Linguistic Etiquette of Serving Food in Local Wisdom of Indonesia’s Manjau Maju Lampung Tribe Society

Abstract This study aimed to identify linguistic etiquette for serving food at manjau maju events by reviewing speech rules, such as what matters are discussed, how to talk about serving food, when it is someone’s turn to speak, when to be silent, what variety of languages are used, who the speaker is, and to whom the conversation was addressed. The study used a sociopragmatic approach. The results of the study show that to serve food (kekuk), the speaker must comply with the stages of speech, namely knowing the customary title (adok) their speech partner bears, asking permission to serve food, and inviting the speech partner to enjoy the food. In addition to the stages, the contents of the speech are also conveyed through linguistic elements that have signs of politeness and a variety of local people’s refined language. The speaker who asks permission to serve food is an unmarried man. Meanwhile, those who accept the conversation are women who can speak according to the rules of the local community and generally hold the old customary title (adok tuha). These findings complement the existing body of linguistic etiquette literature.


PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT
This study examines the linguistic etiquette of serving food in the manjau maju events of the Kutadalom Gisting Tanggamus community, Indonesia.This research is interesting because it clearly describes how linguistic etiquette works.In addition, a combination of socio-pragmatic scientific fields was used to obtain a sharp analysis of language behavior in cultural societies.The study of language in cultural society is relative and has its own representation.Through this research, we discovered a form of working etiquette that must be obeyed to ensure that speech is considered polite.

Introduction
Every society has its own rules of behavior in communicating and interacting.These rules of behavior concern manners, regulations, or language norms so that communication is polite (Fraser, 1981, p. 96).Kádár and Haugh (Kádár & Haugh, 2013, p. 95) reveal a moral order in socio-cultural practices.The behavior rules are normal.Language is a product and cultural symbol (Gleason, 1955), and culture influences one's language and communication actions (Kuo & Lai, 2006).So, it is necessary to understand why someone treats language a certain way (Yule, 1996, p. 106).
Every region owns the local behavior of obeying the rules of communicating and interacting.This includes the southern part of Indonesia, namely the area inhabited by the Lampung Coastal indigenous people, such as the Kutadalom Gisting Tanggamus area.In this case, local, group-based, and sociocultural norms form the moral order of polite behavior (Kádár & Haugh, 2013, p. 95).The people of the Lampung tribe have their own rules of conduct for speaking in various customary situations, such as when serving food at an event to see a bride and groom (manjau maju).
In serving food, the speaker must speak politely based on the rules of speech behavior that the cultural community has determined.If the speaker does not comply with these rules, the flow of communication will be disrupted, and a bad image may be attached to the speaker, the food delivery group, and the traditional leader.Azam and Saleem (Azam & Saleem, 2018, p. 45) argue that "the existence of differences in discourse formed by culture can cause misunderstandings and disruptions in communication." Studies on linguistic etiquette have revealed that there are language procedures that equate utterances so that these utterances are deemed polite, including greetings, statements of respect, and apologies (Hatab, 2022;Ryabova, 2015;Maina, 2014;Ali & Ali, 2013;Rababa'h & Malkawi, 2012).However, the studies are still centered on linguistic elements and not yet on reasonable practices, such as what should be said, how or where the utterance is made, and to whom the utterance is addressed (Jdetawy & Hamzah, 2020, p. 695).In fact, linguistic etiquette in a cultural society is complex, and its practice has consequences for meaning and action (Oyserman, 2011).
Based on this explanation, the rules of polite speaking behavior in serving food at the manjau maju event for the Lampung Pesisir tribe community must be identified.However, politeness is relative and difficult to measure (Nodoushan, 2019, p. 10;Moon et al., 2018, p. 32).Wardhaugh (2006) argues that there may be a relationship between language and sociocultural society, one of which is linguistic etiquette, which can determine linguistic structure and behavior.Therefore, this study aimed to identify linguistic etiquette in serving food at the manjau maju event among the people of Lampung Pesisir, Indonesia, including: what matters are discussed, how to talk about serving food, when it is someone's turn to speak, when to be silent, what variety of languages are used, who the speaker is, and to whom the conversation is addressed.Jdetawy and Hamzah (Jdetawy & Hamzah, 2020, p. 695) argue that linguistic etiquette is a set of verbal and nonverbal communication behavior rules that regulate what should be said, how and where an utterance is made, and to whom the utterance is addressed.Kasper (Kasper, 2017, p. 374) defines linguistic etiquette as a way of speaking that accompanies polite speech.Although the term polite refers to the language used, it also refers to the procedure for using language under the rules of behavior.Furthermore, Duskaeva (Duskaeva, 2020, p. 59) emphasizes linguistic etiquette as a rule of politeness in language, or linguistic and non-linguistic use rules.Twerefou (Twerefou, 2010, p. 210) suggests that linguistic etiquette is embodied in the elements of the language level system, namely, lexical, morphological, stylistic, intonation, orthoepy, and communication organization.At the lexical level, there are special expressions, for example, for apologizing, thanking, or expressing respect.At the morphological level, utterances can be manifested in polite questions or orders, for example, with the word "please".At the stylistic level, harsh words will be avoided by using figurative language.At the level of intonation, intonation will sound polite.At the orthoepy level, the accent must be clear so that the words will sound clear.At the organizational level, it is not permissible to interrupt one's conversation partner.

Local wisdom
Aside from needing an identity, humans need an organized and structured life system based on their culture's uniqueness that can regulate and structure their lives.This system is realized through an intellectual process and life experience termed local wisdom.Local wisdom is also understood as ideas that are of suitable value and wisdom, or of noble importance that is owned and practiced by a member of the community (Nasution, 2018, p. 47).Local wisdom is the knowledge sourced from community experience (Kongprasertamorn, 2007, p. 2) and can be in the form of local customs, norms, resources, and rules (Sibarani, 2014).In practice, local wisdom is used to regulate people's lives.Studies on local wisdom have shown it has a role in life values (Kusairi et al., 2022;Moeis et al., 2022;Pranata et al., 2021;Rahardi & Setyaningsih, 2019;Nasution, 2018).It is also essential to understand the rules of speech behavior to maintain the uniqueness of this local wisdom because culture and language are connected in many ways, and this connection can be studied from different perspectives (Kövecses, 2010, p. 6)

Manjau maju
Manjau maju is derived from the words manjau "to look at" and maju "bride" (Mahya, 2016).In this event, guests come from within and outside the village who still share one custom (one traditional leadership).The manjau maju event aims to introduce the bride and groom to the community and surrounding environment so they can adapt quickly to community life (Pradana et al., 2021, p. 60).After the guests have seen the bride and groom and performed entertainment with musical instruments (betabuh), the unmarried men are assigned to serve food in the form of porridge made from rice flour and palm sugar water (kekuk).One of these men will choose a bridesmaid as his speech partner.In this interaction, the man will ask permission to serve food then hand over the food to the speech partner to be enjoyed with other speech partners.In practice, speech has its procedures so that it is characterized as polite speech.In serving food, speech is carried out in stages, such as knowing the speech partner's identity (adok).In Lampung society, adok is a customary title which is given to the married people of Lampung.For those who are not married, the customary name is a nickname (juluk).After the identity is known, the speaker asks permission to serve food.

Method
This study consisted of descriptive qualitative research through a sociopragmatic approach (Leech, 1983).Pragmatically speaking, speech is not only a question of continuity and impermanence but also elements that need to be explained (Oatey & Jiang, 2003, p. 1634).In addition, Holmes (Holmes, 2018, p. 15) argues that sociopragmatics examines societal norms that must be obeyed when speaking.These norms cannot be separated from the social and interactional dimensions of language use.Data in this study include transcribed recordings of the activity of serving food in the manjau maju event.The speech in the recording of the event is transcribed by listening carefully and repeatedly, then transcribing the recording.In addition, data from focus group interviews with traditional leaders and speakers in manjau maju events were used to strengthen the interpretation.Twenty-five informants came from the Kutadalom Gisting Tanggamus area, Indonesia.Informants were selected using the following inclusion criteria: native speakers of Lampungnese, understanding of how to speak when visiting a bride and groom, experience serving manjau maju food (kekuk), and being involved in manjau maju events for at least 3 years.Data analysis was carried out based on a sociocultural context.Ying (Ying, 2019, p. 201) argues that in verbal communication, all parts of the context have a close relationship so that speakers not only pay attention to the role of speech, but also focus on the language environment.In addition, Halliday (Halliday & Hasan, 1989, p. 48) says that the cultural context is a broader environment that overshadows the speech situation.Because besides giving meaning, speakers also give value.Data analysis was carried out by identifying speech behavior rules including: what matters are discussed, how to talk about serving food, when it is someone's turn to speak, when to be silent, what variety of languages are used, who the speaker is, and to whom the conversation was addressed.

Informed Consent
Twenty-five respondents from the Lampung Pesisir ethnic community in the Kutadalom Gisting Tanggamus, Indonesia area participated in the focus group interview (FGI).They were participants in speeches who represent and are often involved in manjau maju events.The 25 respondents consisted of 7 unmarried male food servers aged between 22-24 years, 8 women aged between 50-55 years, and 10 men who were traditional leaders aged between 50-65 years.
Before conducting the research interviews, the researchers met with the customary leaders of the Kutadalom Gisting Tanggamus, Indonesia area to ask permission to obtain research data.
Researchers also asked traditional leaders to meet with respondents based on predetermined criteria.Then, researchers invited respondents to attend the FGI forum through traditional leaders.25 people participated to become respondents.In the forum, the researchers explained the study information, such as the research title and objectives, description of the FGI procedure, and the duration of the FGI.The researchers also explained that the participants' data would remain confidential.Informed consent was carried out verbally because the Lampung people in this area stated verbal consent was acceptable according to traditional custom.After informed consent was obtained, FGI was carried out on the spot.Informed consent was carried out verbally because the Lampung people in this area stated verbal consent was acceptable according to traditional custom.
When the FGI was conducted, the researchers asked questions regarding the rules of speech behavior (linguistic etiquette) in the manjau maju event, distributed the list of attendees, and documented FGI activities.When the FGI was conducted, the researcher asked questions regarding the rules of speech behavior (linguistic etiquette) in the manjau maju event, distributed the list of attendees for FGI, and documented FGI.

Results
The study results indicate that linguistic etiquette exists in the forms of: what matters are discussed, how to talk about serving food, when it is someone's turn to speak, when to be silent, what variety of languages are used, who the speaker is, and to whom the conversation was addressed.Linguistic etiquette is also present in visiting guests of the bride and groom when receiving food from the food server.

What matters are discussed
There are two stages of speaking practice in serving food at the manjau maju event.Before the food is served, the speaker will enter the venue and speak to obtain permission from the guest to serve the food.The request for permission ensures the speaker's request can be accepted by the guests and is considered polite.However, to convey speech asking for permission, the speaker must first know the name of the speech partner, and then the speech can continue.The name must be used as a greeting during the conversation.An example of a speaker requesting permission to serve food is shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1 shows the server asking permission from one of the bridesmaids to serve food to them.In practice, the presenter will first ask the name of the interlocutor.Once known, the speaker will ask to serve the food (kekuk).The name in question is the customary title (adok) of the speech partner, not their familiar name.Adok is a name of pride and honor given by the traditional leaders of the community.Apart from being polite etiquette, a greeting using adok is considered a form of respect for the addressee.Respect shows politeness (Twerefou, 2010, p. 210;Saleem et al., 2021, p. 14).If the first stage has been agreed upon, the food server will state that the food has been served in the following stage and invite guests to enjoy the food provided.

How to talk about serving food
To serve food (kekuk), the speaker does not directly ask for permission from all the guests present, but the speaker needs a partner to accept the speaker's intention.The speaker must know the identity of the speech partner he is talking to and must call their adok.The speaker does not greet the speech partner by their familiar name, or greet them with "Ma'am" even though the speech partner is older than himself.The speaker immediately greets him with his customary name.In this case, the status and role in the structure and values mutually agreed upon determine the interaction style (Sinaga, 2019, p. 47).Adok is related to pride, honor, and dignity (Bourdieu, 1979, pp. 128-129).It is necessary to know the identity and adok of the speech partner, as shown in data (1).
(1) "Saya Lintang, haga nanya pai jama induk si makai kumbut halom na.Sapa pai gelakh adok ne?" [My name is Lintang.I want to ask the woman wearing the black scarf.What is her customary title?] In data (1), speaker Lintang selects a speech partner who can speak and accept the conversation according to custom.Lintang asks for the traditional title of the intended speech partner who wears a black headscarf.When asking the potential partner's younger sibling, the speaker first introduces himself by name.Lintang is the nickname (juluk) of the people of Lampung for unmarried men.In this case, all the unmarried men involved in the manjau maju event will be greeted by the name Lintang.
When the name (adok) of the speech partner is known, the speaker (Lintang) then asks permission to serve food, as shown in data (2) below.Note.Photo taken by article author.
(2) Mahap ngalampukha, Pakhwatin!Khai Malinah beliauan, kheji pai khani, kita khua hejong muanak minduk haga sakicik pai cutik.Khupa-khupa dia khiya di kekuk ni muli dali mekhanai de dapokh de khadu masak jak debi jeno, khesan sia khiya kinjuk di sajian muli pukha khadu dapok ticawako lestakhi sia pai.Makhe benokh ne, mak ngasi da ya ki haga tisaji-saji khia begawoh.Muat ki mak ji haga ti hantakh ko.Ki mak ngedok halang khintang ni sikam mekhanai ji haga pekhmisi haga ngehantakh cawa tumpak jama induk ne si disan.Benokh ni dia induk ni diantakha bilang tangguh ni anak si dija lain moneh haga guwai unut mukut ni induk ni si disan.Yaaa!' [I apologize in advance, ladies!Honorable Khai Malinah!We both sit like mother and son, wanting to talk for a while.It seems that the porridge cooked by the boys and girls has been cooking since this afternoon.Now, the dishes are ready to be served.However, it's bad if you just serve it like that.We think we need to serve it.If there are no obstacles, we unmarried man ask permission to provide the food to the lady over there.That's what the son here said, but it doesn't mean the lady over there must agree.Yes!] Data (2) contains a request for permission to serve food to the guest appointed to receive the speaker.The guest is greeted by the customary name "Khai Malinah".In conveying a request for permission, the speaker begins with elements of language considered polite at the lexical level, namely "apologies" and "honored ones", which are spoken after adok Khai Malinah, as shown in the utterance "Mahap ngalampukha, Pakhwatin!Khai Malinah beliauan, kheji pai khani, kita khua hejong muanak minduk haga sakicik pai cutik."This language element is a marker of politeness shown by speakers to speech partners (Twerefou, 2010, p. 210).However, the speech is also seen as polite because there is an agreement that it is an effective pattern of politeness (Nkwain, 2015).This pattern is shown in the stages of speech as rules that must be obeyed.
After obtaining permission and serving the food, the speaker will continue the speech to the speech partner, inviting the guests to enjoy the meal, as shown in data (3) below.
(3) "Khai Malinah beliauan!Kheji pai ha ni, kita khua hejong muanak minduk haga sekicik pai cutik, khupa dia khia kinjuk di hantakhan mekhanai pukha kemena khadu dapok ti cawako lestakhi sia pai.Makhe benokh ne mak ngasi da yak i haga tihayak-hayak khia begawoh, muat ki mak ya wai ni haga ti inum, khesan sia moneh khia kinjuk de kekuk ni khek bebuak ni kham haga jejama ngekhasa ko ya, injuk hani sakiman: "basak budiang di apui jak budiang di wai".Khesan pai da ya tangguh ni anak ni si dija jama induk ni si disan.Lain moneh di antakha bilang tangguh ni anak ni si dija haga guai unut mukut ni induk si disan.Yaaa!" [The glorified Khai Malinah!Both of us sat as mother and son, wanting to talk about something.The unmarried men delivery has finished.Furthermore, it is no good if the food is only seen around if the water is not drunk as well.As the saying goes: "it is better to dry the body by the fire than to dry the body by the water".This was how I used to talk to the mother over there as a child.Not that this conversation needs to be carried out by the mother over there.Yes!] Through a speech partner with the traditional title Khai Malinah, the speaker said that the dish was ready to be enjoyed.The invitation to enjoy the meal indirectly is emphasized by the proverb "it is better to dry the body by the fire than by drying the body by the water," an example of Twerefou's (2010, p. 210) subtle language style.Even so, there is etiquette in the implicit intent in the speech content, in which the speaker asks the partner to invite other guests to enjoy the meal.The speaker must have the right to invite all the guests, but the partner can invite their entourage and all said partners present.Because the rule and familiarity with speech are implicit, speakers can derive greater meaning (Revita & Trioclarise, 2018, p. 3).

When to take a turn speaking and when to be silent
When the speech is carried out, the speech partner must listen carefully to what the speaker conveys from beginning to end.To answer or respond, the partner must carefully review what the speech partner told them.The speaker only gets another turn to speak when the partner has finished speaking, giving them space to talk.The delivery of the turn to speak appears when the speaker provides the sign with "Yaaa!" at the end of the speech, as shown in data ( 2) and ( 3) above.In responding to Lintang's speech in data (3), the partner does not answer directly, but by reviewing the speaker's speech, as shown in data (4) below.
( Data (4) shows that the guest has a turn to speak, then punctuating the end of their turn with the marker "yaaa!"This marker means that the speaker has finished his speech and invites the speech partner to speak.When it is their turn to speak, the guest whose turn it is to speak does not directly answer the speech partner's speech.Still, there are rules for carrying out three forms of speech in a series: stating, reviewing again to emphasize, and responding to utterances.In declaring, the speaker states that she has heard carefully what the speech partner is saying.This form of careful listening is realized in the utterances of reviewing to confirm that none of the speech partner's utterances to be answered are missed.Then, the speaker responds to the intent of the speech partner by accepting the speaker's intent and promising to invite the other guests to enjoy the food served.Thus, speech politeness is a question of how to both request and respond politely (Culpeper & Tantucci, 2021, p. 162).This etiquette goes against the principle of being brief (Jdetawy & Hamzah, 2020), as brief speech would not fulfill polite etiquette according to the people of Lampung.
After the discussion on serving food has been completed, the speech partners invited to speak by the speaker (Lintang) will appoint a representative from the guests outside the village that are considered good at speaking according to custom.In this case, the speech partner invites all the bride and groom attendees to enjoy the food served by Lintang, as shown in data (5) below.
(5) "Anggin Jamanton beliauan!Kheji pai hani, kita khua hejong muakhi ja haga sekicik pai cutik.Khupa-khupa diya khiya kinjuk di antakhan ni mekhanai pukha di dapokh na khadu dapok ti cawako lestakhi sia pai.Mak ngasi da ya ki haga ti hantakh-khantak khia gawoh ki mak iya uway, kesan moneh kekuk sekhta bebuak ne kham haga jajama ngekhasako iya.Makhe benokh ne, khadu alim budu ni Anggin Jamanton si disan la haga nyekhuakh ko jama pakhwatin.Yaaa!" [Honorable Anggin Jamanton!We both sit as if we were siblings desiring to talk about something, a little.It seems that food from the kitchen has already been served by the unmarried men.Then, it is no good if the food is only seen around if the water is not drunk as well.As we advance, it is only fitting if Anggin Jamanton sits there to invite the audience to enjoy the food.Yes!] In data (5), the speaker called Khai Malinah states to the speech partner called Anggin Jamanton that the food has been served and it is the right of the speech partner to invite guests to enjoy the food.Anggin Jamanton is a traditional title (adok tuha) given to women whose first child is married.In custom, adok Anggin Jamanton has a higher position than Khai Malinah, so the holder of the title is more entitled to invite all guests to enjoy the food served.
The speaker must first listen carefully to the speech conveyed to them from beginning to end.Then it is his turn to speak.However, the speaker can respond to the utterance as a sign that the speaker has listened carefully to the utterance.This response is raised when the speaker is greeted and at the end of the sentence, as shown in data ( 6 Furthermore, it's not good if the food is only seen.It's not just the water that needs to be drunk but the porridge and the food that needs to be tasted together.As the saying goes: "it's better to dry your body by the fire than to dry your body near water".That was how I used to talk to the mother over there as a child.(Yes!)Not that this conversation needs to be carried out by the mother over there.Yes!] In data (6), a speech partner Khai Malinah responds on the sidelines to the primary speaker.Even though the partner does not have a turn to speak at this time and should listen to the speech from beginning to end, they are allowed and even required to respond to the utterance.The word "Yes!" by the speech partner in the first line, when addressed with the customary title "Khai Malinah", is a response as someone invited to speak.The speaker Lintang can repeat greeting the speech partner if she does not answer the greeting.Maintaining communication has a formulaic role in speech (Abdikarimova et al., 2021, p. 86).Furthermore, the word "Yes!" in the next line in data ( 6) is a response to show that the speech partner is paying attention to the speech before responding to the intent of the utterance as a whole.

Variety of languages used
Politeness is inseparable from culture, namely in language settings (Sukarno, 2018, p. 660).Even though the people of Lampung do not recognize language levels, psychological and cultural rules must be practiced (Hadikusuma, 1996, p. 52).Kuo (Kuo & Lai, 2006) says that culture will still influence one's language and actions in communicating.Even someone from an outside culture will try to follow local cultural politeness norms (Isosävi, 2020, p. 177).
When serving traditional food, the speaker uses a variety of subtle language.It is marked by the use of subtle vocabulary that is not used in everyday communication, such as muanak minduk, which means "mother and child," mahap ngalampukha, which means "sorry to a knowledgeable/ respected person," lestakhi, which means "finished," khesan which means "thus," and makhe benokhne which means "continue."The meaning of muanak minduk, as shown in data (2), is to illustrate a lack of social distance between the speaker (Lintang) and the speech partner (Khai Malinah); they are like a child and a biological mother.Furthermore, the word mahap ngalampkha means an expression of apology or respect for an elder or glorified person.This word is usually used at the beginning of a speech to convey intent.The word lestakhi in data (2) means that something has been done.It can be in the form of several types of activities or work.In everyday speech, the people of the Lampung tribe use the word "khadu beres" which has the same meaning as "lestakhi".The word khesan in data ( 2), ( 3), ( 4), and ( 6) means "something that has been discussed".In everyday life, the people of Lampung use the word "khena", which has a similar meaning to the word "khesan".Next, the word makhe benokhne is a conjunction between sentences.The word makhe benokh is not used in everyday communication.However, in the event of manjau maju, the word is used because the speech must be neatly arranged.

The conversation was spoken by whom and to whom the conversation was addressed
In serving food, the server, who is also the speaker, must be an unmarried man.In practice, the speaker will observe the women and choose one of them to be invited to accept their speech.The selected women are women who can speak based on the rules of language behavior.Apart from that, the women who were also chosen usually had the old customary title (adok tuha), as shown in data (1) below.
(1) "Saya Lintang, haga nanya pai jama induk si makai kumbut halom na.Sapa pai gelakh adok ne?" [My name is Lintang.I want to ask the woman wearing the black scarf.What is her customary title?] In data (1), there are rules regarding who is speaking and to whom the speech is addressed.The speaker in data (1) calls himself the customary title (juluk) of Lintang.The nickname Lintang is given to unmarried men and used during traditional events.In this utterance, the speaker Lintang refers to the speech partner as "induk si makai kumbut halom" (the woman who wears the black scarf).
The speech partners who are selected and expected to be able to accept the speaker's speech are speech partners who can speak according to the rules of language behavior and have the old customary title (adok tuha).Data (7) illustrates this.
(7) "Ana di keni tuha batin, di keni adok Khai Malinah!" [It was given by the traditional elders, Khai Malinah!] Data (7) is the speech partner's response to the question from Lintang as shown in data (1).In data (7), the partner informs that she was given the customary title (adok) of "Khai Malinah" by the traditional elders.Khai Malinah is an old customary title (adok tuha) given to women whose first child is married, and possibly grandchildren.
These data show that, as a subsystem of culture, language behavior must comply with the norms of that cultural society.The people of the Lampung Pesisir tribe in the Kutadalom Gisting Tanggamus areas, Indonesia, have procedures (tata titi) regarding polite speech that must be obeyed when serving food in manjau maju events.Yule (Yule, 1996, p. 104) says that obeying the rules of speech behavior that are determined and mutually agreed upon by a particular community is a prerequisite for communication to be polite.Besides being shown in the form of language elements at levels such as lexical, morphological, stylistic, intonation, orthoepy, and communication organization (Twerefou, 2010, p. 210), working etiquette must be obeyed through what should be said, how and where the utterance is made, and to whom the utterance is addressed (Jdetawy & Hamzah, 2020, p. 695).Rules that must be considered also include the variations in subtle language agreed upon and who the speaker is.
Research on linguistic etiquette that has been carried out is still limited to the events of manjau maju, which are still within the scope of one customary leadership (kesebatinan).Meanwhile, the people of Lampung have more than one traditional leader (sebatin) with various levels, from the highest to the lowest, namely Suntan, Pangekhan, Dalom, Sebatin, Khaja, Khadin, and Minak.Suppose the manjau maju event organizer is a traditional leader with a high position, namely a traditional leader with adok Suntan or Pangekhan.In that case, inevitably, the bride and groom guests are women who have a position in adat and outside one customary leadership in the village, so the utterances used in serving food will be more complex.

Conclusion
The Lampung Coastal indigenous people have their own rules for politeness in the local wisdom of manjau maju (seeing the bride and groom).These rules must be obeyed and breaking them leads to consequences regarding how these indigenous people assess speakers.Speaking rules include what matters are discussed, how to talk about serving food, when it is someone's turn to speak, when to be silent, what variety of languages are used, who the speaker is and to whom the conversation was addressed.However, rules from the speaker's point of view also exist, namely that the food servers who speak must be unmarried men.You are free to: Share -copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format.Adapt -remix, transform, and build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially.The licensor cannot revoke these freedoms as long as you follow the license terms.
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Figure 1 .
Figure 1.The food server requests permission to serve kekuk in a forward-facing event.

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2023 The Author(s).This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license.