means the invisible, the unnamed.

Other Equipment Related to Ngalaksa Ceremony (Census Activities)
Babay is an object that indicates that babay is an object that indicates that the family has participated in the ngalaksa ceremony. Every family head is obliged to carry the babay at the time of the ngalaksa ceremony and will be brought back after the event is over. Babay serves as a reinforcement and to be always guarded by Sanghyang Batara. Babay is made of kiray leaf, mounted on top of the door vents as shown below.

Variations Symbol of Teke on Ngalaksa Ceremony (Population Census) in Baduy Tribe
Teke is the main equipment in the Ngalaksa ceremony. Teke for adults made from young kiray leaves that are still light green. Kiray (Metroxylon sagu) is one of the species belonging to the Aracaceae family. Many of the regional names (Vernacular names) are given for palm sugar in Indonesia, this is because the extent of the spread is very wide. Marsadi [14] (has died in 2013) is clarified by Jaro Dainah (interview 2016) stated that the variety of teke based on the shape is divided into four types, namely teke, teke goler, teke kanteh, and teke rangkai. Tumbakan is a teke name for adult males, whereas Anak-anakan is a teke name for adult women. Each family member has a different size and shape of teke.

Analysis
Images are illustrations of the researchers because there is a prohibition to create a teke outside the context of the time specified. Activity ngalaksa ceremony should not be taken or captured in the form of photos.

Teke
Which belongs to the usual teke that is human from birth to old age. However, if a baby child who has not been able to sit, the length of his follow his father because it is still the duty of his father. Illustrated by self-portrayal based on interviews, due to a customary ban for direct photographs.  A is the width of the leaflet when it is stretched. The dimension is approximately the same as one inch or Satalapak in Baduy Tribe terms. The palms symbolize the side of life. In the palm of the hand, there is a line of life, the line of fortune and the dating line. Thus, adult and adult males need to know how to live well, peacefully, and obediently to customs. When linked between the two forms of teke adult women (adolescents) and teke for adult males (tutumbakan) resembles a key that is complementary to each other, so that will be achieved perfection aesthetic pattern three.

Teke Goler
Teke goler is for residents who have been out of Baduy. Characteristic that the existence of the tail dangling from the bottom of the leaves kiray. Lidi length ½ size teke usual. The length of the teke goler is half the size of the height of a person sitting sloping from floor to head. Half of the usual length of teke, teke goler symbolizes that the person is not entirely unswerving custom culture Baduy tribe.

Teke Kanteh
Teke kanteh for infants in the womb aged 1-6 months. In contrast to the usual teke, this teke is not made from chiral leaves, but from pajal / karap (where rolled yarn made of bamboo). In pajal wrapped in kanteh (yarn), the amount of winding the number of turns represents the age of the womb in units of months. Twist roll is a representation of the baby's age, 5 loops of yarn on pajal means that the baby is 5 months old.

Figure 11. Teke Kanteh
Kanteh (twist) on teke kanteh symbolizes that the baby is in the womb. This represents the embryo of the thread that is still being prepared and kept to be woven into a beautiful fabric and can cover a body. Interpretation from yarn to fabric is a process of educating children to be passed patiently by both parents.

Teke Rangkai
Teke strands are teke that is destined for babies in the womb aged 7-9 months. The author has not got in illustrating the concatenation. Teke is optional and can be replaced also with teke kanteh. Teke rangkai means besides assembling materials to be used as yarn. This represents keeping and enduring the forerunner of the yarn. The interpretation is that parents must prepare a strong spirit to form the embryo of the baby.

Discussion
Based on the analysis, the Baduy tribe has a very well-planned perspective. This can be seen in the symbolization of various teke in obtaining population statistics. Uniquely, the Baduy Tribe counts the number of unborn babies as estimated population statistics next year. The method of calculation uses a very philosophical and fundamental tack on customs and advances for future generations. Ngalaksa ceremony techniques on this population census are one way to record in detail and accuracy. Thus it can be concluded that the cultural pattern in Baduy Tribe is very neat and planned.