Parental perceptions towards reintegration of pregnant girls and teenage mothers into the education system in Zimbabwe

Abstract This study examines parents’ perceptions of reentry, and sociocultural and economic factors responsible for their perceptions in Cowdray Park, Bulawayo. This follows an amendment to the Education Act prohibiting the expulsion of pregnant girls from school. We employed a parallel mixed methods design and selected 384 parents (who filled out questionnaires) through stratified sampling and 23 parents (who were interviewed) through convenience sampling. Data were analysed using SPSS and NVivo. Findings reflect that 68% (n = 250) of parents hold negative perceptions of reentry. We then established that cultural and religious beliefs and fear of family humiliation were some of the sociocultural factors influencing parents’ perceptions. Moreover, we found that fears of economic loss and the chances of a better future for girls were some of the economic factors influencing parents’ perceptions. We then suggested that community sensitisation and an explicit reentry policy document are needed if parents’ perceptions are to change.


Introduction
The re-entry of pregnant girls into school has been met with mixed feelings from parents -with most parents rejecting the practice (Moyo, 2020). The media has alleged that parents are not embracing what they feel are foreign and alien ideas or belief systems that seek to defile society and loosen its moral values by allowing uncontrollable pregnancies in schools (Moyo, 2020; Wilberforce Kurevakwesu ABOUT THE AUTHORS Wilberforce Kurevakwesu is a PhD candidate at Stellenbosch University and a social work lecturer at the Women's University in Africa's Bulawayo Campus. He is an assistant editor of the African Journal of Social Work (AJSW). His research interests include social work regulation, developmental social work, clinical social work, social policy, social welfare issues, and child protection. Edmos Mthethwa, PhD teaches in the Department of Social Work at the University of Zimbabwe. He is the Chief Director of Social Development and Disability Affairs within the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare. He is the Editor of the African Journal of Social Work. His research work focuses on disability, human rights, social policy and child protection. Ketty Chirangwanda is a part-time social work lecturer at the Women's University in Africa. She obtained her Master of Social Work Degree from the University of Zimbabwe. Her research interests include child protection, social policy and social welfare. Tinos Mabeza is the Women's University in Africa's Bulawayo Campus Coordinator and a sociology lecturer. He is a PhD candidate at the Women's University in Africa and his research interests include child protection, rural livelihoods, social research methods and civil society issues. ZimFact, 2019). Disconcertingly, this is happening at a time when such an idea -if successfully instigated -can be helpful since the pregnant girl child is still being deprived of her right to education in Zimbabwe (Moyo, 2020). Moreover, teenage pregnancies are increasingly becoming a problem in Zimbabwe due to, inter alia, poverty, peer influence, a lack of sex education, religion and a lack of contraceptives among teenagers (Mukoyi, 2015;Mutanana & Mutara, 2015). According to the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education (MoPSE), in 2018 alone, 12.5 per cent of the country's roughly 57 500 school dropouts permanently stopped attending classes due to early pregnancy (Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education of Zimbabwe (MoPSE), 2019). Moreover, Taruvinga (2019) points out that, most young girls who dropped out of school in 2019 alone were from Matabeleland provinces, with Bulawayo being the epicentre.
It is also disturbing that parents, who are the key stakeholders in any thrust that involves their children, are rejecting the idea. This is not only a Zimbabwean issue but something that has been recorded across many African countries (Manion, 2011;Mwansa, 2011;Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019;Salvi, 2019;Samati, 2014). It is one thing to have a right to remain in school whilst pregnant, and another to have an environment that supports such a right. As such, without support from parents, the re-entry of pregnant girls or young mothers into school can remain a pipe dream. The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) reports that sub-Saharan Africa suffers from adolescent pregnancy (UNICEF, 2020). Most of these pregnancies are unplanned and many happen in the context of child marriages (UNICEF, 2020). African countries account for 15 of the 20 countries with the highest rates of child marriage globally (UNICEF, 2020). In response to this conundrum, many countries have embraced re-entry programs for pregnant girls/young mothers -and many countries have made this a policy issue (Manion, 2011;Mwansa, 2011;Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019;Samati, 2014).
In line with international and regional conventions and treaties -for instance, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC) -all girls have a right to education regardless of their pregnancy, marital or motherhood status, something clearly stated in the recently amended Education Act (Chapter 25:04) of Zimbabwe. However, the right of pregnant and sometimes married girls to continue with their education has evoked emotionally charged discussions across the world in recent years, particularly in Africa (N. A. Wekesa, 2010;Manion, 2011;Wedekind & Milingo, 2015). These debates often focus on arguments around "morality," that pregnancy outside wedlock is morally wrong, emanating from personal opinions and experiences, and wide-ranging interpretations of religious teachings about sex outside of marriage (N. A. Wekesa, 2010;Omwancha, 2012;Salvi, 2019;Samati, 2014). According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), in some African countries, girl child education is seen as a privilege that can be withdrawn as punishment when one falls pregnant (Human Rights Watch (HRW), 2018). As a result, girls are disadvantaged in education and therefore deserve special attention as they drop out more easily compared to boys. To prevent girls from dropping out of school because of pregnancy, the UNCRC committee emphasises the elimination of the interpretation of pregnancy as a disciplinary offence (Bank, 2007).
The Zimbabwean government heeded the call to provide access to education for the formerly relegated pregnant girl child through the amendment to section 4, subsection 2b of the Education Act (Chapter 25:04) in 2020. The major concern now lies in the keenness of parents to create a favourable environment for the success of this thrust. Parents are important in this regard because giving girls the green light to continue in school after pregnancy is one side of the matrix and the other one lies in creating a conducive home and school environment that will ensure their successful re-entry (Chinkondenji, 2022). With Bulawayo being recognised as a hotspot for teenage pregnancy, antagonistic sentiments from parents defeat the whole purpose of government efforts. It is from this background that this study focuses on parents' perceptions of the re-integration of pregnant girls and teenage mothers into school, and the socio-cultural and economic factors influencing their perceptions in Cowdray, Bulawayo. In the subsequent section, we reviewed literature from past studies on re-entry before we gave a thorough exposition of the methodology that we adopted.

Perceptions of parents on re-entry -"a rotten apple spoils the barrel"
The available literature on the perceptions of parents on the re-entry of pregnant girls into school is filled with mixed reactions. To encapsulate the reviewed literature on parental perceptions, Umutesi (2014) posited that the common English adage, "a rotten apple spoils the barrel" is a good start in this case. It is noteworthy that most of the factors responsible for shaping perceptions around pregnant girls' education are tied to cultural beliefs i.e., one has to be married off once they fall pregnant and someone who is pregnant becomes a woman, among others (Manion, 2011;Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019;Samati, 2014;Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011). Such cultural beliefs are responsible for the negative perceptions/attitudes of parents, their moralistic views against re-entry, and discrimination against pregnant girls (Mweemba et al., 2019;Mwenje & Kessio, 2015). However, some factors are related to the economic burden associated with childbearing/rearing and sending pregnant girls to school (Girls Not Brides, 2019; Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019). It is also clear from past literature that not all parents hold negative perceptions of re-entry (Manion, 2011;Samati, 2014;Zuilkowski et al., 2015). A good example is from a study that was conducted in the Gambia by Manion (2011) where some parents highlighted that sending pregnant girls to school is a worthwhile investment, despite the negative cultural environment.
A Malawian study by Samati (2014) established that family-level attitudes towards the value of female education have significantly influenced the implementation of Malawi's 'Readmission Policy'. Findings from Samati's (2014) study substantiated a UNICEF (2000) study in Malawi where 50 per cent of teen mothers reported that they were not allowed by their parents to go back to school and were forced instead to marry (Samati, 2014). In some of Malawi's rural areas, teen pregnancy is viewed as a source of pride especially for mothers because it reflects the maturity of their daughters and increases their standing in the community, and in some communities, girls can face harsh criticism from society for becoming pregnant (Samati, 2014). Parents may also feel the money spent on sending their daughter to school is wasted if she becomes pregnant (Samati, 2014). It has been seen that girls have little support in childcare from parents if they wish to return to school, either preventing their return or pushing them to drop out completely (Samati, 2014).
A study by Laiser and Muyinga (2017) in Tanzania assessed the perceptions of 36 parents on the re-entry of pregnant girls into school. Of the 36 parents, 14 (39 per cent) supported the practice. These argued that education is a basic human right and all human beings need to be given equal opportunities in education regardless of their status or gender. They also supported readmission based on the economic benefits of educating girls versus the economic burden of having school dropout teenage mothers in their communities (Laiser & Muyinga, 2017). In the study, parents who opposed readmission were 22 (61 per cent) and their perceptions were based on morality and the traditional roles of mothers (Laiser & Muyinga, 2017). They insisted that teenage mothers should be kept away from school, lest they morally pollute other students by negatively influencing them. They also held that teenage mothers were meant to stay at home and take care of their babies.
In a similar study by Maluli and Bali (2011) in Tanzania, parents were apprehensive of the rationale underpinning the readmission of teenage mothers claiming that the practice is controversial. They emphasised that girls should maintain discipline, arguing that the policy would encourage more girls to fall pregnant since they will be assured of readmission after delivery (Maluli & Bali, 2011). Nearly the same conclusions were drawn by Ahikire and Madanda (2011) in their study on re-entry in Uganda. Furthermore, Sifuniso (2006) found out that parents who opposed the re-entry of pregnant children felt that both boys and girls were reckless in the way they conducted their sexual behaviour because of the presence of a re-entry policy. They felt that the re-entry policy has put girls in a vulnerable position because they are being perceived as having low morals (Sifuniso, 2006). This concurs with findings from studies conducted by Wedekind and Milingo (2015), Zuilkowski et al. (2019) in Zambia; and Ncube and Mudau (2017) in Zimbabwe.

Socio-cultural factors influencing parental perceptions on re-entry
According to Samati (2014), the views of parents on readmission in Malawi demonstrate the intimate link between cultural and structural constraints in girls' lives. Given the burden that a child places on household resources, allowing a teenage mother to return to school requires conviction about the value of educating girls. However, parents often prioritise investment in the education of their sons over that of their daughters (Samati, 2014), and this is attributed to socioeconomic status, regional differences and gender norms (Booth, 2022;Kalipeni, 1997;Lloyd & Blanc, 1996). When a girl becomes a mother, the purpose of her being educated is brought even more into question (Mweemba et al., 2019;Omwancha, 2012). Such preferences are rooted in gendered norms and stereotypes that emphasise girls' roles as wives and mothers. In Samati's (2014) study, some parents maintained that school is for young girls and that after the age of 13, their breasts begin to grow and they are old enough to get married. In contrast, boys are encouraged to receive an education, as they are the future providers for their families. In a Kenyan study by V. Wekesa (2014), most parents viewed the continuation of teenage mothers in schools as a taboo, whilst schools that accepted teenage mothers were labelled as maternity schools.
A study by Manion (2011) in the Gambia established that the re-entry of pregnant girls was seen as a "silent" practice because of the government's silence on the issue as it fears the moralistic perceptions of parents. Manion (2011) argued that this has been one of the most controversial policy reforms in the Gambia and government officials were afraid of formalising re-entry because parents would be upset as they will take the move as encouraging teenage pregnancies, thus breaking away from their strong cultural values -and that is why it is a "silent policy". However, some parents were upset that the practice was silent citing the benefits that re-entry can have on the girl child, yet it is not being advocated for and publicised (Manion, 2011). This is buttressed by another study in Zambia, where some parents were against re-entry over fears that it will promote immorality in schools (Mushibwe, 2018).
In another Zambian study conducted by Nsalamba and Simpande (2019) on the academic performance of re-entered teen mothers, issues affecting their academic performance were tied around societal perceptions as they were regarded as morally tainted and often placed in separate classes and sitting arrangements. Though sensitisation programs have taken centre stage for more than two decades, the hostile socio-cultural environment at home and school is a leading cause of teenage mothers dropping out of school (Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019). Studies have also established that some parents hold negative perceptions of re-entry because of the heavy demands associated with childbearing/rearing (Manion, 2011;V. Wekesa, 2014). Other studies where positive attitudes/perceptions have been recorded have established that parents base their perceptions on the long-term social benefits of sending the girl child to school (Laiser & Muyinga, 2017;Sperling et al., 2016;Tarus, 2020), whilst others see it as a way to end child marriages (Wodon et al., 2018), reduce gender inequality, and also empower the girl child (Tarus, 2020).

Economic factors influencing parental perceptions on re-entry
In many societies, parents see marriage as a more cost-effective option than schooling, and one that provides economic security for their pregnant daughters (Girls Not Brides, 2019). According to Girls Not Brides (2019), accessibility and the quality of schools are irrelevant if parents and sometimes girls themselves do not consider girls' education a worthwhile investment. This is particularly true in societies with limited economic and employment opportunities for women to the extent that most parents think that time spent in school could be spent cleaning, working, or looking after siblings (Girls Not Brides, 2019;Tarus, 2020).
Studies have also established that parental perceptions of re-entry of pregnant girls/young mothers are influenced by economic hardships (Laiser & Muyinga, 2017;Girls Not Brides, 2019). When parents are impoverished, they see marriage as a better option and they will not support readmission into school (Samati, 2014). Worse, parents perceive the pregnant girl child/young mother as an extra financial burden to the family due to the need for extra care (Samati, 2014). In the end, parents weigh the burden of sending them to school or having them take care of their children and contribute -on a full-time basis -towards household labour. This is true in rural areas where there are limited resources and household labour is extensively needed (Kurevakwesu, 2021;Laiser & Muyinga, 2017).
However, the negative consequences seen by parents have been overstated as there are some positive outcomes from teen mothers re-evaluating their priorities with a renewed commitment to school (Estrada, 2012;Madhavan & Thomas, 2005). In support of girl child education, Lawrence Summers, a World Bank Chief Economist in 1992, said that investment in girls' education may be the highest-return investment available in the developing world (Sperling et al., 2016). In support of this, a study of 146 nations from 1950 to 2010 by Barro and Lee (2013) established that schooling has a significant positive effect on output, with the rate of return being a 5 to 12 per cent increase in economic growth for each additional year of schooling in the average population. Female schooling levels played an important role in increasing growth directly and indirectly -through its impact on increased life expectancy and lower fertility rates (Barro & Lee, 2013).
Reviewed literature shows that parental perceptions on re-entry are mixed, with most parents having negative perceptions/attitudes, yet the practice has tremendous benefits for pregnant girls, their families, and the entire society. Moreover, the practice is very recent in Zimbabwe, yet there are no local studies to establish the acceptance levels of parents towards finding ways to improve the uptake of the practice. As such, this study bridges this research gap by answering the following research questions 1. To what extent do parents accept the re-entry of pregnant girls into school in Cowdray Park, Bulawayo 2. What are the socio-cultural factors influencing parents' perceptions on the re-entry of pregnant girls into school in Cowdray Park, Bulawayo?
3. What are the economic factors behind parents' perceptions on the re-entry of pregnant girls into school in Cowdray Park, Bulawayo?

Approach and design
To effectively answer the research questions of this study, the researchers employed a mixed methodology through a pragmatist approach (Creswell & Creswell, 2018;Jupp, 2006). The researchers employed a parallel mixed methods design where priority was given to qualitative data. According to Hesse-Biber (2010), parallel mixed designs consist of the concurrent mixing of qualitative and quantitative methods carried out separately within the same study, with the qualitative component taking a dominant role. We used a mixed methodology because we intended to use statistics to give a plastic image of parents' perceptions and attitudes, whilst at the same time, using individual stories to explain the statistics (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Moreover, we chose a parallel mixed methods design that assigned priority to qualitative methods because, besides our intention to show a plastic image of the attitudes and perceptions of parents, their explanations could give us an in-depth understanding of their attitudes and perceptions. In this study, research objective one is based on quantitative research, whilst all other objectives are qualitative. Correspondingly, in sampling, quantitative methods were used to come up with a sample from where a qualitative sample was selected.

The study setting and population
This study was conducted between February and March 2021 in Cowdray Park -the largest suburb in Bulawayo (Mrewa, 2019). The Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network (ZESN) reports that there are two secondary schools and four primary schools in Cowdray Park (ZESN, 2019). The census of 2012 established that the area has a population of45114 (ZIMSTATS, 2016). This study, however, used statistics provided by the ZESN which states that 13 257 people in Cowdray Park are adults, with 9 321 of these aged between 18 and 85 years (ZESN, 2019). Of these, around 4 608 were parents (ZESN, 2019) -and these became the target population of this study, of which 1 935 of them were males whilst 2 673 were females. As such, the target population was comprised of 42 per cent males and 58 per cent females. Participants of this study remained within the 18 to 25 target age range throughout the study, and participants who were selected for the interviews were also within this age range. We also targeted key informants based on the organisations they belonged to, and these organisations are key stakeholders in the education of the girl child.

Sampling
The researchers employed both probability and non-probability sampling techniques. In selecting respondents (for quantitative inquiry), stratified random sampling was used. This sampling technique was used to give a proportionally representable sample of males and females. The researchers were assisted by various persons, including representatives from the Ministry of Public Works and National Housing of Zimbabwe (MoPWNH) -as they had a list of all households in the study area. We selected respondents using Cochran's (1963) formula of sample size determination from the 4 608 parents. As such, a random sample of 384 parents was considered enough to give the needed confidence levels. We then employed 4 research assistants who roamed around Cowdray Park and administered 384 questionnaires, and upon collection of the questionnaires after a few days, 367 were returned -a 96 per cent response rate. As such, the presentation of quantitative findings is based on the basis that (n = 367). Of the (n = 367) respondents, 43% (n = 156) were male whilst 57% (n = 211) were female. Moreover, 90% (n = 329) were married, whilst 10% (n = 38) were single parents. Moreover, 22% (n = 80) had primary education, 44% (n = 160) had secondary education, 14% (n = 53) were educated up to Advanced Level, whilst 17% (n = 63) had tertiary level education. Furthermore, 80% (n = 294) were employed whilst 20% (n = 73) were unemployed.
From the quantitative sample described above, the researchers selected 23 participants through convenience sampling for qualitative inquiry -and this was done during the administration of questionnaires. The number of participants was determined by the level at which data saturation was reached. Of the 23 participants, 14 were female and 9 were male, whilst 19 were married with 4 being single parents. Since the researchers had to subject the same research units to both questionnaires and interviews, interview guides were administered a week later to reduce the erosion of interest among participants.
Purposive sampling was used to select key informants of the study and these comprised 4 professionals from Campaign for Female Education (CAMFED), UNICEF, Plan International, and the MoPSE.

Data collection
The researchers used a cross-sectional survey to collect quantitative data from respondents. According to Stockemer (2019), survey research involves the systematic collection of information from individuals using standardised procedures at a single point in time -and in this study, this was done through questionnaires. Questionnaires were administered to respondents by 4 research assistants who were under our supervision -and most respondents were assisted by the research assistants to fill in the questionnaires. We then used in-depth interview guides to collect qualitative data from participants and key informants. Interviews often seem to take a privileged position as methods of choice for qualitative researchers (Rubin & Babbie, 2012), and it was important to include them in this study since we sought to develop a detailed understanding of subjective meanings, attitudes and beliefs (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003;Smith, 2009).

Validity and reliability
In using a mixed-methods approach, the researchers triangulated sampling methods, data collection methods, and data analysis methods. This helped researchers to capture an actual plastic image of what was on the ground (Bryman, 2012). Moreover, the researcher used one of the most widely accepted formulas for calculating sample size. Furthermore, a sample for the qualitative inquiry was selected from the 384 respondents of the study, capturing the perceptions of the same people who filled in questionnaires. Also, the data analysis procedures were computer-assisted and this reduced researcher bias.

Data analysis and ethical issues
We analysed quantitative data using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciencess (SPSS) 27 th Edition of 2020. In using SPSS, the researchers produced descriptive statistics where key variables like education, social class, and gender, among other demographic characteristics, were related to attitudinal disposition on re-entry. Sequentially, there was thematic analysis of qualitative data using the NVivo software package. This study was approved by the University of Zimbabwe's Department of Social Work -through the project supervisor. Permission to conduct the study was received from the Ministry of Public Works and National Housing (MoPWNH). Moreover, the researchers were guided by human research ethics throughout the study and in writing this article. These ethics include confidentiality, informed consent and anonymity.

Study findings
This section presents the findings of the study. Quantitative findings are presented first, followed by qualitative findings which are presented in narrative form.

Perceptions/attitudes of parents on re-entry of pregnant girls
This section presents quantitative findings on the attitudes/perceptions of respondents on the re-entry of pregnant girls into school. As shown in Table 1, 68% of the respondents (250 parents) were against re-entry, whilst 32% (117 parents) accepted the practice.
The researchers also made cross-tabulations of parents' demographic characteristics against acceptance levels and the results are summarised in Figure 1. As shown in Figure 1, it is men who accept re-entry more than women, despite men being fewer than women in the sample. On levels of education, acceptance levels of parents begin to rise as their levels of education rise and the same applies to income levels. Moreover, parents with fewer biological children accepted the practice more than parents with many biological children showing that family size is a determinant of parents' perceptions/attitudes on re-entry.

Socio-cultural factors influencing parents' perceptions
The researchers solicited responses from participants on the factors influencing their perceptions of re-entry. The findings are then presented in line with the themes that we developed during data analysis. It is clear from these findings that culture is at the heart of the perceptions of parents on reentry. This partially explains why almost 68% of the respondents of the study did not accept the practice.

Gender stereotypes
In line with the findings, participants also held gender stereotypes and saw pregnant girls as old enough to be married or take up home duties and roles instead of going to school. In line with this, participant 9 (male) expressed that,  . . . Girls are born to be married and once they fall pregnant, there is no going back to school. I am not ready to set aside my beliefs for something that will not work. The moment they are married, that is a clear sign that they have graduated into adults . . .
In line with these findings, participants view pregnant girls as women and they hold several stereotypes. These stereotypes influence their perceptions of re-entry.

Family humiliation and discrimination of pregnant girl-child
The findings also highlighted that the negative perceptions of parents are shaped by the fear of family humiliation and the discrimination of re-entered girls. In line with the above responses, KI 4 (male) highlighted that, Most parents are conscious of what society has to say and this can be one of the reasons for their failure to accept the practice [. . .] our society tends to look at such families in ways that will make them withdraw from social scenes . . .
These findings show that parents are afraid to send their pregnant girls to school because of stigma and discrimination together with the humiliation that comes.

Poor academic achievement of re-entered girls
The other factor that influenced parental perceptions was the fear that they will not achieve anything of significance in school. In line with this, participant 6 (female) said, . . . I will not waste my money sending someone who has tasted adult things [. . .] that is what they will only be thinking of and sending them to school is a waste of money [. . .] definitely, their school achievement will be poor . . . These findings show that parents are against re-entry because they think they will be wasting money, and that, teenage mothers will not achieve anything in school.

Spoils other children -immorality in school
Some participants in the study highlighted that sending the pregnant girl child to school will plant immorality in schools and as such, the problem of teenage pregnancy will then spread to other learners. In one of the interviews, participant 2 (female) said, ' . . . If a girl becomes pregnant, her going to school will affect other children [. . .] they will copy the behaviour as acceptable and engage in pre-marital sex . . . ' In another interview, participant 9 (male) also highlighted that, . . . I do not accept the practice because of its negative effects on our schools [. . .] schools are not nurseries or for parents. When one becomes pregnant, they will have a child and cease to be a child [. . .] as such, if they go to school and mix with other children, they will be bad seed and can coach other children into joining in . . .
In line with the above findings, KI one (male) said, . . . we have a huge problem [. . .] parents think that these girls can breed immorality in schools, but this is working in other countries and I have several cases of pregnant teenagers who completed school and became successful in life . . . These findings show that participants of the study are afraid that the practice of allowing pregnant girls to continue in school can be contagious. They see pregnant girls as bad seeds that should not be planted in schools. This is also seen in Salvi's (2019) study.

Helps reduce social problems faced by women
A few parents highlighted that they can send their pregnant children to school and their education is very crucial. They expressed that sending these young mothers to school can help in fighting most of the social problems that are faced by women every day. To highlight this, participant 3 (male) said, 'I think the practice is good [. . .] the girl child faces many challenges and she needs education to fight some of these problems [. . .]  These findings show that young women face a myriad of challenges which include teenage pregnancy, GBV, vulnerability to STDs and STIs, and powerlessness, among others. The findings reflect that if the pregnant girl child is educated, then her ability to fight off these social ills increases as education has an empowering tendency.

Economic factors influencing parents' perceptions
The themes that the researchers identified in line with the economic factors were economic loss and the improvement of the future of girls. It is through these themes that the findings are presented.

Economic loss
Most participants highlighted that re-entry results in economic loss for the family. Participant 18 (female) said, . . . if they get pregnant, they need to push for marriage because no one can take care of someone's child for them [. . .] plus if we send them to school, we stand to lose our chance of getting our cattle from the boy who would have impregnated the girl [. . .] Participant 13 (male) even said, . . . if someone becomes pregnant, whether they are 8 or 16, they have proved to be old enough [. . .] if I am to send them to school, that would be wasting school fees [. . .] and who will take care of the child [. . .] the child is a burden on its own and I think to save money and efforts, these pregnant girls should stay home [. . .] unless they are raped, that way we can understand . . . And in line with the burden of child-rearing, participant 12 (female) argued that, . . . pregnant girls need school fees to return to school, they need someone to be home and take care of the child and they need milk for the child, mostly NAN or Lactogen and these are nowadays expensive [. . .] their stay at home is economical . . .
As is clear from these findings, parents reject re-entry because they view the practice as a waste of money.

Discussion and conclusions
In line with the findings presented in the previous section, most parents had negative perceptions/ attitudes towards re-entry. These negative perceptions are influenced by several socio-cultural and economic factors. The socio-cultural factors responsible for the negative perceptions include cultural and religious beliefs, gender stereotypes, fears of poor academic achievement, fears of family humiliation and discrimination, and fears that these pregnant girls will negatively influence other children in schools. Moreover, the fear of economic loss was the economic factor responsible for the negative perceptions/attitudes. From the findings, a few parents have positive attitudes/ perceptions towards re-entry and this was because of the belief that sending the pregnant girl child to school will help in dealing with most of the social ills that are faced by women and that it is only through education that these disadvantaged girls can secure a bright future. All these findings strongly relate to studies that were conducted by Manion (2011), Wekesa (2014, Samati (2014), Laiser and Muyinga (2017), and Nsalamba and Simpande (2019). These studies concluded that there were mixed reactions among parents to the practice, with most parents rejecting the practice on the grounds of culture, religion, and economic loss, among other factors.
This study, however, went a step further as it investigated the conundrum in the Zimbabwean context since the studies highlighted above were conducted in other African countries. Moreover, the findings of this study also help in coming up with a combined generalisation of the issue together with all previous studies as it confirmed what has been found in studies from other African countries. In a way, this can lead one to generalise that in Africa, the re-entry of pregnant girls is not widely accepted, giving room for the development of lasting interventions. To Zimbabwe, the findings help in giving an appreciation of the views of parents on re-entry, since the practice was adopted recently. This helps in creating a conducive environment for the pregnant girl child to continue in school. Another unique aspect of the findings of this study is the relationship that was made between demographic characteristics and the attitudes/perceptions of parents. It can therefore be concluded that demographic factors are determinants of attitudes/ perceptions of parents on re-entry. These demographic factors include age, sex, religion, level of education, and the number of biological children that parents have. As an example, this study concludes that educated parents are more likely to accept re-entry as compared to uneducated parents. Moreover, parents with fewer children are more likely to accept the practice as compared to those with more children.
Looking at the African context, for most parents, the socio-cultural and economic factors identified in this study might not influence them as single factors, but as a compound of factors at the same time (Samati, 2014). Given the Zimbabwean context where unemployment is rife, poverty can then combine with cultural beliefs and fears of family humiliation together with fears of economic loss to brew strong negative attitudes/perceptions towards re-entry. This will be worse -in line with the quantitative findings -if parents have many children, and if they are uneducated. Any thrust towards changing these attitudes will need to take cognisance of the multifarious nature and the intricacy of the factors that can influence negative perceptions in the African context.
Despite the researchers using mixed methods, the findings of this study have several limitations.
One key limitation is the limited size of the study area which can affect the generalisability of findings. As such, the conclusions reached in this study should not be generalised to other areas in Zimbabwe or outside, but they can be used to provide a generic appreciation of parental perceptions on re-entry in the African context. Given these limitations and the discussion of findings made above, the researchers came up with the following suggestions towards improving the uptake of the re-entry program.

Recommendations
The researchers recommend that, 1. Non-Governmental Organisations and the government's Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education should make efforts to sensitise parents and community members on the benefits of sending the pregnant girl child to school. This will help in reducing the influence of negative societal and cultural beliefs on the practice 2. When focusing on addressing the negative attitudes of parents, there will be a need to be alive to the fact that these factors are intertwined and can lead to a confluence of influences that can be difficult to deal with. Given this, dealing with parents calls for more resources to reduce the combination of factors influencing attitudes/perceptions 3. Lasting solutions towards early child pregnancy need to be established. Early child pregnancy is pushing many children out of school, thus needing to be part of the re-entry program, yet most parents are against the practice.
4. There is not much research on this issue in Zimbabwe and this affects any thrust towards improving legislation and policies. As such, more research is needed.
5. The re-entry program in Zimbabwe needs to be spelt out. One way of doing this is by coming up with a policy document that cogently articulates how re-entry is supposed to be pursued. For as long as there is no blueprint, it will be difficult to convince parents that the practice is worthwhile.

Conclusion
This parallel mixed methods study assessed parental perceptions on the re-entry of pregnant girls/ young mothers into school together with the socio-cultural and economic factors behind the perceptions. In line with the study, most parents hold negative perceptions of re-entry, something that is influenced by cultural beliefs, gender stereotypes, and fears of economic loss, among other factors. A few parents see re-entry as a worthwhile investment for pregnant girls and one that can increase their chances of having a bright future. With many parents rejecting the practice despite its substantial benefits in the long term, efforts need to be made to defeat these negative perceptions of parents and make sure that they become part of the conversation. Parents are the primary custodians of children and if they consistently perceive pregnant girl child education as unworthy, then, any efforts to keep them in school will fail. In an underdeveloped country like Zimbabwe, girl child education needs to be continuously improved because keeping girls out of school on the grounds of pregnancy impedes development. With the continued rise in teenage pregnancy, one can imagine the number of bright students being kept out of school, and the number of would-be doctors, social workers, professors, nurses, and leaders being denied access to education. As such, we recommend pertinent interventions to be developed and implemented timeously.