Cartography of the Chilean exile in Baden-Württemberg: the story of the solidarity network

ABSTRACT The horror of the military coup in Chile motivated a massive international solidarity network. One of them was composed of self-organized citizens, NGOs, and Chilean exiles in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). This movement was a response to affected individuals facing the lack of immediate measures and policies of the FRG’s government towards exile and human rights violation victims in Chile. This article offers a cartography that traces key locations of such solidarity network: places where solidarity events took place, where the subjects involved reside, and their transits; with a special but not exclusive focus on the state of Baden-Württemberg, in the federal south. Considering the historical moment when this took place – Cold War scenario: Germany divided between the two ruling blocks – the cartography shows how this movement was a way of subverting that geopolitical order. This work, therefore, is a new contribution to the studies of solidarity and, at the same time, it links those studies with the field of STS, by presenting a cartography as a visual dispositif that documents the imbrications of solidarity, affections, politics, culture, Germans, and Chileans on a given territory.


Introduction
Society is constantly disturbed by cases of Human Rights violations that happen in different places and distant contexts. Though these violations may have a global impact, the cases in which feelings of compassion and concern (Levy and Sznaider 2010) give birth to a transnational movement of solidarity are exceptional, regardless of the distance. There is an implicit ambivalence in the reasons why governments and persons embrace a cause that takes place far away, which makes the research about solidarity towards Chile during the military dictatorship (1973)(1974)(1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990)) a permanent case of study.
Transnational solidarity was exceptional in the case of Chile and is especially notorious because it involves a geographically marginalized country without international relevance; nevertheless, it produced the most important turn on global Human Rights policies, through a new moral and political vocabulary that challenged the notions of state sovereignty and social activism, blurring the limits of the nation-state (Kelly 2018;Eckel 2019).
The cross-border feeling, capable of mobilizing international solidarity, has been studied on personal and collective scales. For example, Levy and Sznaider (2010) state that Human Rights defense is part of a "cosmopolitan common sense" (8) activated by the assembly of historical and collective memory made global after the Holocaust (Levy and Sznaider 2010). From this perspective, Human Rights defense triggers a cross-border feeling that creates space for the transposition of global and local. Rothberg (2019) presents a personal dimension of solidarity, analyzing it through the concept of "implicated subject." This concept studies how the intersection between personal historical responsibility and biography, political position, and geographical situation shapes the reasons, ways, and means by which individuals activate distance solidarity. Therefore, the reasons for solidarity actions are multidirectional and previous to the event that triggers them (Rothberg 2009). Following this line, Sosa (2014) proposes another perspective concerning the solidarity actions of not directly implied subjects, by questioning how the blood bonds between the actors and the victims of the Argentinian military dictatorshipunderstood as a hegemonic defense of Human Rights, based on a conservative figure of familyexclude other solidarity subjects. From this point of view, Sosa studies how the emergence of new affiliations allows the development of films, books, plays, etc. that include other aesthetics performativities and languages, expanding the Human Rights matter to the entire society.
Macleod and de Marinis (2019) identify emotional-strategic-political reasons for the formation and disintegration of a solidarity community. The concept refers to the way emotions of persons that are not directly affected by repression are the engine that congregates them and motivates their political performativity. Emotions are key to rebuilding the history of these groups (Macleod and de Marinis 2019). Thus, the implicit subjectivity in the personal recollections of former members, that have contradictions, differences, and conflicts, allows the understanding of the way the collective functions, the means of remembering, and therefore, determines how these memories remain on the subjects' micro-histories and their personal archives.
Different views and analyses are useful to understand the complexities of the study of solidarity towards Chile: the geographical extent of the Chilean exile, the conflicts among Chilean political parties in exile, the biographies of the implied subjects in their destination countries, and the configuration of these factors on the destination countries, that determined the interests, political orientations, and course of actions (Dufner 2016). Accordingly, researchers have stated that the solidarity towards Chile could have been composed by a network or groups that worked independently (Eckel, 2014(Eckel, -2019, organizations formed and intervened by Soviet Communism (Christiaens, Goddeeris, and Rodríguez 2014), political groups that profited from the solidarity towards Chile (Dufner 2016), groups gathered around a true solidarity feeling (Pieper 2014), and groups that made out of the Human Rights defense a way of continuing revolutionary actions (Kelly 2018). Considering all these opinions, it is impossible to speak of a homogeneous movement; rather, it was a network that despite elaborating and sharing valuable information, developed different form of solidarity, shaped by cultural and biographical realities and political and geographical positions that cannot be analyzed through a single dimension (Eckel 2019).
This complexity is approached in this article through micro-histories of the members of solidarity groups towards Chile in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), especially in the states of the South. The location and time frame are especially interesting to study because in the early seventies the defense of Human Rights was not yet an international policy of the FRG (Kelly 2018;Eckel 2019), and its geopolitical position in the Cold War makes the FRG an exceptional case to analyze the tensions among citizens and government provoked by the solidarity towards Chile. Moreover, the internal geopolitical configuration, marked by differences between left-wing and right-wing, and crystalized in the North and South of the country, is key to understanding the capacities and differences of the members of the solidarity groups. Therefore, this article works with the hypothesis that the complex solidarity groupsdiverse in relation to biographies, gender, geographies, class, and political affiliationoperated as a cultural dispositif (Foucault 2002; Agamben 2014) that subverted the geopolitical order by employing moving subjects, objects, and artifacts, generating new tensions that can be geographically understood by cartography.
This article illustrates the cultural and solidarity dispositif through cartographic work to crystalize the dynamics and imbrications of the solidarity movement and the geographic space. By tracing the movements of actors through relevant geographic locationsa selection of subjects present in solidarity cultural eventsthe cartography functions in two ways: 1. Tracing the footprints of the solidarity actions towards Chile from a biographical point of view, and 2. Operating as a space of memory of what is left of the places, the records of actors, and their present memories. All of this is somehow imprinted on the bodies and territories where this movement took place, persisting despite the disappearance of some of the places through time or because of German reunification. Therefore, the cartographic model is conceived: as a way of analyzing the densities of the solidarity towards Chile in the FRG, linked to the geographical position and the movements of the implied subjects; as a narration of the micro-histories of these subjects and its relationship with geopolitics; and as a dynamic archive that works through nonhierarchical relations displayed on a single plane.
Accordingly, the article is structured on the basis of three argumentative lines. The first aims to unveil how FRG politics and geopolitics did or did not have an influence on the locations, movements, and intensity of the solidarity movement that took place in the Chilean case, which can also be studied as a large network of places and people working together for a solidarity cause. The second line considers artistic and cultural expressions that channel solidarity actions and produce a solidarity dispositif (Foucault 2002): a political-cultural device that served as a contact zone, and from which different performativities were created and articulated (Ahmed 2015) between Chileans and Germans. This dispositif also allowed the movement and intersectionality of agents and territories on which the geopolitical order imposed by the Cold War was dislocated. The third line is the cartographic proposal: through an intuitive tracing, it aims to describe the intensity of the solidarity network on the territory (Deleuze and Guattari 1994) employing the biographical stories of two Chilean former exiles and a German activist.

The solidarity movement as a cultural dispositif and political subversion
Unidad Popular's government (1970)(1971)(1972)(1973), led by Salvador Allende, presented a new path for the peaceful construction of a Socialist state in Chile. This project took place during the Cold War, where two world powersthe USA and the USSRfought over global hegemony, and therefore, the Chilean project was persistently rejected and boycotted by the capitalist block led by the USA (Bernasconi 2021). Facing the economic and political destabilization provoked by these foreign forces, states and citizens abroad organized groups of solidarity towards Chile.
The coup on September 11 1973 resulted in the violent end of Unidad Popular and the beginning of state terror led by Chief of the Army Augusto Pinochet. Consequently, thousands of Chileans disappeared, were imprisoned, tortured, and forced into exile. It also had a great impact on and was rejected by governments and citizens that not necessarily adhered to Allende's project and who organized major support mobilizations for the victims.
Chile's geographical features and the repressive policies of the dictatorship are the basis for what Kelly (2018) refers to as "sovereign emergencies," where the interruptions of the international order caused by the mistaken trust that the dictators had in sovereignty as an impenetrable shield produce as counterpart so " … that the activists and diplomats started to perforate those sovereignties in the name of Human Rights" (6). The first citizen actions materialized quickly through mainly self-organized solidarity groups that formed emotional-strategical-political communities (Macleod and de Marinis 2019) and created a vocabulary underpinned by a new morality of human rights advocacy, which involved political actions that challenged prevailing notions of state sovereignty and social activism, blurring the boundaries of the nation-state in favor of the defense of transnational human rights (Eckel 2019) 3. Federal Germany: South, North, East, West In Federal Germany, the solidarity movement towards Chile began some months before the coup, motivated by the first putsch attempt: a military uprising known as "Tancazo" or "Tanquetazo" that took place on June 29, 1973. This initial group, which gave birth to the later network, was coordinated by left-wing youths from the German New Left, that were interested in the Chilean process and had affective, intellectual, or political linkages with Unidad Popular's Chile. Their objective was to present the delicate situation of Unidad Popular's leadership, which faced the threats of Imperialism and Fascism. To achieve this, the movement created the first Chile-Arbeitskreise workgroups, which later gave birth to the Chile-Komitees, located in the cities of Berlin, Heidelberg, Tübingen, and Frankfurt. After the coup, the Chile-Komitees gathered together under Chile-Solidarität, an organization that served as the official organ of the committees. Some of its functions were organizing the donations for the cause and coordinating the meetings between the nearly 150 Chile-Komitees.
Regarding the geopolitical internal order, the FRG was dividedas Germany still is todayinto relatively independent federal states. Each state has its internal policies and politics, and as a result, different regulations on a variety of aspects from education to environmental laws. Each state also has its own cultural and political identity. The south of Germany, especially the states of Bayern and Baden-Württemberg, are one of the richest states and also traditional and conservative. After the coup in Chile, sectors of the governments of both states were unwilling to receive Chilean refugees: some congressmen and members of the CDU party downplayed the extent of the Human Rights violations, and others even participated in fundraising campaigns for the dictatorship. Thus, the FRG became a state disputed by the ideological conflict between the two German states and a theme fiercely discussed by West German society (Bresselau von Bressensdorf and Seefried 2017).
In this scenario, solidarity groups created ways of exerting pressure on the government to obtain better conditions for Chilean refugees. The main concern was that the migration policies of Germany were applied to Chileans by the ruling bureaucracy, and though there was an effort made to make the process more efficient, this did not happen immediately, triggering complaints from the German left-wing and the solidarity movements who "believed that the security controls of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Bundesverfassungsschutz) were unduly delaying the acceptance process, if not only endangering the persecuted applicants" (Poutrus 2014, 231). In contrast, the conservative wing "considered that granting asylum to ex-members of UP and other radical Left organizations constituted a risk for the safety of the Federal Republic" (Poutrus 2014, 231). Thus, it was not surprising to find, along with the active civic campaigns to aid the victims, other campaigns organized by German politicians from the South to support the Junta's dictatorship.
The pressure exerted by citizens, combined with that of the federal states of the North, led to the establishment of refugee quotes for each state (Dufner 2016) despite conservative groups' fears. This meant that an important number of Chilean refugees settled in southern states like Baden-Württemberg, mostly during 1976 and 1978 under the rule of the Amnesty Law. By the end of the dictatorship, a group of around 3,000 Chilean exiles that arrived in the FRG completed this massive network.
The network of solidarity towards Chile was not a homogenous formation, nor an integrated movement, but rather a left-wing clustering with ideological differences that sometimes produced conflicts and replicated the fractures that originated in the 1968 movement. Opinions differ on the composition of the Chile-Komitee: some, like Urs Fiechtner, sustain that they gathered people mainly from the non-dogmatic left-wing. Others, like Juan Miranda, point out that the members were mostly Communists. What remains clear is that members identified as left-wing: Socialists under the influence of Communists, more radical ones like MIR (Revolutionary Left Movement), and non-dogmatic left-wing groups, as Fiechtner affirms, who remained active in solidarity towards Chile the longest (Dufner 2016).
Along with the Chile-Komitee, other actors gave shape to the solidarity dispositif: Amnesty International, workers unions, university students, the Lutheran and Evangelic churches, groups of Chilean exiles, left-wing Chilean political parties in exile, and common citizens. Such a heterogeneous configuration had evident benefits, but also created internal conflicts. These factors, along with the local, national, and global contexts, influenced features of the locations where events took place; the audiences and manner of performing; the song repertoire; the clothing; speeches, etc.
Another dimension of the solidarity movement was its lifespan and the variation in its intensity throughout. The intensity of the movement developed according to events that affected it on a local, national, and transnational level (Rothberg 2016), and these defined its pulse: the moment of initial gathering, the peak, and the disintegration. The interest in the Chilean cause had variations, reaching its apex between 1973 and 1979. During these years, the actors were permanently engaged in cultural events of solidarity, traveling around the FRG.

Cultural dispositif
The practices of the solidarity groups, considering the concept of performativities as ways of transmission (Taylor 2015) and of performance as resistance and building reality (Butler 1990), lead to affirming that the solidarity groups besides being a network, are also a dispositif (Foucault 2002;Agamben 2014). This dispositif could subvert the borders established by the Cold War by movement and transmission of a political message of Human Rights defense (Kelly 2018) from one place to another, through the actions of subjects in specific places and the use of objects and artifacts as political and symbolical tools.
We conceive the solidarity groups as dispositifs following the heterogeneous notion established by Foucault, which includes "discursos, instituciones, disposiciones arquitectónicas, reglamentos, leyes, medidas administrativas, enunciados científicos, proposiciones filosóficas, moral, etc" 1 (Foucault and Miskowiec 1994;quoted in Dreyfus and Rabinow 1983, 121). Dreyfus and Rabinow explain that Foucault´s concept is also "a network of analysis built by the Historian. But also the practices themselves, that act as an artifact, a tool, building objects and organizing them" (121). Agamben (2014) carries on the study of the notion and establishes a genealogy of it, proposing his definition: everything that somehow can capture, orient, determine, intercept, shape, control, and assure the gestures, behaviors, opinions, and discourses of the living being.
The notion of dispositif used in this article integrates Foucault's and Agamben's perspectives: the solidarity groups are a cultural dispositif, as they orient the living beings implied by it. Moreover, the dispositif is made of subjects gathered in emotional-strategical-political communities shaped and differenced by an assembly of geopolitical and socio-geographical contexts at local, national, and international levels, intersected by personal experiences, emotions, biography, gender, and creed. The cultural dispositif concept is important to analyze solidarity as a combination of elements that, at a given time, are articulated for a cause and then disarticulated; but also, the actions of the solidarity groups as perfomativities and political practices capable of bursting into social geography and altering its textual and visual orders, as well as its frontiers.
The display of this information through cartography explains how the different parts of the dispositif were assembled: the symbolic construction of Unidad Popular, made of a combination of martyr figures (Traverso 2019) like Salvador Allende, Víctor Jara, and Pablo Neruda; the music and lyrics of Nueva Canción Chilena (New Chilean song); the traditional gastronomyespecially empanadas and red winerepresented as symbolic elements of resistance and international solidarity (Wright 2014); the political speeches of Chilean and German left-wings that represented the Chilean tragedy; the biographies of the individuals that participated on this story; and the places where the performativities and performances of the actors took place.

Rhizome, plot, and what escapes from the map
The cartographic model designed in this article follows the social turn of geography, expanding cartography from the traditional field of drawing maps to other disciplines, such as Cultural Studies, Social Sciences, art, and Feminist and Queer theories. This displacement is framed within the poststructuralist turn of the geographical conception (Foucault and Miskowiec 1994;Döring and Thielmann 2008;Werlen 2017) by which the merely biological and spatial evolves into a socio-geographical conception. Social and cultural geographies are constructed realities in which spatial relations and actions between individuals are fundamental, meaning that powers are operating inside them by establishing the territorial limits, objects, and infrastructure that they designate as well as the way they shaped the human behavior.
Studying maps from the Renaissance, Kirby (2005) points out the subjectivity involved in cartographic work through the close relationship between the map and its maker. Similarly, Crampton (2009) affirms that cartography is a performative construction: participative and political. Vieten and Valentine (2016) propose a critical cartography that shows social relations and produces new cartographic models that embrace narratives shadowed by hegemonic and heteronormative powers and therefore decolonize them. Piekut and Valentine (2016) write about social topography, an alternative cartography that knots elements from different territories and connects local and global realities. Standing in the field of human geography, Anderson et al. (2012) write that the relations built on cartography are not neutral, but determined by the context that locates them (176).
Deleuze (2009) defines cartography as a form of visual representation: a sketch, an artwork, a political action, and even an act of meditation; therefore, more of a creative act than something fully structured (Piedrahita, Vommaro, and Isausti 2018). The creative processpersonal or collectivehappens on a territory; in a place that, for Deleuze and Guattari (1994), is the passage that goes from chaos to the creative re-composition of the means contained in the encounters; and to the rhythms and intensities that give power to these lines. From this perspective, rhythm and passage give cartography a movement feature and a sense of being in transit.
Another way of establishing relationships between objects is Deleuze's notion of rhizome. His conception of rhizome points to the idea of connection as something multiple, heterogeneous, and without hierarchical order. If confined, it is bound to lose its power to connect with the outside, thus becoming totalitarian. The rhizomatic model is connected to chaos, as it is part of a process in transit and in movement to a new temporal order where chaos is always present. Therefore, there is a flexible and mobile dynamic between chaos and temporal order.
The cartography proposed by this work allows, by tracing the social geography of places, subjects, objects, and artifacts, the narration of the past, and the creation of new bonds with History in the present especially referred to the ambivalence of the policies and Human Rights defense actions. On this point, it is important to consider the tension proposed by Latour (2005) concerning the binary relationship between subject/ object, in Actor-Network-Theory (ANT), which argues that the object has an active role in the social space as an actant of cognitive processes. Following Latour, Hasse (2013) affirms that a psychological relationship between tools and signs remains on objects.
Thus, objects may have a mediating ability that depends on the cultural, social, and technological singularities their locus of reception, and that determine their effectivity, reception, and use. Therefore, the object has the quality of an artifact when used to comprehend something. Even itself. The artifact is a complex structure, because it includes factors that expand its conception. Bernasconi (2021), focused on the analysis of Human Rights archives, considers record cards, reports, forms, and letters, among others, as artifacts, and states that the objects used by Human Rights defenders must be understood as means of performative and documental mediation because they allow comprehending the violence of dictatorships in the Southern Cone. In this context, this work proposes that the objects that travel with exiles are transformed into artifacts that mediate the place of departure (Chile) and the place of destination (FRG), utilizing performative actions of reception, re-use, and syncretism, developed with political uses on solidarity actions. On one side, these actions are ways of mediation that transformed unknown objects into objects that functioned as political, symbolical, and affective tools of a common struggle. On the other side, the objects developed by the solidarity groups, such as letters, archives, reports, etc., are mediator artifacts that, when exchanged between solidarity networks across diverse territories with diverse performativities, question the edges of the nation-states of Chile and the FRG.
Following these questions, the cartography proposal is an epistemic, visual, and narrative model, based on a territory that we consider mobile, on which we narrate a fragment of the history of solidarity towards Chile in the FRG, using different textual and visual dimensions, emerging from the subjective experiences of a selection of three subjects. We refer to them as called "actors" because of the role they play on the cultural dispositif through their movements and, with them, that of objects, symbols, and sensations.

Cartography, narration of fugues
The focal geographical point of this work, the solidarity movement in Baden-Württemberg, allows a better account for the subversion of the established order through the spaces of dissidence and counter-narratives generated by the solidarity groups. Accordingly, the cartography is built around three individuals: Juan Miranda, Sergio Vesely, and Urs Fiechtner. These actors were chosen because they represent the cultural characteristics of the solidarity network. The three of them were involved in cultural and artistic work as a way of engaging solidarity towards Chilean victims. The map connects the addresses of the Chile-Arbeitskreise, and the Chile-Komitees, tied to the political and biographical experiences of these individuals, the forced movements inside Chile, abroad, and throughout Germany. This information is assembled with symbols, representations of Unidad Popular, Chilean left-wing esthetics, and objects like guitars and ponchos.
The cartographic narrative here presented was built altogether from the testimonies and archives of Juan Miranda, Sergio Vesely, and Urs Fiechtner, and information about the location of the Chile-Komitees published between 1973 and 1974 on Chile-Nachrichten, a dissident newsletter. Accordingly, preliminary cartography is established, where the narrative and the visual dimensions converge and assemble. This accounts for the movements or pulse of the three protagonists, tracing from their biographical recollections the places where the cultural device took place. This was accomplished by interviews and work with archival material to retrieve the addresses and obtain information about song lists, poems, and the organization of performances.
These sources of information are conceived as fugues (Deleuze and Guattari 1994) through three approaches: 1) The source of Chile-Komitees and Chile-Arbeitskreise coming from Chile-Nachrichten, produced by left-wing subjects on the edge of the capitalization process in Germany. Subjects that, after the fall of the Socialist Block, were left in some kind of sub-otherness; their resources, memories, and epistemes were forgotten, along with the magnitude of the solidarity network. According to Deleuze and Guattari (1994), the idea of deterritorialization, the information, and location of the places enables the critical construction of cartography that is dissident to the power of the Federal State; and the rescue of the overshadowed memory of those subjects left behind by the triumph of the capitalist model. 2) The positions of the Chile-Komitees and Chile-Arbeitskreise given sense through the performativities and memories of the actors, knotted and connected with the places where they used to perform in solidarity events. These places densify the cartography and conceive the function of these points of encounter as an instance of transcultural assemblage, where the present is understood in a local contextthe FRGand projected towards a transnational one -Chilein the dichotomic scenario of the Cold War.
3) The actors that perform this cartography are considered vanishing points in two ways.
One of them, negative, (Deleuze and Guattari 1994), is set at the beginning of the journey of the subjects, in particular Miranda and Vesely, after the coup in Chile. This moment is an intersection and detention point of the vanishing lines, produced by totalitarian regimes: prison, secrecy, expulsion, and detention by force of flux. There is transit here, but towards annihilation and extirpation of the "Marxist cancer." The positive aspect is related to another kind of transit that happens during the exile in the FRG: the movements of the actors inside the cultural dispositif of the solidarity network. The dynamic of the cultural dispositif challenged the closed sense of boundaries and subverted the orders imposed by the Iron Curtain and the state policies of Federal Germany regarding the Chilean exile. Since solidarity was a self-organized civic action, and at the same time a political dispositive capitalized and disputed by the left-wing, it allowed the Chilean exile to make the Iron Curtain a transparent barrier. It is transparent to the physical movements, music, symbols, and sensations, as resources that were felt as their own and, at the same time, translated, performed, and tasted abroad. This underlies this cartography's aim to include the movements of the subjects as well as those of the senses (Figure 1).
The tracing of all these aspects is intuitively pictured in the cartography, both creatively and methodologically (Deleuze and Guattari 1994). This portrays, specifically in the state of Baden-Württemberg, the solidarity pulse as something that has a vital rhythm, in a model that combines subjects, affections, and emotions.

The actors
Juan Miranda is a Chilean folklorist. A member of the Socialist Party, he was part of the Salvador Allende's political campaign, and during the Unidad Popular's government worked in Sewell, a coal mining camp near Rancagua. There, he continued his cultural and artistic endeavor in charge of Casa de la Cultura (House of Culture), organizing courses, expositions, and cultural activities for mineworkers as part of Unidad Popular's policies. His political militancy and active involvement in Salvador Allende's administration made Miranda a target of the dictatorship: he was persecuted and had to escape from Chile as an exile through the Hungarian embassy in Santiago. He arrived in the FRG on 20 January 1974 at a refugee camp in Unna-Massen in Nordrhein-Westfalen, and shortly after that, he settled in Oberhausen. A Chile-Komitee in Oberhausen received the group of exiles when they arrived in the town. They gathered at a place called Fabrik K14, and it was there where Juan Miranda resumed his political activity.
He traveled through FRG with his guitar and performed in countless solidarity acts for Chile. Using music, he adhered to the solidarity network; he received aid from it and also collaborated in cultural events organized to support Chilean exiles and Human Rights victims. Through this, he established contact with other Chilean artists that were also exiled, such as Sergio Vesely.
The latter is a singer-songwriter, visual artist, and poet that has developed versatile work that began with his experience in dictatorship prisons, continued with his condition as a prisoner in exile, and gained unique traits during his life in Germany. Sergio Vesely was a militant of MIR. After the coup, he was in charge of organizing the party in the city of Valparaíso, where he was detained by DINA (National Intelligence Direction) in 1975. He then began a long journey through prisons and detention centers: the detention and torture center of Villa Grimaldi, then the detention center of Cuatro Álamos, the concentration camp of Puchuncaví, and finally, the Public Prison of Valparaíso, from where he departed to Federal Germany as an exile on February 1977, arriving at the city of Esslingen in Baden-Württemberg.
His work as composer and singer-songwriter began in prison: he was one of the very few "prison composers" of the period. Once in the FRG, Vesely ended militance in MIR and devoted himself to his career as singer, composer, and poet. Far from the Chilean exile artist canon, he presented his creations and poems during solidarity events. While in prison, he managed to obtain paper and pen for writing poems and songs. He hid papers in the folds of clothing that his mother later retrieved from prison. His father collected those papers and made copies of them. Shortly after Sergio arrived in Germany, he received 40 letters containing his songs and poems.
Once in Germany, and detached from MIR, he searched for new networks in the cultural events organized by Amnesty International. While participating in these events, Sergio traveled across many German cities and towns, playing his songs and reciting his poems. This was developed as a joint effort with Urs Fiechtner, creating a bilingual repertoire of signs: bodily, musical, and performative, dislocated from the traditional model of Chilean exile music. Eventually, he started to compose in German, a challenge to the solidarity events, as many Germans asked him to sing in Spanish. Thus, Vesely incarnates an in-between individual: the doubly exiled militant.
Urs Fiechtner is a German poet, writer, and activist, a member of Amnesty International since 1970, and one of the founders of the Amnesty International office in Ulm, Baden-Württemberg. He remains an active collaborator there. His life experiences are deeply bonded to Chile, a country where he lived and grew up surroundedin his own words -"by former Nazis and future coup-makers." 2 Through his father, a German army member deployed in Chile before the putsch, he had some contact with Chilean army members, among them Pinochet. The coup and dictatorship in Chile caused a huge impact on him, marking his involvement in solidarity activities coordinated by Amnesty International.
Fiechtner coined the expression "lectura-concierto" (concert reading) which consisted of a sort of declamation of stories and cases of Human Rights violations, combined with a musicalization in which Sergio Vesely had an important role. Regarding the solidarity network, Fiechtner had ample participation: along with his contribution with the lecturas-conciertos, he was part of the campaigns organized by Amnesty, such as "adoptions" of cases of prisoners disappeared or tortured, campaigns for the victims of repression in Chile, writing reports about country's situation and of victims of Human Rights violations, and the coordination of the work of Amnesty International in German-speaking countries.

Cartography of the Chilean exile in Baden-Württemberg
The following images are the result of this work: the cartography of one part of the solidarity networks towards Chile in Baden-Württemberg. Each one illustrates not only the geography and the movements of the three actors through the territory, but is also a conjunction of affectivity, experiences, and art. Therefore, the approach to it depends on the subject that is reading it.
The lines that describe the travels challenge the geopolitical order of two blocks, leftwing thinkers and active militants, move from dictatorial Chile to the conservative federal German South, where they are receiveddespite the resistance of a fewwith great citizen solidarity. The locations where solidarity events took place are marked with dots of different colors on each image, and they may be interpreted as places of solidarity and interculturality among individuals and territories: from local Germany to distant Chile and the Chilean exiles residing in the FRG as well.
The proposal is to navigate this cartography as the layout of the route of Miranda, Fiechtner, or Vesely, crossed by highly symbolic elements -flowers, guitars, drawings, song textsthat constitute the rhizomes where different levels of meaning interweave, creating the cartography of the solidarity movement in Baden-Württemberg, while including its sensations and affects (Figures 2-4).

Words of closure
One of the main goals of this work was to present the multiple layers that compose the solidarity movements. Therefore, the cartographic proposal aims to function as a model for understanding, as a narrative, and as an archive of the micro-histories of the subjects that were part of the cultural dispositif.
This instills a form of approaching the social, political, and historical context of the FRG during the seventies. Moreover, the article proposes a situated way of understanding the situation of the FRG, divided by the geopolitical order of the Cold War, by tracing the personal, affective, symbolic, and political transits of three subjects, their objects, and artifacts, as well as the locations, where the encounter and the political bond between Germans and Chileans took place. In this context, the micro-histories of the actors, the objects that traveled with them, and the artifacts developed during the exile, propose a new way of approaching the formation, consolidation, functioning, and extent of the solidarity movement towards the Chilean exiles and the victims of violations of Human Rights in the FRG. These must be  understood as micro-policies that, because of their way of acting and their work as selforganized and self-managed organizations, were able to subvert the geopolitical orders of their country to unimagined extents. A proof of this is the distance and temporal transposition achieved by the cartography of Sergio Vesely, which presents a poem written by him, turned into a hymn by the combatants in Nicaragua, whose story is later published in an academic article in 2021.
Hence, this cartography exceeds the traditional geographic field of mapping a series of locations under determined criteria. It represents a fresh perspective that enables us to connect different times, places, subjects, and objects, thus providing a new technology that operates through a performative, visual, and narrative connection. We propose this as a relevant contribution to the field of Science and Technology Studies (STS) in establishing a dispositive inserted into the socio-technic field that allows the comprehension of the geopolitical articulation of the solidarity network and its locations on a map: the transits, fugues, and complexities of relationships inside emotional-strategical-political communities.