The uniformity concept of urban design: impact of cultural traditions on the meaning of Balinese town

This study considers the conceptions of religion, tradition, and culture in the urban design process, to produce designs that become the identity of cities in Bali. A socio-semiotic approach is used to explore popular accounts of the conceptions of tradition operating in urban spatial arrangements from historical to contemporary periods. The case study in Gianyar City explores the meaning of urban space based on local wisdom that is still believed by Balinese people. Such exploration provides a basis for reconnecting urban designs with their cultural contexts, thereby promoting spatially expressed localism. Especially for Gianyar City, respect for religious systems, beliefs, and religions that have developed and are highly trusted by the public is expressed in symbolic elements that are embodied in the composition of space, and in fact, give rise to the concept of uniformity. This condition resulted in not achieving a more prominent urban cultural identity and being further damaged by the highly standardized process in the Indonesian planning system. However, the principles of religion and culture that are still alive make Balinese architecture alive, despite changing values, whether we realize it or not.

given the influence of the three dominations of the modernization era, the Majapahit kingdom, colonialism, and after Indonesian independence. The three eras gave rise to a city in two faces, the old city center whose existence is the legacy of the present, and the new city center whose existence was based on "traditional Balinese" principles. In globalization, Gianyar has organized its city by striving to maintain inclusiveness through consistent urban spatial planning based on the strength of urban space with heritage values in it. The principle of "Balianism" is used again and always exists in the community, reinforced by the discourse "Ajeg Bali".
Gianyar City is administratively located in Gianyar District, the capital of Gianyar Regency, as well as the seat of the Ancient Gianyar Kingdom . Gianyar itself comes from the words griya and anyar which are defined as "new residence (naming the residence for priests)", this is because the palace was built on an area previously owned by a priest [35]. Puri Gianyar itself was founded by descendants of Ida Dewa Manggis Kuning who was the ruler of Beng Village. Since the establishment of Puri Gianyar, which is precisely located in the area of the Adat Gianyar village (see Figure 1), the ruler of the castle has shown his existence by the conquest of several other kingdoms, such as the Tampaksiring, Pejeng, Payangan, Sukawati, and Keramas [36]. The ceremonial requirements at once for the functioning of Puri Agung Gianyar as the capital of the center of the royal government were used as a milestone in the history of the birth of the palace city of Gianyar [37]. Furthermore, the legitimacy of Puri Agung Gianyar received recognition from the colonial and kings in Bali, as a fully sovereign and autonomous kingdom. This was stated in the written agreement between the King of Gianyar and the colonial Dutch East Indies Governor [38]. During its development, there are two urban orientation centers in the Gianyar Urban area, a traditional city orientation center and a contemporary city orientation center. This makes the city of Gianyar unique. The pattern of great plots is a characteristic of urban spatial planning. The two centers are connected by a protocol road, with commercial buildings along the road corridor (see Figure 2). This shows clearly that the tangible and intangible elements come together to form the image of the city as an identity. This study focuses on its meaning and changes to the traditional city center.  Figure 2. Current condition at Gianyar's urban area.
The elements of the cultural landscape in the embodiment of the spatial layout of the City of Gianyar experience a contestation between locality and globalization, between local and western cultures in the city space. This study uses the city morphological indicators of Conzen: street networks and land use, to achieve an understanding of the urban development process, changes in cultural representations, and their consequences for meaning. First, the street network is an element consisting of several linear open spaces with its main function as a circulation space. Second, land parcels are road or land blocks that limit land use [39]. Due to the lack of data on past plot patterns, this study uses land use to represent land parcels, such as land function, intensity, and distribution [40] [41]. The study describes the modernization that occurred in the historical (before independence) and contemporary (after independence) periods, using different data for each period. Data were obtained from historical records in research documents and reports, as well as the results of in-depth interviews with purposive respondents consisting of priests, traditional leaders, castle leaders, academics, as well as urban planning and planning actors. This is considered to produce interpretations that can be validated more properly by other available sources.

The meaning of the city center with a socio-semiotic approach
In exploring the meaning of Gianyar City Center, a socio-semiotic approach was used by adopting the studies of Lagoupolos, Singer, and Gottdiener (e.g., ' [42][43][44][45]'). The socio-semiotic approach cannot be separated from the social context [46], which explains how "ideology, interaction and subjectivity" correlate with material forms (e.g., ' [45]'). This ideology is an idea of social memory which acts as  [47]. In this case, ideology becomes a part of the tradition. The socio-semiotic context cannot be separated from the typo-morphology. This study, identified in typo-morphological indicators, referring to Conzen's morphological studies Moudon (e.g., ' [48]') and Caniggia & Maffei (e.g., ' [49]') typology, which reflect the objective reference of urban forms.
Charles Sanders Pierce's semiotic principle is applied in this study (see Figure 3), through the investigation of material objects, by looking at the relationship between the sign, object (referent), and interpretant [50]. The application of "objects" in semiotic analysis resembles the notion of architectural space and socio-cultural phenomena, as stated by Greimas [51]. This concept argues that human perception builds space, where perception requires physicality, which is related to the functionality of architectural space. The object is a reference for signs which can be in the form of "reality" or whatever is (considered) to exist so that the sign can be interpreted by the sign user [52] [53].
The interpreter as a human being is a continuous process of signs-actions or signs-events so that the interpreter can become a sign for other interpreters [54]. The interpreter introduces perspective to the logic of the sign and implies the act of individual interpretation. thus, the representation in Peirce's theory does not carry universal meaning but is related to the individual who interprets this [55]. This process of meaning occurs simultaneously and stops when the sign that is formed has been given meaning from all aspects relating to it [56,57]. This approach becomes a mechanism for extracting values and operating conceptions from current cultural constants, which are represented in the form of a field of expression, as well as influencing the way people interpret the symbolism. This becomes the basis for building localism in spatial planning and design, by understanding the underlying Balinese cultural principles to guide the physical development of the Balinese city, to create a city that strongly projects an appropriate cultural identity.

Gianyar City Center as a reference
The term city center itself is a concrete reference in the form of physical space. Physical space as a reference is determined based on the principles and rules of Balinese architecture, which is the collective knowledge of the Balinese people. This collective knowledge has an existence in the memory of the Balinese people or is formulated as text in texts with a sign forming the concept or meaning and the term city center in question. As a part of the urban landscape, the city center is formed following the traditional Balinese spatial pattern, with the placement of its spatial elements following the arrangement adopted by the Balinese. This is contained in Lontar Eka Pretamaning Brahmana Sakti Bujangga,  Lontar Batur Kalawasan and Lontar Catur Bumi, which contain concepts, regulations and elements of a country (city) [58]. The physical form that forms the city center is a sign at the first level and can be used as a reference in the next level. The shape of the city center during the kingdom became a reference to see the changes that occurred. In this study, the semiosis process can be stopped at level II or several more levels according to the available sources, as will be explained later.

Street network as a reference
The meaning of Gianyar City Center can be known by making the physical form of the street network pattern that forms the city center as a reference for the city center itself. The street network pattern in Gianyar City Center during the kingdom era (1771) was physically the intersection of four, with the direction of kaja-kelod (mountain-sea) and kangin-kauh (sunrise-sunset). The intersection is two road segments in a linear direction, with the middle point as the meeting point of the two road sections is empty. In its development up to the current period, the physical form of the street network pattern that forms the city center has not changed. This pattern is termed the great placenta or catuspatha. In this case, the term catuspatha is a word that is a sign with a referent in the form of the physical form of the catuspatha.
Philosophically, the catuspatha is a meeting of four road segments which become the implementation of the horizontal direction (kangin-kauh/east-west and kaja-kelod/north-south), as well as the meeting between the horizontal direction and the vertical direction (top-bottom/akhasa-pertiwi/skyearth/purusa-pradhana) with the empty as a symbol of the creation process and the magical axis of the universe/cosmos [59]. The catuspatha (center) area is bounded by four lava, the junctions that form the catuspatha or can be said to be the 'satellite' of the catuspatha (e.g., ' [13]'). The current Gianyar City Center street network is depicted in Figure 5. Pempatan Agung is formed from the intersection of Jalan Ngurah Rai (heading to Denpasar-Kelungkung or west-east) and Jalan Kalantaka-Kapten Dipta (Beng Village-Kota Gianyar or north-south). The four lawa are: (1) north, the intersection of Jalan Kalantaka-Jalan Gunung Muliawan-Jalan Rambutan, (2) east, intersection of Jalan Ngurah Rai-Jalan Mangku Giweng-Jalan Dalem Rai, (3) south, intersection of Jalan Kapten Dipa-Jalan Pudak, and (4) west, the intersection of Jalan Ngurah Rai-Jalan Gunung Muliawan-Jalan Berata.
There are two prominent elements contained in this area. First, the philosophical axes that are connected. The north-south axis connects the city center of Gianyar with the center of Beng Traditional Village. Based on history, Puri Agung Gianyar which became the symbolic element forming the city center was founded by Dewa Manggis Api (King Gianyar I) who was the descendant of the ruler (headman) Beng (Puri Beng). Meanwhile, the east-west axis connects the city center of Gianyar (traditional) with the city center of Gianyar (modern). Second, the road is in a grid structure. In addition to the main roads that form the axis of the city center, smaller roads and alleys were also constructed. This new road divides the land parcels into smaller parcels at the same time forming a street network pattern. The road divides the land parcels into smaller parcels at the same time forming a street network pattern.
The catuspatha concept in Gianyar City Center is a new sign with the reference is the orientation of the absolute direction and the arrangement of the relative position. Referring to the absolute orientation, catuspatha is a development concept from the psycho-cosmic concept which is the principle of Balinese belief. The principle of the psycho-cosmic concept is the harmonization of the relationship between the macrocosm and microcosm or humans and their environment, as a duality relationship. Duality is understood by society as an inherent and inseparable element that forms macrocosm and microcosm, which is known as the concept of rwa bhinneda [60]. This is as is the case in the traditional village structure pattern (adat) in Bali, which is located linearly in the luan-teben pattern (upstream-mountain and downstream-sea).
In the development of Javanese-Majapahit Hinduism, the village (city) spatial pattern was oriented to the Majapahit kingdom with the urban center pattern based on the catuspatha concept. Catuspatha is interpreted as the meeting between two linear road patterns, which shows the direction of the seamountain (kaja-kelod) and the direction of the sunrise-sunset (kangin-kauh), which shows binary . The direction of the mountain is a purified area (main), in Hindu belief it is the dwelling place of God and ancestors. The direction of the sunrise as the main area is defined as life [62]. Relative positioning as a reference further strengthens the meaning of power. The form of Balinese beliefs is based on egalitarian principles, equality between humans [63], so that there is no vertical social (hierarchical) stratification (e.g., ' [60]']. The abstractive nature of the concept of 'kesamen' is then materialized in all aspects of the life of the 'Bali Aga' people, including in architecture. The entry of Javanese-Majapahit Hinduism gave birth to a structure or hierarchy of the main-nista space in the mandala pattern (tri mandala and sanga mandala).
In the concept of mandala, there is always an intermediate (middle) element as the center point, the core of strength (the magical axis), and the central point of balance between human relations and their environment [e.g., ' [14]'). The middle area is 'natah', it can be 'natah' house, village or in the broadest sense, it is 'natah' city, which is a space with zero (0) value. In Hindu cosmology, zero is defined as emptiness, silence, silence, and becomes a point of view (point of view) to determine the direction of the goal. Zero is defined as a process of creation (birth) and destruction (death) that occurs continuously in life [64]. This process is interpreted in the purwadaksina and prasawya movements which cannot be separated from the principle of duality in the concept of rwa bhinneda [65]. Thus, the center becomes a symbol of energy that radiates in and out.
Based on the relationship between the sign and the reference above (see Figure 4), it can be stated that the street network with the catuspatha pattern (pempatan agung) is an attempt to legitimize the power of the king (ruler). The inclusion of the Javanese-Majapahit Hindu concept gave rise to a traditional patrimonial political culture as an attempt by the king to maintain or demonstrate the hegemony of the king's power. The mythical culture was created, overlapping with religion, philosophy, art, science, myth, and language so that it appears Hinduistic (e.g.' ' [63]'). The myth of gods (a king is a god) is built through political and religious networks, forming a social layer (catur wangsa) so that it influences the architectural form of social strata (e.g.' '[9]'). In the Javanese-Majapahit Hindu concept, the city center (kingdom) is a miniature universe or a symbol of the world. Associated with the concept of Asta Dikpalaka (the gods of the eight directions of the wind that surround the center of Mount Mahameru), the city center is purified and treated as sacred, which is a balance between macrocosm and microcosm (e.g.' ' [14]'). During its development, the entry of colonialism further legitimized the catuspatha of Puri Gianyar as the center of a sovereign and autonomous royal city, although in that period colonial formed a new center of orientation to the west of the traditional city center. In the current  period, Gianyar City Center is still the center of city orientation which is still treated as sacred. This is indicated by the Tawur, Ngaben, and other religious and traditional ceremonial processions which are held in Gianyar City Center.

Arrangement of elements forming the Gianyar city center as a reference
The historical development of the kingdom in Bali can be explained since the entry of Hinduism, which is often categorized as the ancient Balinese era, continued in the Balinese era after the entry of the Majapahit Kingdom. At this time, it can be said to be the basis for the formation of a social and social system including the governmental system in the concept of a royal state. The establishment of Gianyar's work was inseparable from the influence of Javanese-Majapahit Hinduism. The location/layout of the castle, as the former center/capital city of its time, was built based on the conception of Catur Lokaphala and then manifested in the form of a catuspatha.
Based on historical data, Puri Agung Gianyar was built by choosing a place through a ritual and sacred process. A stable and civilized space, such as palaces, kingdoms, and countries, is considered to be the result of meditation and spiritual strength from figures at the center such as powerful ancestors, kings, and the continuous maintenance of spiritual energy by leaders (kings). The belief that the central region contains the power that radiates outward and inward is found in the embodiment of the conception of space. Thus it is not surprising that those with higher status are found in the center (actually placed in the centers) surrounded by those who are less and less close to power [66]. Likewise with Puri Agung Gianyar.
During the period of the Gianyar kingdom, the city center (state/kingdom) was arranged according to the rules believed by the Balinese people. The belief that a king (ruler) is the holder of power, places the central area with symbols of economic, political, and cultural power, in the form of markets (peken), puri (palaces), temples, and open fields/gardens (alun-alun), which is organized according to the utamanista hierarchy (mandala) [67]. The castle as a symbol of power is placed in the main area (northeast). Balinese traditional society believes that a ruler (king) has sacred elements because of a hierarchical position that is close to the powers of the gods, ancestors, and supernatural [68]. In traditional societies, power and influence stem from the sacred principle of power, namely charisma. Power is related to a belief system based on the concept of cosmology. The ruler or leader holds dualistic power, both worldly (physical) and spiritual, both of which are united into one. This mythology justifies the existence of king power in traditional societies. Especially with the existence of markets in the southeast area, bencingah, and parks in the northwest area, as well as bale kulkul in the southwest area.
The central position was further strengthened by the placement of servants, family, and kings' relatives around the center. The form of socio-political relations in a royal state is more like a mountain or cone which has a peak and center determined by the Ruler. Within such political groups, the differences played out in the various media, between higher and lower and between those insides (near or at the center) and those outsides (being far from the center or periphery) have historically been possible. Understood from the organization as well as power and issues related to socio-politics. The center is the seat of the king's lineage, usually called puri agung or puri gede, while the additional houses of the king's residence are called jero, a word that means inside or inside. The farther from the center, the further the relationship with the ruler. Kinship status is expressed according to the arrangement of places, with the term that the place is a geographical area determined by the center of power, indicating status and describing the social order. This shows that the existence of a traditional patrimonial political culture emerged as an attempt by the king to maintain his power, where the king was both the source and the regulator of status. The myth of the gods (a king is a god) is built through political and religious networks, forming a social layer (catur wangsa) so that it influences the architectural form of social layers (e.g., '[9]'), such as puri, jero, geria, and umah.
During the colonial period, the government structure in Bali was still rooted in the traditional government structure, namely still activating the traditional leadership (king) as regent, in implementing government in the regions (swapraja). However, as the guardian of the country (stedehoulder) of the colonial government, the kingdom was still subject to and responsible to the Dutch government [69]. The hegemony of colonial rule was also shown by the rearrangement of several elements, such as the market located in the southeast area was moved to the southwestern area of the catuspatha (now Balai Budaya), the former market area was expanded by moving some residential housing for then made the square (now the Astina Field) with the main function to support colonial activities. The hegemony of colonial power was also shown by the construction of military complexes, prisons, and Dutch government offices. This condition currently causes two city orientation centers in Gianyar, namely the traditional city center and the modern city center.
Autonomy and full sovereignty have been attached to the Government since 19 April 1771 and then proceed until Regional autonomy at the District Level II have been in effect until now. This situation also affects the spatial planning of Gianyar City. Establishing the city of Gianyar as the regional capital at Level II of the Regency, the government arranges the city space as the center of government and provides a cultural city identity. During the reign of Anak Agung Gde Raka (1950)(1951)(1952)(1953)(1954)(1955)(1956)(1957)(1958)(1959)(1960), the market was moved to the west side, and a Cultural Center was built in the former market area. In line with the change of leadership in the post-independence era, changing the layout of the City Center of Gianyar. Consecutively the spatial elements of the present (traditional) Gianyar City Center: a square (field) in the southeast area, a cultural hall in the southwest area, a city park in the northwest area. Apart from that, there are also: the building of Geria Kawan, Pura Puseh and Traditional Village of Gianyar, Geria Manuaba, the market to the west of the pempatan agung, shops, and residential areas (umah), which are located up to the first lawa.
The name of the spatial element that forms the city center of Gianyar (historical-contemporary period) is a sign whose reference is a physical representation of the spatial element (see Figure 5). The interpretant form that occurs is the concept of structuring the elements forming the city center. The concept of the center of the city is a sign concerning the concept of cosmology, mandala, Asta Dikpalaka, Asta Bharata, and historical background. Based on different signs and references, different interpretants can appear. These interpretant differences indicate a weakening of power through shifting elements as symbols of the socio-political level. It is clear that in the development of the current government system, the highest authority lies in the regional government. The traditional city center as a symbol of the center of the state (kingdom) in its role as a political, economic, social, and cultural center has shifted to become a symbol of tradition and culture as a legacy of the past.

Conclusion
In traditional societies, power and influence are closely related to belief systems, as sources of values that function to defend society. This system is the embodiment of the cosmic-magical concept based on religious principles and power that comes from supernatural powers. The ruler holds dualistic power, both worldly (physical) and spiritual. Every new change in power in a traditional society requires mythology of power to justify its existence in the eyes of the group or society. In other words, every ruler also needs legitimacy for those above his jurisdiction. The period of the Gianyar kingdom became part of the government system in a concept of a royal state in Bali, by making Javanese Hindu conceptions of Majapahit as a qibla. Even though the royal government system was still going on until the colonial period, it can be said that it has lost its legitimacy. The adoption of the basic philosophy of religion, social systems, traditions, customs, and culture of Bali, was substituted for colonial ideology, such as the existence of a large square, thus drowning the hegemony of the king's power. Even this condition continues today.
This study identifies a uniform concept test in place arrangement by taking local knowledge that is still held by the Balinese people. Respect for religious systems, beliefs, and religions that have developed and deeply distrust a society that has received appreciation from the symbolic manifested in spatial composition. Even though it looks uniform and uniform, on the other hand, it turns out to divide and even form new cultural units that are hybrid and innovative. In the city, there are various forms of power relations, so that they participate in shifting the central role of the city orientation. This concept presents traditional models that have been substituted with new models, by making relationships with values that are the religious and customary principles of Balinese society. The principles of religion and culture that are still alive are what make Balinese architecture alive, despite experiencing changes in values.