Perceived parenting styles and child personality: A Qatari perspective

Abstract Parenting is a determinant of children’s behaviors and personalities. However, parenting styles differ across societies and among individuals and depend on culture, level of education, and income. This paper examined the impact of parenting styles on child development in Qatar. We used the links among socioeconomic factors, parent—child relationships, and child outcomes in identifying parenting styles. The data were collected using a national survey conducted in 2017. The sample was selected using stratified random sampling. The results showed how differences between maternal and paternal parenting styles and work—family balance influence childrearing and children’s personalities. The findings call for mechanisms aimed at generating foundational policies and awareness programs to encourage parents to adopt positive parenting practices.


Introduction
The economic development of a nation largely depends on its children's health, personality, and development and especially on their experiences while growing up in family and community settings (September et al., 2015). During childhood, children learn to understand the standards set for them by their parents and develop attachments, gain more insights into the external world, ABOUT THE AUTHOR Noora Lari is a Research Assistant Professor of sociology and social policy and the Manager of Policy department at the Social and Economic Survey Research Institute (SESR), Qatar University. She is the Vice-Chair of QU Institutional Research Board Committee and a National Representative of Qatar in World Association for Public Opinion Research. Dr. Lari holds a Ph.D. in Sociology and Social Policy from the University of Durham, United Kingdom. Her areas of interest include labor, human development, social policy, gender studies, family policies, demographic transitions, youth engagement, and child welfare and well-being. Her current work focuses on the Qatari youth transition into education, the labor force, and marriage.

PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT
Parenting is a determinant of children's behaviors and personalities. Parents choose parenting methods based on their cultures, level of education, and income, with parenting styles differing across societies and among individuals. Qatar presents a unique research setting to explore public attitudes toward parenting styles and child development in a context of sociocultural constraints and traditions. The extant research accentuates the implications of parenting styles, but little attention has been paid to measuring its impact on child personality in the context of Qatar. Therefore, this study is among a few to empirically examine public opinion on parenting styles as state-directed initiatives to promote awareness of the likely impacts of parenting on child development. and learn how to control their feelings and behaviors. At this stage of a development, any mistake can result in development problems, which can be carried into adulthood. Studies have revealed that many challenges experienced in society today, such as mental health problems, obesity, cardiovascular disease, and criminality, result from childhood development (Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2019;Gerhardt, 2004;Sommer, 2007;).
To ensure that children grow up in the right environment and develop the capacity to face societal problems efficiently, effective parenting styles are necessary. Hedstrom (2016) defined parenting styles as the emotional environment in which parents raise their children. Efobi and Nwokolo (2014) described parenting styles as the techniques and methods employed by parents in raising their children. Parents remain the key actors in their children's early lives, and the parenting styles they apply can either mold or destroy their children. Sarwar (2016) reported that problematic behaviors, such as juvenile delinquency among children, are often linked to parents' treatment of their children.
Qatar presents a unique research setting to explore public attitudes toward parenting styles and child development in a context of sociocultural constraints and traditions. The extant research accentuates the implications of parenting styles, but little attention has been paid to measuring its impact on child personality in the context of Qatar. Therefore, this study is among a few to empirically examine public opinion on parenting styles as state-directed initiatives to promote awareness of the likely impacts of parenting on child development. Thus, the current research investigates the role of parenting styles (i.e., permissive, authoritative, authoritarian categorization) in shaping children's personality. Specifically, the paper uses relevant theories to describe different parenting styles and their impacts on child development. The greatest strength of this study is the unique setting (i.e., Qatar) in understanding parenting as most of the parenting literature stems from Europe and North America. It is valuable to have data from multiple national contexts as we expect parenting styles to follow similar patterns in the Qatari context as those found in the US and European contexts.

Parenting styles
Parenting is a determinant of children's behaviors and personalities. Parents choose parenting methods based on their ethnicities and cultures, level of education, and income, with parenting styles differing across societies and among individuals. Diana Baumrind (1991) is largely considered the pioneer of parenting styles following her 1966 paper titled "Effects of Authoritative Parental Control on Child Behavior" (Sarwar, 2016). Baumrind (1991) identified three parenting styles applied by many people in raising their children-permissive, authoritarian, and authoritative-and argued that these parenting styles play a significant role in certain behavioral outcomes in children. Today, these parenting prototypes have become important references in examining the parenting-child behavior link in the course of children's personal development. These parenting styles have both positive and adverse impacts on children's personality and can also influence their best outcomes and help avoid adverse psychological and behavioral problems.
According to previous studies (Climent-Galarza et al., 2022;Sandoval-Obando et al., 2022), child development depends on parents passing on the values and habits of their culture onto their children through parental socialization. Other studies have stated that parental socialization and child adjustment represent a two-dimensional model that posits that parents use different elements of parenting to socialize their children (e.g., parental warmth and strictness) (Fuentes et al., 2022;Gimenez-Serrano et al., 2022;Maccoby & Martin, 1983;Palacios et al., 2022;Queiroz et al., 2020). The concept of parental warmth refers to the various aspects of a family's relationship and involves communication, involvement, acceptance, support, and affection (Climent-Galarza et al., 2022;Martinez-Escudero et al., 2020). A study conducted by Steinberg (2005) identified the various categories of parental strictness as demandingness, control, imposition, and supervision. The four parenting styles emerging from a combination of the strictness and warmth dimensions are authoritarian, authoritative, neglectful, and indulgent.

Authoritative parenting
The authoritative style of parenting involves being responsive and setting high standards for children. Parents who use this parenting prototype are responsive to their children's needs and set limits that are useful in enforcing boundaries (Echedom et al., 2018). This style of parenting involves an optimum balance between responsiveness and demandingness. Parents employing this style have a reasonable understanding of their children's independence, involve them in family decision-making, encourage verbal communication, and allow them to take responsibility for their actions. Parents also have high-standard characteristics, such as high emotional attachment to their children, support for their children's education and reading, and efficient communication.
Various researchers have investigated the impacts of authoritative parenting on children's personality. For example, Akhter et al. (2020) examined how this parenting style affected children's personalities in five domains: neuroticism, extraversion, agreeableness, openness, and conscientiousness. The study established that the authoritative style had positive correlations with children's agreeableness, openness, extraversion, and conscientiousness, and a negative relationship with neuroticism. The study recommended that parents use this style to nurture strong and healthy individuals and desist from imbuing negativity into their children's personalities. Huver et al. (2009) also considered the authoritative approach to be the best parenting style in terms of enabling children to become respectful individuals with a secure attachment to their parents. Moreover, children of authoritative parents tend to have high resilience as they are taught to learn from their mistakes (Perry, 2019). Finally, children of authoritative parents develop greater life satisfaction compared to their peers as they are shown affection and consistent support from their parents. Although this parenting style is commonly recommended for children's upbringing, its implementation remains challenging for most parents. As this approach requires a delicate balance between responsiveness and demandingness, it is often difficult to implement, and parents go through a series of errors before finding the best strategies for them and their children (Perry, 2019).

Authoritarian parenting
The authoritarian parenting style focuses mainly on the safety and security of children. According to Yadav and Chandola (2019), this parenting technique is unique, demanding, rigid, and controlling. Here, children are expected to follow parental rules without questioning or parental compromise. Many parents who apply this approach in raising their children often come from cultures, ethnicities, and nationalities that uphold such a parenting style. This approach does not encourage open communication between parents and children, it equates obedience to love, and advocates for harsh physical or emotional punishment for children who do not follow the rules. As such, parents have complete control over their children.
The authoritarian approach to parenting has a range of effects on the personalities of children. According to Bahrami et al. (2018), it encourages one-way communication in which parents talk to their children without allowing negotiation. Parents overlook their children's inputs when making decisions regarding the latter, and children are not expected to question the decisions made by their parents. Moreover, as parents applying this approach use harsh punishments to ensure that their children remain within their control, these children tend to be highly disciplined due to the fear instilled in them by their parents.
The authoritarian parenting practice has been criticized by many writers and psychologists as the genesis of children's antisocial and bad behaviors. According to Smetana (2017), children of authoritarian parents are likely to have mental health problems, such as depressive episodes, due to their parents' rigid control over them and the punitive measures applied to keep them in check. Joshi et al. (2009) also established that adolescents with authoritarian parents have more depressive symptoms and episodes than those whose parents are authoritative. Such mental health issues occur among children due to the demanding nature of authoritarian parents, which renders children susceptible to the pressure of parental control.
Apart from mental health problems, the authoritarian parenting method is also associated with low self-esteem among children, which adversely impacts their relationships with their peers and other adults. Yadav and Chandola (2019) reported that the lack of closeness and communication between parents and children under authoritarian parenting results in low self-esteem as children grow up feeling that they are not good enough for their parents. Bi et al. (2018) also argued that children tend to show less creativity due to the low self-esteem associated with authoritarian parenting, have difficulty interacting freely with their peers, and have poor academic performance. These children also live in constant fear as they are not allowed to be themselves.
Authoritarian parenting also leads to increased aggression and poor life satisfaction among children. According to Rosli (2014), the harsh punishments, scolding, and yelling associated with authoritarian parenting increase children's aggression as their psychological health is adversely impacted. Moreover, constant scolding, strict control, and fierce punishment make children unhappy, leading to poor life satisfaction (Niaraki & Rahimi, 2013) that often results in rebellion and delinquency.

Permissive parenting
The third parenting approach identified by Baumrind (1991) is permissive parenting. This approach encompasses being supportive and warm to children without imposing limits. According to Hoeve et al. (2009), parents who use this method are highly responsive and supportive but do not enforce strict control over their children. Such parents encourage children to exercise freedom. Timpano et al. (2010) stated that permissive parents provide children with the utmost freedom to do whatever they desire. Such parents hope that this level of freedom will increase their closeness with their children and build stronger bonds between them (Mbua & Adigeb, 2015). They allow their children to start planning and regulating their activities from a young age without parental guidance. Therefore, such children are capable of doing most things independently without relying on their parents. Nevertheless, as there are no boundaries set for them, such children are likely to make mistakes due to the lack of full parental attention.
The permissive parenting style has various implications for children's personalities. First, children who undergo a permissive upbringing often show higher levels of responsibility and maturity than those who have been raised by authoritarian and authoritative parents. According to Niaraki and Rahimi (2013), children under permissive parenting arrangements begin planning and controlling their activities at a tender age, allowing them to be more responsible and natural with their actions as they understand themselves reasonably well.
A permissive parenting style can also results in high levels of life satisfaction and reduced depression, which then translate into high levels of extraversion among children. Joshi et al. (2009) revealed that adolescents living with permissive parents showed fewer depressive symptoms than those raised by authoritative and authoritarian parents. This lack of mental health problems among these children means that they have the freedom to engage in activities they deem fit without worrying about parental control (Lo et al., 2020).
Although this parenting approach appears beneficial for many children, its application in some homes may result in undesirable social behaviors in children, such as antisocial behaviors. Children of permissive parents tend to show stubbornness and other antisocial behaviors that are deemed unacceptable in society. Schaffer et al. (2009) argued that the behavioral problems among children with a permissive upbringing are caused by the fact that their parents do not set standards for them and allow them to do as they wish. Both studies recommended setting standards of discipline for better child development.

Parenting style and child personality
The influence of parenting styles on children's development and personality is a common social policy discourse. According to Talib et al. (2015), issues related to family processes and their roles in children's development have long been discussed by psychologists and philosophers in the related literature. In addition, several classical studies in Anglo-Saxon settings have found child development and parenting styles to be positively associated with personality development (Baumrind, 1991;Lamborn et al., 1991;Steinberg et al., 1991). In many early discourses, these studies suggested that parenting styles significantly influenced children's personality as the former affected parent-child interaction and supported the idea that authoritarian parenting styles were associated with better outcomes for children. Other studies have supported the idea that authoritarian parenting is optimally related to child psychosocial adjustment (Deater Deckard et al., 1996;Dwairy & Achoui, 2006;Fuentes et al., 2022;Garcia & Gracia, 2014).
In an investigation on the relationship between parenting styles and child personality, Gerhardt (2004) argued that the ways in which parents respond to their children affect the brain development of the latter. Gerhardt also stated that children who are either shown love or neglected by their parents at early stages of development go on to develop various personalities and behaviors in adulthood. She concluded that who a person becomes is influenced by the love and care received during the early stages of life. Winston and Chicot (2016) also argued that parental bonding and attachment with children during the early life stages help reduce the chances of developing mental health challenges and contribute to positive behavioral practices in children.
In another investigation on parenting styles and child personality development, the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (2016) examined how childrearing awareness, outlook, and practices affect child personality. The research found that parent-child interactions between zero and eight years have long-lasting ripple effects on development across an individual's lifespan, wherein the role of one domain influences that of another. For instance, children raised in violent environments are likely to engage in violent behaviors in adulthood. Thus, understanding parental knowledge and applying the necessary skills and practices in raising children are necessary in improving child personality and reducing related societal problems.

Factors impacting child personality
The developmental stages from birth through adolescence have significant influences on molding children's personalities (Thompson, 2008). Any mistakes in parenting or adverse experiences during these early stages of life are likely to alter children's development and result in psychological and social problems. Several factors determine the development of children and their personalities. This section discusses the effects of sociodemographic and personality factors on the personality development scores of children.
Relationships are particularly important as infants learn primarily through their relationships with others. Eye contact, smiles, and imitation set the stage for more sustained communication and meaningful exchanges and engagement with parents and other caregivers, paving the way toward a growing world of relationships (Field, 2007;Gerhardt, 2004;Greenspan and Shanker, 2004;Shanker, 2008). It is important to study sociodemographic factors because they often relate strongly to development. For example, young girls and boys develop at different rates, ethnic and cultural groups are differentially affected by the same experiences, and low-income families are more at risk for later problems than their middle-and high-income counterparts. Understanding which factors protect families against risks or expose them to these risks can help professionals determine when and how to help families facing challenges. At the same time, the socioeconomic status of a family determines the quality of the opportunities available to a child.
Families have the most profound impact on nurturing children and determining the ways in which they develop psychologically and socially. Whether children are raised by their parents, grandparents, or foster parents, they need basic love, care, and courtesy to develop as healthy, functional individuals. The most positive growth is seen when families invest time, energy, and love in the development of a child's personality through activities such as reading to them, playing with them, and having deep, meaningful conversations with them. Conversely, families that abuse or neglect children generally have a negative effect on their development. These children may end up with poor social skills and face difficulty bonding with other people as adults.

The case of Qatar
To encourage work-family balance, the Qatari government initiated specific policies containing provisions related to child well-being indicators, legal provisions, livelihood support, civil society provisions, a prevention-based approach to divorce, and child support following divorce. A study carried out by James-Hawkins et al. (2016) on Qatari welfare policies and their implications for Qatari women revealed significant developments. Taking into consideration the parents' employment status and work sector, work-family policies have been implemented to help parents balance their responsibilities. These parental policies focus on caregivers, government benefits, caregiving arrangements, child well-being, parental ability training, fatherhood support, and pension planning programs (Al-Mahmoud, 2019;Ridge et al., 2017). Meanwhile, the lack of comprehensive paternity benefits has created cultural taboos regarding fathers' engagement in their children's personality.
Al-Balam and Raza (2009) examined the impact of family responsibilities on employees' work success in Qatar's semi-government sector. They found that family responsibilities can influence career success and that a successful career requires a balance of work and family responsibilities. Their study also suggested that organizations should implement rules and regulations to help families manage their work and family responsibilities. To this end, many countries provide measures such as leave, childcare support, and flexible working hours to enable the balance of work-family responsibilities, although the extent to which measures are implemented varies across countries (Mehdizadeh, 2015).

Sample and procedure
Since the ability to draw valid inferences regarding a target population relies on conducting surveys using a rigorous sampling design, the current study used public opinion data from a national survey conducted in 2017. Furthermore, many studies have examined parenting styles using the survey method. This study has the methodological advantage of examining key variables in a population-based sample that represents Qatari nationals as a whole. The questionnaire was designed to collect all necessary information related to the study. The survey was programmed into a CAPI (Computer Assisted Personal Interview) system using the BLAISE software.
The sample was selected using stratified random sampling, and the samples within each stratum were then selected using simple random sampling. The sampling design was started by dividing the frame into the seven administrative municipalities in Qatar. Each municipality contained a number of zones, and each zone was divided into several blocks. In this survey, we ordered housing units in each zone by geographic location in order to attain an equally distributed sampling of housing units in different areas. In the sampling frame, all housing units in Qatar were listed with information about the housing address as well as information identifying whether the residents were Qatari citizens. A systematic sampling approach was then conducted to create a valid probability sample. Only one member (at least 18 years old) from the household was selected to participate in the study. All adult members in the household had the same chance of being sampled. The proportions of the adjusted weights on certain characteristics were consistent with their corresponding population.
The target population-consisting of Qatari nationals working in the public sector and aged 18 years and above-was surveyed through face-to-face interviews. The mean (SD) age of the respondents was 43.1 (9.6) years (Table 1). Around a third were aged>30 to 40 years (35.0%), and a similar proportion were aged>40 to 50 years (35.0%). There were more male than female respondents (57.3% vs. 42.7%, respectively). Most of the participants had attained a higher education qualification (44.9%). A large proportion were employed in a government or public non-profit organization (90.0%) and had permanent employment (96.8%). A majority had fulltime employment (95.2%). Around one-third had one to two children (34.6%), and nearly 40% had three to four children. A little more than 50% had a monthly income exceeding US$11,000 (Table 1).

Measures
After the data collection, all individual interviews were merged and saved in a single BLAISE data file. The data set was cleaned, coded, and saved in STATA formats for analysis. Means with their corresponding standard deviations (SDs) were calculated for the continuous variables and proportions for the categorical variables. A comparison of proportions among groups was performed using the chi-square test. The primary aim of the analysis was to understand the factors influencing child personality. For the primary outcome, that is, child personality, a child personality score was created. There were five questions examining child development, each with a response format coded as follows: "certainly true (scored as 1)," "somewhat true (2)," and "not true(3)." A combined score was calculated by adding the responses to each of the items, with higher scores denoting better child personality.
Parenting style was assessed using a 15-item tool with the following responses: "always (1)," "often (2)," "sometimes (3)," "almost never (4)," and "never (scored as 5)." The responses to each of these items were used to categorize the style of parenting as "authoritative," "authoritarian," or "permissive." Further, a combined parenting score was developed wherein higher scores denoted better parenting. Responses to questions examining work-life balance were coded as follows: "always (1)," "often (2)," "seldom (3)," and "never (4)." A combined score was calculated by adding the responses to all the items examining work-life balance. The responses to four questions were reverse coded (i.e., "always" was scored as 4, "often" was scored as 3, "seldom" was scored as 2, and "never" was scored as 1) to ensure that the combined scores would reflect better work-life balance. These questions were as follows: (a) "How often have you had more energy to do things with your family or other important people in your life because of your job?" (b) "How often have you been in a better mood at home because of your job?" (c) "How often has your job helped you gain insights that have helped your personal/ family life?" and (d) "How often has your job helped you strengthen relationships at home?" We created a combined score to denote the amount of family time usually spent by the study respondents. There were six items to assess this, each scored as follows: "1 (too much time)," "2 (enough time)," and "3 (not much time)." To ensure that the combined score was created so that higher scores would reflect an increased amount of time spent with the family, we reverse coded the responses as follows; "3 (too much time)," "2 (enough time)," and "1 (not much time)." We also created a combined score to summarize the data on the working conditions at the work organization, which we collected through an eight-item tool. Each item was scored as follows: "1 (always)," "2 (often)," "3 (seldom)," and "4 (never)." The combined score was developed so that higher scores would denote a better work environment.

Analysis plan
For the primary outcome, that is, the child personality score, the initial step was to perform a univariable linear regression analysis. The potential variables were placed into the univariate model, and their corresponding P-values were recorded. All the significant variables from the univariable regression were considered for the multivariable regression analysis, and two multivariable models were created. Model 1 included all the variables that were statistically significant in the univariable analysis (P < 0.05). Model 2 was run using the variables with a P-value of<0.20 in Model 1 to ensure that only variables with a significant probability of attaining statistical significance were considered in the model.
A P-value of<0.05 was considered statistically significant. We used generalized additive models (GAM) in the mgcv package in the R statistical package to depict non-linear associations between parenting and child personality scores, work-life balance and child personality scores, the score denoting working conditions at the work organization and the parenting score, and the score denoting working conditions at the work organization and the work-life balance score. Figure 1 illustrates the relationship between the parenting scores and child personality, wherein a high parenting score reflects better parenting. As shown in the figure, an increase in parenting scores corresponded to an increase in child personality scores.

Parenting styles among Qatari parents
Among the three parenting styles, permissive parenting (52.4%) was comparatively more common, followed by authoritative parenting (32.2%), as shown in Table 2. The authoritarian parenting style was reported only by around 15% of the study respondents. A total of 33.6% of the fathers reportedly practiced the authoritative style, which was higher than the 29.8% of mothers who reportedly used this style. The proportions of fathers and mothers reporting an authoritarian style of parenting were almost similar (16.1% vs. 14.2%, respectively). In comparison, the proportion of mothers reporting a permissive style of parenting was higher compared to that of fathers (56.0% vs. 50.3%, respectively). However, these proportional differences were not statistically significant. With respect to the education of the caregivers, a proportion of those who practiced authoritarian parenting was higher among those with an educational level that was lower than secondary school (18.2%) compared to those with a higher education qualification (14.1%). The proportion of those practicing the authoritative style was highest among those with higher education (39.1%). There were no statistically significant differences in the parenting styles based on the education of the caregiver.
A comparison of the responses to specific questions on parenting style based on the gender of the caregiver is provided in Table 3. Table 4 presents the responses to questions on child personality based on the type of parenting practiced. The proportions of respondents who did not report their children to have temper tantrums or a hot temper were highest among those who followed authoritative parenting (51.4%) and lowest among those who practiced permissive parenting (38.1%). Similarly, the proportions of those who reported that their children were "not fighting with other children/ bullying them" were highest and lowest among those who practiced authoritative (62.2%) and permissive (45.3%) parenting, respectively. Furthermore, the proportion of respondents who reported that their child did not lie or cheat was highest among those practicing authoritative parenting (84.5%).

Determinants of child personality development
As shown in Table 5, compared to permissive parenting, an authoritative style was associated with a higher child personality development score (ß coefficient: 0.63; 95% CI: 0.11, 1.15; P = 0.018). Compared to children whose parents did not support providing "all" the good values to their children (honesty, dignity, politeness, helping others, shame, independence, responsibility, religiosity, obedience, empathy for others, and tolerance), those whose parents supported such values had better development scores (ß coefficient: 0.76; 95% CI: 0.16, 1.36; P = 0.013). Furthermore, children whose parents' jobs did not conflict with their desire for social interaction had better development scores (ß coefficient: 0.66; 95% CI: 0.15, 1.17; P = 0.011).
Work-life balance emerged as a significant determinant of child personality development. In particular, improvements in work-life balance (reflected as a higher work-life balance score) tended to be associated with increases in the child personality development score (ß coefficient: 0.08; 95% CI: 0.04, 0.13; P = 0.001). This finding is supported by Figure 2, which shows that increases in child personality development scores corresponded with increases in work-life balance scores. Meanwhile, Figure 3 shows the relationship between the organizational working environment and the parenting score, wherein improved working conditions coincided with improvements in the quality of parenting (reflected as a higher parenting score).

Discussion
In alignment with previous research (Climent-Galarza et al., 2022;Fuentes et al., 2022;Gimenez-Serrano et al., 2022;Maccoby & Martin's, 1983;Palacios et al., 2022;Sandoval-Obando et al., 2022), the results showed that the style of parenting had a strong association with child personality development. In particular, authoritative parenting had a positive influence on child personality development. The majority of the study subjects practiced the permissive parenting style, and only a third practiced authoritative parenting (32.2%). Around 15% practiced the authoritarian style.
Among the major influences of child development and personality today are sociodemographic characteristics, which are defined as the general characteristics of a population, including age, gender, educational level, environment, income level, and ethnicity. These factors differ across populations and are likely to influence the development of children's personalities and overall development. For instance, parents' socioeconomic status plays a vital role in determining children's development and personality outcomes. When parents have high-income levels, it is very likely that their children will have better personalities and development scores than those who come from poor economic backgrounds (Fuentes et al., 2022;Lamborn et al., 1991;Martinez-Escudero et al., 2020;Steinberg et al., 1991). **Good values include honesty, dignity, politeness, help others, shame, independence, responsibility, religiosity, obedience, empathy for others, and tolerance; Model 1 included all those variables that were statistically significant in the univariable analysis (P < 0.05); Model 2 was run with variables having a P-value of<0.20 in Model 1 to ensure that only those variables with a significant probability of attaining statistical significance were considered in the model.
In an investigation on the effects of parental income levels on the development scores of preschool children, Berger et al. (2009) established that children whose parents had low economic status were more likely than wealthier children to live in homes without basic needs and have stressed and depressed parents with low levels of responsiveness. Consequently, such children are likely to have behavioral problems, high levels of aggression, and withdrawal tendencies. Cheung and Wong (2020) also reported that higher parental income leads to increased investments in children's welfare, thereby resulting in better personality development.
The role of parents' socioeconomic status in the behavior and personality of their children can be understood using the Bronfenbrenner theory of ecology, which holds that parental' embeddedness influences children's development in certain settings (Deater Deckard et al., 1996;Dwairy & Achoui, 2006;Dwairy et al., 2010;Queiroz et al., 2020;Saltali & Imir, 2018;Schuller, 2015). The theory proposes that the development of children and the ultimate formation of personalities rely on contextual factors relating to parents and caregivers. In the context of socioeconomic status, therefore, children of wealthier parents are likely to have better personality development scores and personalities than those of poorer parents.
Parental education is also essential in determining the personality development scores and personalities of children. According to Dubow et al. (2009), children of educated parents are more likely to have prosocial behaviors and show high levels of respect and less depressive symptoms than the children of uneducated parents. Parental education also helps increase levels of family interaction and child-parent attachment. Parents with higher levels of education seek to understand their children by giving them attention, unlike their counterparts with lower levels of education. This closeness of parents with their children results in strong bonds, which can lead to better personality development.
Besides strong family relationships, parental education is also associated with high income and better socioeconomic status. In an investigation of the impact of maternal education on children's outcomes, J. Harding et al. (2015) established that maternal education improved children's educational and behavioral outcomes. J. F. Harding (2014) also reported that parental education increased both financial and emotional investments in children, thereby leading to better development and personality outcomes.
Besides the abovementioned factors, the development of children's personalities and behaviors is largely dependent on family settings. Work-life balance emerged as a significant determinant of child personality development. This was supported by the finding that the children recorded better development scores when their parents had time for social interaction. Similarly, parents' working environment had a strong association not only with work-life balance but also with the parenting score. These findings call for a significant overhaul of how organizations function so that enough emphasis can be placed on ensuring work-life balance and not on productivity at the cost of disrupting the family and personal lives of employees. According to De Figueiredo and Dias (2012), a family is a pleasurable setting with loving individuals who support the development of personality and bonding. Changes in family settings result in alterations in family functioning and subsequent developmental effects on children. The family factors with the most significant impact on children's development and personalities are work-family balance and conflict.

Policy implications
Parenting styles develop strong bonds between parents and their children. For instance, the authoritative parenting had a positive influence on child personality development. When children seek their parents' proximity under uncomfortable conditions and their parents respond to such behaviors by showing warmth and protection, this interaction can lead to positive child personality development (Weingold, 2010). Importantly, conflict within the family also affects the development of children's personalities and overall growth. A child's family environment shapes their behaviors and perceptions of the world. For example, Visser (2016) found that children who witness violence between their parents tend to experience emotional, cognitive, and behavioral problems. Such children live in fear in their homes and are likely to develop violent and aggressive behaviors as coping strategies. Sturge-Apple et al. (2012) also found that a high-conflict parental divorce also results in negative child personality development scores. Such a conflict can break up a family and separate children from either of their parents. The result is long-term emotional stress that can lead to changes in children's behavior, responsiveness, and academic performance.
Work-family balance remains an important element of child development that many parents should consider. According to Grzywacz and Butler (2007), work-family balance encompasses equal engagement in work and family responsibilities. However, balancing work and family remains an uphill task for many parents, adversely affecting their children's development. Children whose parents balance their work and family lives record higher development and personality scores in terms of extraversion, prosocial behaviors, and academic competence than those of absentee parents. Kamaruddin et al. (2012) stated that parents who strike a balance between work and family and spend more time with their children raise kids with good mannerisms, acceptable social behaviors, and fewer mental health problems. Agllias (2015) also argued that a lack of healthy work-family balance causes a disconnect between parents and their children, which may lead to estranged behaviors. The authors further suggested that parents should find time out of their busy work schedules to attend to their families, especially their children, to promote better development outcomes.
State-directed initiatives could be implemented to nurture family-friendly contexts through providing awareness campaigns about the importance of investment in children's life, the effects of spending time with parents, and the effect of interaction with parents on children's well-being (Bi et al., 2018;Campbell et al., 2019;Kamaruddin et al., 2012). The results of the study calls for awareness programs for parents to enable them to understand the ways in which they can adopt positive parenting practices. It is necessary to provide family guidance and education services, and other public policies, as a way to further motivate parents to spend more quality time with their children. It is recommended to promote access to family therapists and implement policies on parental leave, part-time work, reduced hours options, flexible working hours, onsite breastfeeding rooms, and childcare facilities. Notably, the effective implementation of these policies at public and private organizations might increase time dedicated to children and promote effective parenting.

Conclusion
The study revealed the effect of parenting style observations on child development and well-being in Qatar context. According to the results of this study, there are some individual-level factors (e.g., education, income, occupation) and societal-level factors (e.g., household division of labor), that adversely impact child development, compared to those reported in the existing literature on parenthood. Although this study is among a few that have addressed the issue of parenting and child development, there are methodological and practical shortcomings that account for the lack of casual associations in the factors influencing child development. To contribute to this research gap, scholars may consider utilizing empirical measurements for a better understanding of the main factors promoting better parenting patterns.