Value changes in gender roles: Perspectives from three generations of Emirati women

Abstract Intergenerational value change, influenced by technological advancements, economic development, formal education, and urbanization, becomes especially complex when it occurs during times of rapid change, as in the case of the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Through the lens of social change and human development theory, heavily constructed in the Gemeinschaft/Gesellschaft paradigm, this focused ethnography explored the push and pull of traditional boundaries within a collectivist society. Participants in this study (N = 24) were members of eight family triads of grandmothers, mothers, and daughters who represented eight different Emirati tribes from four cities in the UAE. Data were collected during semi-structured interviews using prompts and vignettes and through observation and the generation of field notes. Thematic analysis revealed evidence of cultural value change for gender equity and roles, family connectedness, and family relatedness. The findings underscore the need to support Emirati women as they navigate value change and try to rectify often conflicting role expectations.

Rapid demographic, economic, and political changes in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have brought about changes in the value systems held by Emirati women across generations. These intergenerational value changes represent changes in core value systems guiding developmental tasks in the adult life of Emirati women and revolve around gender equity, roles, cross-sex relationships, marriage, fertility, professional life, and familial relations. As a result of intergenerational value change among Emirati women, the family, paradoxically, has found itself in heightened tension between traditional and modern cultural values.
Traditional cultural values (i.e., cultural values held by ancestors of a particular cultural group) are held to be true and considered of great importance in life because of their long-standing history and popularity (Greenfield, 2009). Traditional culture values tend to emphasize interdependence encouraged by self-submissiveness, strong family solidarity, and preservation of traditional practices. In contrast, modern cultural values, precipitated by higher levels of urbanization, education, and technology, are characterized by increased autonomy and self-expression. The shift from traditional cultural values to modern cultural values has accompanied a shift (Greenfield, 2009) from Gemeinschaft environments, or tight-knit, homogeneous, rural communities characterized by informal education, subsistence economies, and low levels of technology, to Gessellschaft environments, or societies characterized by accumulation of wealth, higher levels of formal education and technology, commerce, and competition in the global economy (Tönnies, 1887(Tönnies, /2011. In a Gemeinschaft environment, the individuals within the small community share a group consciousness and collectivist mindset; they place value on interdependence and perceive themselves to be interrelated (Tönnies, 1887(Tönnies, /2011. Conversely, in a Gesellschaft, individuals function from a perspective of a larger society that emphasizes personal pleasure, autonomy, and selfexpression (Tönnies, 1887/2011).
To fully understand the continuous flux of transformation between traditional and modern life experiences in collective societies (Gandolfi, 2015), it is necessary to fully investigate the "inbetweenness" that exists in cultural spaces. There is a growing body of literature on patterns of social change and human development in Western countries, and a number of researchers have explored patterns of social change and human development in relation to technological advancements, economic development, formal education, and urbanization (e.g., Cho et al., 2005;Greenfield, 2004;Keller & Lamm, 2005). However, Akyil et al. (2014) argued that the transmission process gets more complicated when it takes place in times of rapid changes.
It was the connection between societal change and changes in cultural values across generations of Emirati women associated with the shift from a Gemeinschaft environment to Gesellschaft environment during a time of rapid change that prompted the study on which this article is based. The content of this article is focused on one of the four research questions (and associated subquestions) posed in that study.

Background
Prior to the federation of the UAE in 1971 (United Arab Emirates Government Portal, 2020a), the community settlements in the area (Rugh, 2007) were populated by semi-nomadic Bedouins (Wang & Kassam, 2016). The economy was substantially based on fishing, pearling, boatbuilding, date harvesting, and animal husbandry (Morton, 2016;Sarbu, 2014) although maritime activities were limited (Rugh, 2007).
In comparison to those of Western Anglo backgrounds who are individualistic, prioritizing personal desires and referring to themselves as "I," people of Middle Eastern heritage typically have viewed themselves as part of a "we" group (Ayyash-Abdo, 2001;Hofstede et al., 2010;House et al., 2012;H. Triandis, 1995) with value systems highly centered on family connectedness (Akyil et al., 2014) and interrelatedness, and strong preferences for a tightly knit framework (Hofstede et al., 2010;House et al., 2012). This collectivist culture of interdependence and cohesiveness enabled the Bedouins to survive the harsh conditions of their daily lives (Heard-Bey, 2005). As Bedouins wandered the desert in search of water and food, three-generation households were of great value in finding a way not only to survive in the desert but to accumulate wealth. As a Bedouin society in the Middle East, it is not surprising that the UAE has been widely recognized for its collectivist culture (Hofstede, 1980). The transformation of tribal settlements into a knowledge-based federation with national visions of increased investments in science, technology, space, innovation (Ahmed & Alfaki, 2015), and high-quality education (Schilirò, 2013) took place over a period of approximately 50 years (Ahmed & Alfaki, 2015). The greatest transformation became evident after the establishment of the federation in 1971 through the direct deployment of oil wealth to boost the economic and social infrastructures of the UAE (O'Sullivan, 2008;Sarbu, 2014) in part through the direction of a focused national agenda (UAE Vision 2021. These conscious efforts, supported by financial means, enabled the UAE to bypass the lengthy process of economic development and advance rapidly (O'Sullivan, 2008). These economic changes drove social change.

Research questions
As social change has occurred in the UAE, a modernizing narrative about gender roles (Allagui & Al-Najjar, 2018;Pinto, 2019) and personal relationships (Sabban & Mohamad, 2014) has emerged, and an increased agency among Emirati youth in terms of prioritizing personal choice over parental obedience has become evident (Schvaneveldt et al., 2005). However, despite systematic value changes at the societal, familial, and individual levels (Allagui & Al-Najjar, 2018;Pinto, 2019), family relations are still an important reference in the life of Emirati family (Sonleitner & Wooldridge, 2014) and daughters' retain connectedness with family (Akyil et al., 2014) and a sense of relatedness to traditional values despite the sense of autonomy inherent in daughters' modern value systems (Bristol-Rhys, 2010;Crabtree, 2007). Considering these dynamics, I asked, "What intergenerational value changes are identified by three generations of Emirati women?" In particular, I wondered, "What specific changes in beliefs, attitudes, and experiences emerge regarding gender equity, gender roles, cross-sex relationships, marriage, professional life, and familial relations?" I theorized that Emirati grandmothers' and mothers' perceptions of the role of women in Emirati society would clash with their daughters' experiences and aspirations and, given the UAE's history of tribalism and rapid societal changes, that stories about intergenerational social value change among generations of Emiratis would differ from those emerging from Western countries.

Social change and human development: A lens for exploring intergenerational change in the UAE
The UAE's transition from a collectivist tribal settlement with subsistence economies and informal education to a more individualistic knowledge-based economy with high levels of education and technological advancements (Allagui & Al-Najjar, 2018;Pinto, 2019) has been complex. Gandolfi (2015) suggested studying the family unit and its intergenerational relations as places of ongoing renegotiation of cultural values and traditional horizons. The lens of social change and human development provides an exceptional perspective for considering the socialization of the UAE, in particular intergenerational changes across multiple attributes of social change, and for capturing the unique experiences of women in that changing society. As such, the theory has been useful in exploring sociodemographic change and value shifts in Arab populations (e.g., Abu Aleon et al., 2019;Weinstock et al., 2014).

Social change and human behavior
Variations between cultures can be distinguished by differences in the attitudes, values, beliefs, and norms shared by a particular group of people and the way that group defines and understands themselves and their social roles (H. C. Triandis, 1996;Hamamura, 2012;Inglehart & Baker, 2001). In comparison to modern cultures that tend to be heterogeneous, traditional cultures tend to be "relatively homogeneous because of their relative isolation from other contrasting cultures in the same country" (Greenfield, 2009, p. 416). These varied cultural elements contribute to the development of cultural values, which are broadly defined as widely accepted psychological beliefs of individuals within a society concerning right and wrong actions and desirable social behaviors (Hofstede, 2001;De Mooij, 2015;Rokeach, 1973).
Proponents of modernization theory within the field of cultural psychology (Greenfield, 2009) purport that modernization is a linear process of social change whereas nations evolve from characteristically traditional or underdeveloped nations to modern ones based on a Western societal model inclusive of cultural value systems (Greenfield, 2009;Tipps, 1973). During this shift, cultural change occurs over time in response to external forces in the environment (Hofstede, 2001;Twenge & Kasser, 2013) such as ecological (Greenfield, 2009), social, political, and economic systems and structures (Inglehart & Baker, 2001;Tipps, 1973). The construct of modernization is based on the fundamental elements of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft (Inglehart & Baker, 2001), a perspective that sets up a dichotomous relationship between two social contexts where the modern context is assumed to be a goal for which societies should strive to achieve (Inglehart & Baker, 2001;Inglehart & Oyserman, 2004;Tipps, 1973).
However, the shift from Gemeinschaft environments to Gesellschaft environments only describes changes in sociodemographic conditions; it does not explain changes in cultural values, learning environments, or human development and cognition (Greenfield, 2009). Social adaptations that occur in response to changing sociodemographic conditions (i.e., Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft) within environments represent a shift in value systems from collectivism to individualism (Greenfield, 2009). In this sense, values are not a part of the sociodemographic conditions that make up a culture but rather separate attributes of their own derived from "social institutions and other macrolevel variables" (Fischer & Schwartz, 2011, p. 1137. Differences in cultures occur on a continuum so that nested Gemeinschaft communities can exist within larger overall Gesellschaft societies (Greenfield, 2009) and middle-class Gesellschaft communities can exist within Gemeinschaft societies (Keller, 2007). It is the separation of values from culture (Fischer & Schwartz, 2011) and the continuum of intermediate values between the two dichotomous sets of values evident in Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft environments that produces observable differences in values within and between cultures (Greenfield, 2009). However, an understanding of how cultural values change from collectivism to individualism as the result of changing Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft environments is insufficient for understanding differences in cognitive adaptations and human development among and between cultures. What does explain those differences is that sociodemographic conditions, either directly or mediated by cultural values, influence learning environments, which subsequently influence cognitive adaptations and human development.

Bidirectionality of socialization
Despite the tendency for social change to move from Gemeinschaft environments to Gesellschaft environments, the reverse also may occur (Greenfield, 2009). For example, particular groups may choose to leave established communities to develop communes where they can practice family structures outside of the expected family and community structure (Weisner et al., 1983). It also is possible that large-scale economic changes that reduce families' financial means of support may push members of a society to adaptations more typically associated with a Gemeinschaft environment (Greenfield, 2009). Additionally, some communities in Gemeinschaft environments may intentionally try to remain homogeneous to retain specific social practices, as is the case with Orthodox Jewish communities. These examples demonstrate that the movement from one social environment to another may be motivated by forces internal or external to any community, family, or individual.

Participants
Participants in this study (N = 24) were members of eight family triads of grandmothers (n = 8), mothers (n = 8), and daughters (n = 8) who represented eight different Emirati tribes from four cities in the UAE. The inclusion criteria varied for each generation in the family triad. Some criteria applied only to daughters, only to mothers, or only to grandmothers. The six criteria were • Daughters had both living mothers and grandmothers willing to participate.
• Participants were citizens of the UAE.
Because of the unique nature of the participants in this study as family triads, all of the participants in each family triad had to meet the inclusion criteria in order for any of the women to participate. The particular birth year ranges chosen for this study were intended to coincide with three distinct historical periods.

Recruitment
Grandmothers and mothers were recruited via the daughters who were recruited through purposeful sampling at the UAE University where I worked at the time. As a woman who has spent most of her life in the UAE, I was aware of the cultural milieus in which families live and the familial milieus in which women live. Speaking the local dialect enabled me to fully communicate with the grandmothers' generation. These combined experiences afforded me the unique opportunity to be closer to the research informants, more familiar with the issues raised, sensitive toward the feelings and judgements of multiple generations of Emirati women, and well-suited for negotiating issues and managing relationship tensions raised by the inclusion of a diverse sample in terms of age, knowledge, and life experiences and perspectives.

Data collection
Data were collected from March 2019 to September 2019 using semi-structured interviews, participant observations, and field notes. Each of the eight participating families met with me between three and five times. Interviews with the daughters took place in locations of their choosing. For the convenience of the participants given their age, health, and level of comfort being in their usual environments (Glesne, 2016), interviews with the grandmothers and mothers were conducted in their primary places of residence. To be culturally appropriate and respectful, participating daughters facilitated access to their grandmothers and were always present while the grandmothers were being interviewed although they did contribute to the discussion.
Interviews with grandmothers were conducted in the Emirati dialect using Arabic vernacular. Some mothers used random English words such as weekend, modern, and college. Daughters used Arabic and English simultaneously. Interviews lasted between 45 minutes and 4 hours. With permission of the participants, all interview responses were recorded using an iPad and a free voice capture software application called Voice Recorder. All grandmothers, mothers, and daughters were invited to participate in a follow-up interview over the phone. Those interviews lasted more than 20 minutes.
Observations took place outside of scheduled interviews. During Ramadan, I participated in an Iftar gathering-an evening meal with which Muslims end their daily fast at sunset. I also was invited to a family wedding and to visit a family farm. Participation in family gatherings such as this allowed me to observe relationships among family members and the discussion of issues from various generational perspectives. Observations were used as a means of confirming data collected during the interviews and allowed me to gain a deeper understanding of differing norms and values inside the Emirati family. Typically, the events in which I participated and observed lasted between 2 hours and 7 hours.
During interviews, I took rough notes on my iPad to document the length of the interview, the presence of other family members during the interview, and participant behaviors. During observations in family settings, I documented what was happening and reflected on what I was seeing and hearing to capture my impressions and acknowledge prejudices. Immediately after each interview and observation, I sat in my car and began recording my initial feelings, reactions, questions, and thoughts on emerging themes. After all of the interviews and observations were complete, I summarized all of the individual field notes in one comprehensive record to which I referred during the coding and analysis of the transcribed interview data.

Data collection instrument
Data in this study were collected using semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and fieldwork notes. No predesigned instruments were used to conduct the observations or to record notes in the field. Therefore, this section includes only a description of the protocol used to facilitate the collection of data during interviews. The interview protocol was developed specifically for this study.
Although an unstructured interview would have allowed for the collection of more varied data that potentially could have provided a deeper understanding of sociodemographic and value changes among the study participants, to promote consistency in the collection of data across the three generations of participants, semi-structured interviews were used instead (see Appendix A). The interviews were conducted in two phases. The first phase involved the use of semistructured interview prompts, and the second phase involved the use of vignettes.

Semi-structured interview prompts
The 41 semi-structured interview prompts were designed using a broad funneling approach and grouped into eight domains. The six prompts in Domain 1, six prompts in Domain 2, and three prompts in Domain 3, "about you and your family," "earlier life," and "schooling and college education," respectively, were designed to inspire participants to provide an overview of their family life and upbringing in the UAE. The six prompts in Domain 4, "your description of good enough," were focused on the social changes the participants and their families experienced across generations. The prompts were intended to encourage participants to share their subjective experiences and observations of societal changes in the country and their influences on the family value system and the emerging roles and responsibilities of Emirati men and women. The four items in Domain 5, "relatedness and interconnectedness;" four items in Domain 6, "technology;" one item in Domain 7, "familial expectations;" and for items in Domain 8, "UAE vision and the flourishing status of Emirati women" were focused on eliciting information about changes in family structure and functions given the new non-traditional roles of females, national policies, access to and use of technology, and the opposing forces of traditions and modernity.

Vignettes
The seven vignettes used in the second phase of the interview were dilemma tasks designed to uncover changes in participants' values across generations in conjunction with the evident shift from a collectivist and Gemeinschaft society to one better described as an independent and more Gesellschaft one. To make this shift apparent, in each vignette, one character articulated Gemeinschaft-adapted values arguing for the importance of gender hierarchy, ascribed gender roles, family obligation, restricted social interaction, parental authority, and family unity and the other character articulated Gesellschaft-adapted values arguing for the importance of gender equality, equivalent and chosen gender roles, individual choice, unrestricted social interaction, independence, and individual achievement. Participants are asked which character in the story they agree with more and why.
The vignettes used in this study were based on vignettes developed by Manago (2014) during her study of generational differences in the Maya community in Mexico. The vignettes were revised to depict culturally sensitive social issues regarding gender roles and relations, specifically customs associated with respectful public behavior, parenting roles, socializing between genders, arranged marriages, studying abroad, women in professional roles, and social behaviors of young women. Pilot interviews were conducted with four Emirati families representing three generations of Emirati women to test the vignettes and determine if they produced realistic points of tension and evoked a range of responses.

Data analysis
After each interview, I transcribed the recordings in Arabic using the vernacular spoken by the participants and saved the transcripts digitally. For consistency, I also translated any English spoken by the mothers and daughters into Arabic using the common vernacular. During data analysis, I wrote the codes in both Arabic and English. To confirm the accuracy of my translations, I employed the services of a translator who is fluent in English and Arabic and aware of the cultural contexts of the UAE, an awareness necessary to fully understand the nuances of the language and underlying contextual meanings intended by the participants. After discussing minor discrepancies with the translator, I made three minor adjustments to my translations based on the translator's feedback.
To best identify patterns of meaning (Braun & Clarke, 2006) in focused ethnographic research (Gerritse et al., 2018), I analyzed that data using thematic analysis. That means I (a) reviewed and became familiar with the data; (b) identified initial codes; (c) generated of categories, patterns, and themes; (d) arranged patterns and themes into a typology; and (e) synthesized the themes and presented them in final report (see, Braun & Clarke, 2006;Harding, 2013;Merriam & Tisdell, 2016;Percy et al., 2015). The process of thematic analysis is recursive rather than linear (Braun & Clarke, 2006) and involves a constant back and forth examination of the data across sources (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016;Percy et al., 2015). In the original study, I followed the general guidelines for thematic analysis of qualitative data, constantly comparing the data across participants.
A hybrid deductive-inductive approach (see, Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006;Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) was employed to code the data. When analyzing data inductively, researchers allow the categories, schemes, and/or themes emerge from the data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). When analyzing data deductively, researchers generate categories and/or themes a priori based the study's instrument (i.e., interview questions; Glesne, 2016), research questions, and theoretical foundations (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The development of schemes prior to collecting data can be especially useful to researchers conducting studies on cultures and societies. Therefore, I generated 32 of my own codes and categories based on my study's unique interview questions, research questions, and aspects of the conceptual framework, specifically attributes of sociodemographic and cultural value changes. This process allowed me to purposely connect my analysis with the concepts of interest in my study by facilitating a clear path for responding to the study's research questions and drawing conclusions from the data as the culminating activities in this study.
I coded the study data manually using the structural coding method described by Saldaña (2016) whereby researchers label lines with terms related to their research questions and interview guides as a means of gaining a general understanding of the data. Simultaneously, I used In Vivo coding to capture authentic language and descriptive coding to convey particularities of the participants (see, Saldaña, 2016). After labeling the data with initial codes, I began identifying categories based on patterns of codes I observed in the initial analysis. Next, I mapped the data (see, Braun & Clarke, 2006;Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) in three Excel spreadsheets, one for each generation, and displayed them in charts. I then generated a fourth spreadsheet to compare the generations. This typography allowed me to simplify the data for further analysis.
Once bigger themes began to emerge and before proceeding to the interpretative phase of analysis, I conducted member checking to ensure my initial interpretations accurately reflected participants' experiences. Member checking as accomplished during follow-up interviews with participants in their homes. The follow-up interviews lasted approximately 15-20 minutes. I also relied on peer debriefing during social gatherings and online posts on social media to challenge my subjectivity and potential biases that possibly could have shaped the data or findings.

Demographics
The participants' ages, and educational and occupational backgrounds varied. Grandmothers were born between 1942 and 1957; their ages ranged from 63 to 78. Mothers were born between 1957 and 1973; their ages ranged from 46 to 63. Daughters were born between 1989 and 2002; their ages ranged from 20 to 30. Of the grandmothers, only two were literate. All of the mothers were literate with at least some level of formal education; three of the mothers had bachelor's degrees. Because the daughters were recruited based on their status as either a postsecondary student or graduate, all of the daughters either were enrolled in or an alumna of a postsecondary institution. The demographic characteristics of participants by family triad are presented in Table 1. Extra-occupational studies for adults in place of general or technical education. b Education (e.g., Islamic teachings, reading, writing) provided to girls in neighborhood learning circles. c Three years of college, between an associate's degree and a bachelor's degree.

Gender equity
Traditionally, Bedouins "had a unique life in the desert . . . .
[the] social structure was based on a hierarchical tribal division more than gender division" (Grandmother A). However, despite women's economic value in their tribes, women still were not perceived to be as valuable as men. With the movement from Gemeinschaft Bedouin settlements to a Gesellschaft society prompted by oil wealth, grandmothers gradually lost their active economic roles and began to take on strictly domestic roles maintaining households. When this shift occurred, women lost their status in what had become a social structure of gender hierarchies.
Within this new gender hierarchy and physical separateness between men and women, women were deemed to be of a lower social class and thus expected not only to separate themselves from men but to demonstrate this separateness and new status by walking behind men. As Daughter A explained, in the workplace, "there is unspoken tradition or learned assumption I was socialized with where males and females in our culture should keep a distance when interacting with each other: appropriate behavior." Outside of the workplace, the tradition of women walking behind men is less common. Mother D described her husband as a "partner," and Daughter C said that "men and women should walk side by side . . . because we are treated equally by the government, and we are partners in nation building." However, mothers did indicate that they may change their behavior depending on the circumstances.
A similar shift in gender equity was evident in the perceived value of one gender child over the other whereas boys are no longer valued over girls. Five women in the study, two grandmothers and three mothers, expressed that girls are highly valued in today's society. Mother A said, Girls used to be a burden on the family in the past . . . . Now with education and women empowerment, girls became a source of income and a person to rely on in the family. Girls are the source of modernization in the family as well as social agents of change.
More than just suggesting that girls are as valued as boys today, Grandmother A suggested that girls are better than boys. She said, Girls are better than boys now . . . . They are financially independent . . . . They take good care of us . . . . They decorate home for us . . . . They take care of our hospital appointments and medicine. They are more educated than men . . . . They know better.
Although Grandmother B said that "now there is no difference between having a boy or a girl," she expressed special appreciation for girls because "now your daughter is your friend." About their sons, mothers said, "Boys bring so much trouble" (Mother D) and "conflict in the family nowadays" (Mother A); they "struggle at school" (Mother H), and "you need to push them to finish their high school education [and] then [seek] employment." Despite this shift in perception of gender value, Daughter C expressed that it is necessary to continue "to advance ourselves as women, and be equals with our partners." Daughters also stressed the importance of having men support their efforts to empower themselves and referenced opportunities offered by the UAE government. For instance, Daughter H explained that "the leadership's vision of the UAE is pushing these traditional roles to modernize as they call for gender equality and opportunities for all." 3.2.2.1. Domestic responsibilities. During the time in which grandmothers were born and raised, women were responsible for all aspects of "day to day subsistence activity" (Grandmother H). "The women did everything. They built their houses, took care of the livestock, [and] they cooked the meals" (Grandmother C). Because "women were treated as adults as young as 9 years old" (Grandmother, E), "back in the day, girls worked very hard when their fathers and brothers were not around (Grandmother C). They became responsible for everything "right after marriage" (Grandmother E). Because the girls married young, the women of the grandmothers' generation typically had 13-15 children, which increased their workload tremendously.

Gender roles
A shift in responsibilities occurred following the discovery of oil whereas grandmothers lost their active roles in their tribes. "Time changed; men now are the breadwinners, and we are mainly home" (Grandmother A). With only one exception, all of the mothers in one way or another indicated they were socialized to understand that their place was in the home. "We as women are expected to take care of our kids, teach them, and follow up with their teachers on their performance" (Mother D).
In the postoil UAE, homes include drivers, cooks, maids, and nannies, all of whom required oversight. During interviews, I witnessed housemaids approaching mothers to ask if the mothers needed anything or for permission to go outside to go grocery shopping. During my interview with Mother B, she called out to her Filipino maid in broken English to take the milk off the stove: "Maria. Milk . . . oven off." Daughters also engaged in management of the staff. In this sense, women function as decision-makers in their homes.
Attitudes toward women managing the home were mixed. Grandmother B did not appear to approve of mothers' managerial roles with respect to domestic responsibilities, criticizing the behaviors of mothers and suggesting that mothers no longer interact with their husbands and children. She said, "I doubt women appear to their husbands [any more]. They keep asking the maids to bring this and that and present this to the man." She also expressed frustration at seeing "the kids spending most of their times with nannies, and their mothers are . . . playing with their phones." Daughter E was of the opposite mindset and indicated a shift in values: Fifty years ago, it was only women [managing the house and children], but my generation is acting on life differently. I have witnessed a lot of changes in the present time where men and women are considered partners in family life and at work . . . . My grandmother and my mother accepted this reality [women managing domestic responsibilities] but never for us . . . . Now is the time for more egalitarian gender roles.

Marriage.
As is characteristic of kinship marriage, which is typical in the UAE, all of the grandmothers and mothers in this study married their cousins. All of the grandmothers married early in life, between the ages of 11 and 15. Grandmother H, who was married when she was 13 years old, explained that "back in the day, girls married young as soon as they hit puberty . . . That was the norm back in the days." Marriages were typically arranged by the patriarchal authority, and neither the girls nor their mothers were consulted prior to arrangements being made. Grandmother H had such an experience: "My father married me off fast and did not ask for my opinion." Mothers had this experience too. For example, Mother A said, "I got married when I was 14 years old . . . as soon as I finished Grade 6," and Mother B said, "No one asked for my opinion." Four other mothers were married as soon as they finished Grade 6, between the ages of 14 and 16. Only three mothers got married when they were studying at college, around the ages of 19 or 20. Mother F got married after she finished her "first year at university." Despite a long history of kinship marriage at young ages, "these practices [i.e., forced and arranged marriages] are becoming a memory of the past, and today's girls have a louder voice more than ever before" (Grandmother B). Now, in response to marriage offers, "girls call whoever ask for their hands and tell them directly we are not interested" (Mother B). Some grandmothers showed their support of the changing values regarding marriage. Grandmother H recognized that early marriage for girls robs them of their childhood. In that regard, she said, "They did not let me grow!" Grandmother H also indicated that the "high incidence of divorce in our surroundings is pushing this tradition away." She went on to say that her "granddaughters are university educated, working women, and they deserve a choice." Daughter H recognized this shift in her grandmother's attitude toward traditional marriage. She said, "And so now more than ever, I am experiencing a change . . . [in] my grandmother's [attitude toward marriage. She] . . . is pushing this practice to change by encouraging a choice rather than a force." Like Grandmother H, Grandmother A expressed a particularly strong concern about arranged marriages and the potential for divorce: "I am so against marrying our off-springs by force. This often results in divorce after the honeymoon . . . it's becoming a pattern now." Mothers expressed having gained insight that the traditional marriage model is no longer a healthy one for their children because it often results in divorce and subsequent family instability. Mothers also are acting on their new values. A comment made by Mother C exemplifies this practice: My generation accepted this practice [forced marriages to cousins] because we had no choice . . . . My husband still holds a traditional mindset, but I will not let his traditional mindset determine the future life of my kids. I once stood up for my daughter.
Daughter H confirmed the movement away from traditional marriage values among mothers when she said she recognized "a change . . . in my mother's attitude" toward marriage.
All the daughters in this study, seven of whom were not married, were college-educated working women who demonstrated an egalitarian attitude toward marriage. They expressed a strong nontraditional preference for achieving higher education and economic independence before getting married, a scenario that inevitably delays marriage. Daughters also reported nontraditional attitudes toward selecting their future husbands and low tolerance for family role in arranging their marriage. In the context of gender roles and marriage, Daughter F spoke more globally. She said, The role of Emirati women today is totally different than what it was in the past two generations. Today, we are conscious about our rights . . . . We are empowered with higher education and greater access to the job market.
Other daughters expressed similar mindsets with regard to marriage and women's empowerment.

Dress.
That gender roles in the UAE have shifted was most easily detected through observation of the differences in women's dress. Over their faces, grandmothers wore traditional Burqa'a (a traditional handcrafted accessory designed to protect a woman's face from the hot sun and dust, and to hide her beauty from male nonrelatives); over their shoulders, they wore a Makhawarah (a traditional Emirati embroidered dress); and over their heads, they wore a Shila (a traditional light headscarf).
All of the mothers also dressed in Makhawarah. Unlike the relatively plain dresses of the grandmothers, however, the mothers wore brightly colored dresses decorated with embroidery around the neckline and hands. None of the mothers wore traditional Burqa'a over the face although they did wear Shila. When out in public, some of the mothers also wore a veil. When growing up, the mothers experienced a change in dress when they attended school. Mother G explained, "School uniform was different than our traditional dress. This is in itself a big change." Although the mothers "knew no dresses other than Makhawarah when [they] were kids (Mother C), none of the daughters in this study wore Makhawarah. Rather, all of the daughters, when I observed them in their homes, were dressed in more modern and fashionable clothing. Five were wearing couture dresses, two were wearing long skirts, and one was wearing a New York University hoodie. None of the daughters wore head covers. Additionally, I observed the youngest of the children dressed in jeans or other types of pants. Outside of the home, daughters wore Abayas (fashionable, full-length gowns suitable for wearing in public). They did not fully cover their hair with Shila. At social occasions, such as the wedding and Iftar celebration I attended, I observed young women and girls dressed in short fashionable dresses.
Daughters' style of dress was not always approved of by older generations. Grandmother F specifically expressed disapproval of the daughters for not "wear[ing] a hijab." The lack of approval from older generations has placed strain on the daughters who try to reconcile their personal desires with family expectations and social norms. Many daughters shared a similar mindset with regard to the tensions between traditional and modern values associated with how women dress in the UAE, especially in public. These tensions are inherently linked to traditional values associated with women outside the home.

Females outside the home. Grandmothers' experiences living in Bedouin communities
were unique with respect to the acceptance of women outside the home because families lived in tent communities. However, as families moved into neighborhood homes and women took on domestic roles, separation of genders became the norm. To facilitate this separation, girls were expected to stay within the home, the family compound, or immediate neighborhood. Grandmother F "never allowed . . . [her] daughters to visit their friends. They only played in front of the neighborhood houses." Grandmother H stopped her daughters from "playing in front of the house when they started developing into women." Some mothers maintained a similar protectiveness with their daughters. Daughter G explained: I realized I am no longer a child when mother gradually stopped me from playing with boys in the neighborhood when I was in Grade 5. As a kid, I used to bike around the neighborhood freely, but this gradually changed around puberty time . . . . Traditionally, it is about maintaining the honor of the girl and her family.
I was honored that Mother A made an exception for me so that I could interview her daughter outside of the home upon her daughter's insistence. When I arrived at their home to pick up Daughter A, her mother said, "Only you Ebtesam because we know you so well by this time. I don't normally allow my daughters to socialize outside with friends." Despite such traditional watchfulness and constraints on girls and women, "these strict rules are gradually changing with [the] increasing stretch of boundaries of what constitutes acceptable and unacceptable behavior for young women given their increased mobility in today's society such as education [and] employment" (Daughter G).

Education.
A shift in traditional values regarding women outside the home has become evident with regard to women's education. During the grandmothers' generation, "there were not any female teachers; they were all either Egyptian or Levantine men" (Grandmother G). Because "it was not acceptable for girls to go to school to mingle with men" (Grandmother G), education for girls "was Managood [taboo]" (Grandmother A). Most grandmothers did not go to school even though "we really wanted to go to school and leave the Mutawa'a" (volunteer teacher of religion; Grandmother G). Grandmother G was the one exception to this rule: "Yes, I went to school, Alhamdulillah [praise to God], and learned how to read and write." During the interviews, the grandmothers repeatedly made statements like "I hope this is helpful" (Grandmother B) and "I don't know if I answered your question correctly" (Grandmother H). I interpreted their comments to mean that they sometimes did not understand the academic language I used when asking questions. Although I did rephrase my questions using simple language, and the grandmothers did provide valuable information, I sensed a degree of embarrassment on the part of the grandmothers. I also got the feeling that they felt inadequate with regard to their lack of education.
Like the grandmothers, many mothers did not go to school when they were young. However, Mother A recalled the influence of an old Omani lady sent by the government as a messenger to convince Bedouin men such her father to send their daughters to school: I would never forget that female messenger who knocked our door once a month to change my father's fixed mindsets around girls' education. She used to tell him, 'Teach them so they can read for you and write on your behalf.' I attended school for the first time when I was 9 years old.
For some women, "our first time out of home and away from our parents" (Mother A) was during our "first week at the university" (Daughter H). Now, it is becoming more common for daughters to participate in study-abroad programs. As a matter of fact, six of the daughters in this study reported recent participation in a study-abroad program in the past 2 years. For Daughter F, that experience was the first time she interacted with men outside her family. Some mothers encouraged their daughters' short-term participation in study-abroad programs offered by the government. Mother D explained, "We are now more open-minded around this issue as a family . . . . We feel our daughters are safe and are being watched." In contrast, Mother C supported her daughter's travel abroad because "their international exposure has a value for the society."

Professional roles.
After graduating from university in the past, women had been expected to work as teachers and in schools close to home, approximately 10 minutes' drive. However, as six of the eight mothers agreed, the expectation that women stay home to tend to domestic chores is no longer the norm in today's UAE society as women's roles have evolved and are now centered on materialistic life and employment in professional roles.
Daughters too are now engaging in other professional endeavors. For example, two daughters work in offices, one works as an engineer, one works in an investment company, and one is a diplomat. Although some work locally, others work away from home and internationally. In these roles, women interact with men. Grandmother F noted, "There are women who shake hands with men." Although not technically in a professional setting, I did shake hands with Grandfather A after my interview with Grandmother A had concluded. He, rather than I, initiated the contact.

Independent travel.
Some daughters are being allowed to travel independently. For example, Daughter A recently traveled to present her research project at an international conference, Daughter E volunteered at an international exposition representing the UAE, and Daughter F, the diplomat, traveled internationally as part of official delegations with her job. Additionally, I noted that when interviewing Mother B, two of her daughters called her from a trip to Kuwait to inform her of their safe arrival. Although these daughters were not participants in the study, I did note the relevance of their interjection.

Socializing.
Daughters also interact outside the home in social settings. In particular, "a coffee culture [has] started developing among Emirati youth. It is the new trend now" (Daughter G). Daughter F said that she "socialize[s] with my friends at coffee shops, and we sometime go shopping together." As Daughter G expressed, "You look old-fashioned to others if you don't socialize outside." Daughter F said, "I am okay with being friends with boys . . . . [However,] I do not think my parents will get this." Government sponsored youth opportunities also provide daughters opportunities for socializing. Some daughters who take advantage of opportunities to socialize do so without permission. For example, Daughter C said, My father is so traditional in his thinking . . . . He still views going to movie theatre a taboo. My mother always covers for us when we go . . . . We do not tell him at all . . . . My mother will get in a big trouble if he knew.
Daughter C also socializes with her cousin without her father's knowledge because "he is traditional in his thinking. Although the daughters are clearly socializing in public without their fathers' permission, they did not express concern for being disciplined.

Family connectedness
Shifts in family connectedness were evident in the data. Grandmothers remembered a time when it was customary to visit with neighbors; the visits typically included coffee and dates. Strangers were welcome as well. When I joined Grandmother, Mother, and Daughter H during a traditional Friday gathering, the young daughter told me that three families were missing because they alternate weekends between Abu Dhabi and Fujairah. Also, all of the young daughters were on their phones rather than socializing with family members. Clear evidence of a loss of connectedness between the members of the families.

Family relatedness
Shifts in family relatedness were evident in the data showing changes in traditions. For example, when I was invited by Mother and Daughter F for Iftar during Ramadan, the family served me vegan food with healthy Western desserts such as chia seed pudding. Over the Iftar, the family shared how their food changed dramatically in the past 2 years moving from fatty Arabic food to more healthy options. Daughter F had prepared the menu for my visit. She explained, "Ebtesam, we are trying to experience SoCal vibes with you." Grandmothers were not typically impressed with these changes in food preferences, as demonstrated by Grandmother A. During her interview, Daughter A handed me a plate of pastries and then asked her grandmother if she wanted some. Her grandmother replied, "I don't like this food. I had Emirati regag [thin, crispy crepe-like bread] with cheese and honey after I took my medications." While I was eating, she said, "I asked them to get you some regag food but . . . [Granddaughter A] said that you may not like regag bread." Shortly after she added, "Now kids don't like our food . . . . They just want junk food and pastries for breakfast." The presentation of the dates during my visit appeared to be especially important to Grandmother A and representative of the traditions of her generation. Back then, she said, "dates only were set in a bowl . . . . They did not use to put it in a covered plate like this (Grandmother A). After repeating her sentiment, she added, "When men/visitors come and they [the younger generations] present the dates in this small plate, I feel ashamed" (Grandmother A). When Daughter A explained, "Grandma, it is better to offer it in a covered small bowl. It's cleaner and keeps the date from drying," Grandmother A replied, "Different point of view. [It is] face loss [embarrassment] among the older generations.". Daughter G explained that the younger generation has different types of traditions now. "Pool parties, bridal showers, baby showers, [and] big birthday parties are new trendy cultures" (Daughter F).

Speed of change
Although intergenerational value changes were evident across the three generations of Emirati women who participated in this study (see , Table 2), the speed at which those changes occurred varied. The speed at which value changes occurred between generations was inferred by the degree to which differences in Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft perspectives were evident across generations. The most rapid changes in values are evident for boys being valued over girls (gender equity) and education for women (gender roles) whereas all three generations held Gesellschaft value orientations for these domains. The second most rapid change in value is evident for marriage where grandmothers held mixed value orientations and mothers and daughters held Gesellschaft value orientations. The third most rapid changes in values are evident for men walking in front of women (gender equity) and domestic responsibilities (gender roles) where mothers held Gesellschaft value orientations like their daughters. The fourth most rapid changes in values are evident for family relatedness and the gender role domains dress, women outside the home, professional roles, independent travel, socializing, and interaction between genders where mothers held mixed value orientations for the domains. The least rapid change in value is evident for family connectedness, where daughters, like their mothers, held mixed value orientations.

Discussion
The research question of interest in this article was, "What intergenerational value changes are identified by three generations of Emirati women?" In particular, I wondered what specific changes in beliefs, attitudes, and experiences emerge regarding gender equity, gender roles, cross-sex relationships, marriage, professional life, and familial relations. Through the lens of Greenfield's theory of social change and human behavior, a shift from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft was noted in four contexts: gender equity, gender roles, family connectedness, and family relatedness.

Gender equity
Both mothers and daughters expressed preferences for gender equality in the Gesellschaft direction; however, daughters seemed to express more egalitarian values in their desire for egalitarian relations between men and women, and between boys and girls at both the familial and societal levels. This finding could be explained by daughters' participation in learning environments in which values for gender equality are prominent, such as schools and universities where girls and boys have access to the same environment, and are expected to fulfill the same roles and to explore their personal interests in their education and future careers. In addition, leadership's vision for gender equality is modernizing the role of women through equal access and pay. This finding replicates a pattern of change found among female adolescents in Arab communities in Israel (Abu Aleon et al., 2019) in which females reported higher preferences for gender egalitarian values. Two specific areas pertaining to gender equality emerged in the data: boys are more valued than girls and women walking behind men.

Boys more valued than girls
Because the valuing of boys over girls is deep-rooted in Arabic countries (Al-Khayyat, 1990;Crabtree, 2007;Hesketh et al., 2011), I was not surprised to find this trend in the data. From a sociological perspective, this traditional value was inherently situated in the predominant patriarchal structure of the culture (Crabtree, 2007). Factors for son preference have been identified as their capacity (a) to earn higher wages, (b) to carry on the family name, and (c) to care for elderly parents (Hesketh et al., 2011). Essentially, women give birth to "economic investments" (Al-Khayyat, 1990). Additionally, because mothers and fathers traditionally take on the name of their eldest son (e.g., mother of "son's name," father of "son's name"), having a son was a way to ensure prestige and status for a family (Al-Khayyat, 1990). It also ensured that the family name would be carried on (Al-Khayyat, 1990). From a practical perspective, boys have typically been valued over girls for their capacity for physical work and to protect women in the tribe (Al- Khayyat, 1990). Three women in this study, two grandmothers and a mother, indicated that the preference for boys over girls stemmed from their perception that boys were easier to raise with a lesser risk of misconduct harming the family's honor. This finding was supported by the literature (e.g., Al-Khayyat, 1990).
However, the data also indicated that boys are no longer valued over girls, in part because of the increased potential for boys to be troublesome. Five women in the study, two grandmothers and three mothers, expressed that girls are highly valued in today's society. Perhaps the decrease in preference for boys over girls has as much to do with the increase in preference for girls resulting from women's empowerment as it does with the decrease of preference for boys resulting from increased unwelcome behavior.
Results from a survey of 760 Nabd Al Arabs (conducted by YouGov on behalf of Al Aan TV's Nabd Al Arab program and the online UAE newspaper The National; Ismail, 2013) support this finding. According to the survey, the majority of Arabs (58%) do not have a gender preference for babies. Only 26% of respondents indicated a preference for baby boys, and 16% or respondents indicated a preference for baby girls.
In response to that study's findings, Dr. Al Oraimi, a professor of gender and development at UAE University, said, "Women are now capable of taking care of themselves. They have access to education. They can work and fulfil their potential, so they are equally valued by society" (Ismail, 2013, para. 1). Rima Sabban, an assistant sociology professor at Zayed University agreed that the study data show the woman's active role is being recognised. Society is getting modernised and women can now generate money to help the family. At the end of the day they're making a difference, so there's no reason why someone would choose a boy over a girl. (para. [7][8] Although literature that directly states that boys are no longer preferred over girls is scant, as Al Oraimi and Sabban suggested, there is a logical connection between lack of gender preference for babies and improvements in women's status in the UAE, for which there is ample support in the literature (e.g., Bristol-Rhys, 2010;Crabtree, 2007;Hasso, 2010;Moghadam, 2003;Schvaneveldt et al., 2005;Simadi, 2006).

Women walk behind men
With regard to gender equity, the data showed that grandmothers originally had social status but lost that status during the postoil era. They were then relegated to household responsibilities. It was interesting that in their narrative of nomadic life grandmothers linked gender equality to survival advantage given their active economic roles in the family were subsequently compromised by gender hierarchy. With the shift in social status, women began to be isolated and separated from men. The expectation that women walk behind men became the norm. However, another shift is occurring such that mothers, daughters, and some grandmothers no longer hold this expectation.
It is logical to assume that this value shift is a manifestation of a larger general shift in values whereas girls are now as valued as boys and adult women are making strides in gaining gender equity, a condition that is widely supported in the literature (e.g., Crabtree, 2007;Kemp & Zhao, 2016;Al Oraimi, 2011;Sonleitner & Wooldridge, 2014). It is logical that this shift is occurring in part because of the increased acceptance of mixed-gender sociabilities which negates the need to keep distance between unmarried young men and women (Bristol-Rhys, 2019).

Domestic responsibilities
Domestic roles among the women varied. In the nomadic preoil era, grandmothers were active economic partners in subsistence living. They not only took care of domestic responsibilities in the home but outside the home as well. They took care of livestock and worked-side-by-side with the men in the tribe to accomplish community goals. In some instances, women led camel caravans from one city to another and were regarded as leaders in the community. In this sense, grandmothers perceived a sense of equality between men and women.
With the discovery of oil, grandmothers were drawn from the open desert and into the home where their responsibilities were limited to household-related domestic responsibilities such as raising children. The men became the breadwinners of the family. Grandmothers and mothers expressed similar perspectives regarding the limited nature of their domestic roles, especially in light of the help from household staff afforded by oil wealth. Daughters, however, have moved away from this gender role and now seek egalitarian gender roles for women and men with regard to domestic responsibilities.
Although these findings contradict those of Kemp and Zhao (2016) who found that in light of women's participation in the workforce, Emirati men did offer women some help with housework and childcare, they are consistent with the historical description of life in the UAE as depicted by Bristol-Rhys (2010) in her book Emirati Women: Generations of Change. Bristol-Rhys presents a narrative of Emirati women who have lost their power, freedom, and independence and transitioned from "strong women who worked, gave birth alone in the desert, ran farms, and sold fish in the market" (p. 81) to women who have help with all aspects of their domestic responsibilities, feel guilt for not knowing how to cook, and fill their days with leisure activities and self-care. Despite the actuality of this situation, Emirati women continue to seek gender equality in the social sphere, in particular with respect to their "traditional, unpaid, domestic role" (Al Oraimi, 2011, p. 87).

Marriage
As is characteristic of kinship marriage, which is typical in the UAE, all of the grandmothers and mothers in this study married their cousins and, with the exception of three mothers who got married in their first year of college, were typically married at a very young age. Marriages were typically arranged by the patriarchal authority in the family. Now, however, some grandmothers and all mothers and daughters expressed their support for changing values regarding marriage. The women cited the high rate of divorce, family discord, and young women's increased education and awareness about their rights as reasons for the value shift. Some mothers are speaking out or otherwise taking action to support choice in marriage for their daughters. Daughters expressed nontraditional attitudes toward selecting their future husbands and a low tolerance for family role in arranging their marriage. They also demonstrated a strong nontraditional preference for achieving higher education and economic independence prior to getting married.
Other researchers have found similar conditions among young Emirati women. For example, Schvaneveldt et al. (2005) found that daughters were more likely than their mothers (a) to want to choose their own partner in marriage, (b) to resist marrying at a young age, and (c) to resist family intervention in the marriage process. Additionally, daughters were more likely to opt to delay marriage in favor of attending university (Schvaneveldt et al., 2005) and pursuing careers (Sonleitner & Wooldridge, 2014).

Dress
Observed differences in women's dress provides evidence that gender roles in the UAE have shifted. While grandmothers' style of dress remained almost completely traditional, daughters' dress was typically modern and fashionable. Mothers' dress represented a middle ground where more traditionally modest Makhawarah were more elaborately decorated. Mothers experienced a change in dress when they attended school. Daughters' style of dress was not always approved of by older generations, a situation that placed strain on the daughters and drove them to try to reconcile their personal desires with family expectations and social norms, especially those dictating expectations for how women should dress in public.
Bristol-Rhys (2010) also found that young women feel pressured to maintain a particular appearance in public to reflect family values and maintain the family's respect to keep them in good standing in the community. Although covered outerwear appears to have remained the norm for Gulf women, at least in public (Bristol-Rhys, 2010), young women are increasingly adopting new clothing styles (Sobh et al., 2011). Unlike the traditional abaya intended to protect a women's modesty and hide her sexuality, the abaya of today is designed in haute couture fashion and intended for the opposite purpose (Sobh et al., 2011).

Females outside the home
Grandmothers' experiences living in Bedouin communities were unique with respect to the acceptance of women outside the home because families lived in tent communities with little privacy and a tribal, as opposed to patriarchal, hierarchy. However, as families moved into neighborhood homes and women took on domestic roles, separation of genders became the norm. To facilitate this separation, girls were expected to stay within the home, the family compound, or immediate neighborhood. However, more mothers are allowing their daughters outside the home to participate in activities and events, to travel, and to socialize.
Historically, Emirati women living in the postoil era have been discouraged from engaging in activities outside the home (Bristol-Rhys, 2010;Heard-Bey, 2005;Al Oraimi, 2011). However, in recent years, it has become more common for women to engage in activities outside the home when accompanied by female relatives (Sonleitner & Wooldridge, 2014). Young women attending college are exposed to female nonrelatives and entering into friendships with them as well as their male professors). Young women also are participating in study abroad programs (Forster, 2017) and government sponsored youth events (Bristol-Rhys, 2019). Additionally, it has become increasingly more common for young women to interact with nonfamily members in social (Bristol-Rhys, 2019) and work settings, which often include interactions with men (Al-Ali, 2008; Forster, 2017).

Education for women
Most grandmothers in this study did not go to school and seemed embarrassed by this fact and their perceived academic inadequacy. One grandmother was the exception to this rule. Loosening restrictions on women outside of the home led the way for mothers' participation in educational opportunities, although most mothers were unable to take advantage of these opportunities until they were married. For some mothers, the first week of university was their first time away from parents. All of the daughters in this study were attending university. Some daughters participated in study abroad programs. Like their mothers, some daughters' first week of university was their first time away from parents. In all instances, grandmothers and mothers encouraged their daughters and granddaughters to pursue higher education.
This pattern of education among the women in this study is one that has been identified repeatedly in the literature (see, Crabtree, 2007;Khelifa, 2010;Matherly et al., 2017). That grandmothers and mothers encourage their daughters and granddaughters to pursue advanced education, regardless of their own level of education, suggests that grandmothers and mothers are aware of the value an education has for women in today's UAE (Matherly et al., 2017). In particular, parents see education as an opportunity to empower women to participate in the workforce outside the home (Crabtree, 2007).

Professional roles
Mothers in this study reported that in the past, they had been expected to work as teachers in schools close to home after graduating from university. Almost all the mothers agreed that today the expectation that women stay home to tend to domestic chores is no longer the norm. Now, women's roles evolve around materialistic life and employment in professional roles. Daughters also are participating in the labor force. Although some work locally, others work internationally. Mothers, more than grandmothers, were likely to support daughters' participation in professional roles.
The participation of women in professional roles is a natural progression following participation in higher education (Sonleitner & Wooldridge, 2014). With the increase in women attending school -70% of Emirati university graduates are women (Embassy of the United Arab Emirates, 2020)the number of women in the workforce has naturally and substantially increased (Al-Oraimi, 2013). Supported by government initiatives such as the National Strategy for Empowerment of Emirati Women (United Arab Emirates Government Portal, 2020b), the promotion of women into professional positions is expected (Sonleitner & Wooldridge, 2014) as part of the UAE's modernizing agenda (Allagui & Al-Najjar, 2018). However, family members continue to have a strong influence on women's career choices (Kemp & Zhao, 2016).

Independent travel
Some daughters in this study have been allowed to travel independently. However, none of the daughters traveled strictly for pleasure. Rather, the purposes for their travel were related their educational pursuits or jobs. I did note that daughters who were not in this study had been allowed to travel to Kuwait on vacation. I did find that interesting given the general concern expressed by the mothers and grandmothers over the potential for their daughters and granddaughters to bring shame and dishonor to the family through inappropriate behavior with boys or other acts of misconduct. These findings appear to be supported in the literature. For example, Forster (2017) found that Omani parents are reluctant to grant their daughters permission to participate in study abroad programs or to work oversees if they are not attended by another family member.

Socializing
Government-sponsored youth opportunities provide daughters opportunities for socializing outside the home. Daughters also socialize outside the home with female friends in casual settings including coffee shops, malls, and movie theaters. Although daughters still need permission to go outside the home, most mothers are supportive of their daughters' participation in limited activities outside the home. In some cases, daughters take advantage of opportunities to socialize with their mothers' but without their fathers' permission. Other female relatives also support daughters' activities outside the home. Parents' restriction of their daughters was focused on concern over the potential for bringing shame to the daughters and dishonoring the family's reputation.
The scenarios described by the women are reflective of the general atmosphere in the current UAE. Although coffee shops, movie theaters, and restaurants now provide social spaces for Emirati youth, some young daughters continue to be restricted in their participation in these spaces (Bristol-Rhys, 2010), at least without being accompanied by a male relative (Sonleitner & Wooldridge, 2014). Other daughters are now allowed to leave the home if they are accompanied by a female relative. Attendance at university inherently promotes women's engagement in activities outside the home and is perhaps one of the only occasions where women may venture outside the home without supervision of any kind. Restriction of women in public and in social situations continues to be a matter of fear over the reputation of the young women and their families (Reichenbach, 2015).

Interaction between genders
Growing up, mothers were not allowed to interact with male nonfamily members once puberty began. Similarly, daughters did not grow up being allowed to interact with nonfamily members. As daughters have begun to participate in coed youth initiatives and transition to coed work environments, interaction between genders is becoming more common. However, not all purely social interactions are entirely supported by all family members and continue to be allowed only with adequate supervision and restriction. Women in professional settings receive mixed support regarding their interactions with men in the workplace. They continue to struggle to manage interactions with men necessary to fulfill their work obligations and are challenged by the preservation of traditional norms requiring genders maintain physical separateness. As is the case with socializing, families' concern over women's interactions with men is focused on concern over the potential for bringing shame to the daughters and dishonoring the family's reputation.
These findings are supported in the literature. New social spaces are providing opportunities for boys and girls to interact in the public domain (Bristol-Rhys, 2019). Sometimes, as is the case with youth initiatives such as Youth and Vision 2021, Youth Hub, and Emirates Youth Council, these opportunities are sponsored by the government (see, United Arab Emirates Government Portal, 2022c). Concern over gossip and the potential for tarnishing one's reputation keeps young Emirati women hypervigilant in their behavior in public spaces and interactions with peers outside their gender (Reichenbach, 2015). Access to digital technologies and social media have provided a less risky alternative for cross-gender relationships among youth in the UAE (Sokol & Sisler, 2010).

Family connectedness
Women of all three generations reported a loss of family connectedness. Grandmothers and mothers in particular felt nostalgic about the good old days when they lived in tight neighborhoods and families were connected through close physical and emotional bonds. A desire to maintain a sense of community and connectedness with families was observed in the symbolic social spaces, such as Majlis and modern tents, maintained inside family villas. To maintain family connectedness, grandmothers host family gatherings every Friday with the expectation that all extended family members attend. The fact that some mothers are willing to relocate to other cities with their unmarried daughters to support them in their educational or professional endeavors speaks to the importance of family connectedness for these women. To maintain connectedness with their families, daughters rely primarily on virtual connections afforded by digital technologies and social media applications.
Others have reported similar findings. Bristol-Rhys (2010) reported that grandmothers in her study lamented the structural breakdown of the traditional homogeneous community and the loss of close-knit relationships with the members of the community. Sonleitner and Wooldridge (2014) reported that mothers and daughters are separating themselves from their extended families and choosing to live independently as nuclear families.

Family relatedness
Both grandmothers and mothers demonstrated a need for maintaining relatedness to their cultural traditions. They both reminisced about early life despite the hardships. Mothers, but more particularly grandmothers, showed strong preferences to maintain specific traditions in relation to dress and food. Grandmothers were less flexible than mothers in giving up their traditional style of dress and in serving nontraditional food. Daughters, who preferred haute couture fashion and Western food, demonstrated little interest in maintaining family relatedness.
Others also have found a loss of family relatedness among youths living in times of rapid change (e.g., Khelifa, 2010;Manago, 2014). The shift in relatedness is evident not only in aspects of hospitality, including food, but also in traditional styles of dress (Al Marri & Caielli, 2018). Despite this general shift away from domestic traditions and toward Westernization, Khelifa (2010) found that women remain attached to the aspects of their culture rooted in their Islamic beliefs.

Speed of change
Ecological, social, and economic factors drive shifts from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft environments. Those shifts subsequently drive shifts in cultural values. Although shifts between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft environments can occur bidirectionally, in general, they typically occur unidirectionally to facilitate value change. Because ecological, social, and economic factors influence shifts in cultural values in different ways and at different rates-and sometimes not at alleach person's experiences are unique. Active resistance to change may slow cultural change within and across generations. Conversely, acceptance and promotion of change may propel cultural change within and across generations. These dynamic relationships commonly result in a collision between conflicting values within individuals, families, and societies.
For families in the UAE, the coexistence of opposing cultural identities has created a "combined family" (Al Hourani, 2019). Pulling and resisting forces between modern Gesellschaft environments and traditional Gemeinschaft environments require daughters to engage in constant negotiation as they navigate colliding and conflicting cultural values across generations. This tension is especially obvious for daughters in leadership positions (Al-Oraimi, 2013). Figure 1 is a graphic representation of these pulling and resisting forces in relation to cultural value change in the UAE using Senge's (2006) rubber band metaphor.
In the model, the elements on the left represent the characteristics of a Gemeinschaft environment, and the elements on the right represent the characteristics of a Gesellschaft environment. The rubber band represents the tension the conflicting environments put on individuals as they manage cultural change. In the context of the UAE, the daughters' values are well aligned with the forces pulling change in a forward direction, and the grandmothers' values are well-aligned with the forces resisting change. Mothers, with mostly mixed orientation values contribute to both the pulling and resisting of cultural change. Similarly, as government initiatives are put forth to pull change and empower women, hierarchal traditions of a male dominated society resist and oppose those changes. To manage the imposed tension upon their desires for gender equity and autonomy, daughters engage in value negotiation both with themselves and their families.

Limitations
The original study on which this article was based was limited by its size and scope. The sample was made up of 24 Emirati women-eight families of three generations each-and was focused on the unique cultural aspects of change within a particular context and at one specific historical period of rapid economic transformation. Therefore, the study's findings are not generalizable to other populations even within the UAE. However, generalizing data is not typically a goal of qualitative research (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) and was not a concern in that study.
Furthermore, this study was limited because the data represented a cross-sectional comparison of generations at one historical point. Although the data were collected over approximately 9 months, according to Greenfield (2009), shifts in cultural values are outcomes of sociodemographic changes, and, in the general sociodemographic landscape in the UAE at the time of this study, no critical or large-scale changes occurred. Therefore, it could reasonably be assumed that the cultural values held by the grandmothers', mothers', and daughters' did not change during the course of the study. Additionally, the 9-month data collection period would have had no influence on the collected data pertaining to the participants' experiences prior to participating in this study.
Another limitation of the data was its potential failure to capture differences in the perceptions between the grandmothers' and mothers' generations as both generations are living similar experiences with respect to the significant social changes associated with the daughters' generation. Additionally, sociodemographic differences between families were not accounted for and thus may have translated directly to differences in generations. Finally, data collected from grandmothers and mothers during Phase 1 of the interviews were primarily retrospective in nature. It is possible that respondents may have selectively remembered, reshaped, poorly recalled, and/or exaggerated their experiences, which may lower the reliability of the data (De Vaus, 2007).

Future research
The research documenting the differences in intergenerational value changes among Emirati women has been based on the perceptions and experiences of a limited number of participants. A more broad understanding of these differences could be garnered through a large-scale quantitative survey study. Additionally, a deeper understanding of women's perceptions could be generated by including deliberately varied populations of women.

Conclusion
Culture is not static and intergenerational value transmission is complicated in collectivistic societies undergoing rapid changes in which younger and older generations are being pulled and pushed between forces of modernization and traditionalism. Indeed, the study findings demonstrate how the transmission of cultural values among three generations is imperfect.
Although the lens of social change and human development (see, Greenfield, 2009) has shed light on how connectedness (Akyil et al., 2014;Eisenberg et al., 2007;Rainbow, 2014), autonomy, and relatedness function in cultural contexts (see, Kağitçibaşi, 2005), there is a continued need to better understand how and why culture changes during times of rapid change and the overt conflict between the younger and older generations who have experienced different sociodemographic conditions throughout their life. Such insight, coupled with a national-level examination of value orientation among both the younger and older generations, could both inform the transformation of social systems into ones that value variations among citizens and drive the achievement of national goals and long-term visions.

APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
Thank you very much for participating in this study. I am going to ask you some questions about you and your family, your personal journey, larger societal changes and its impact on you and your extended family, your experiences and attitudes regarding life in the UAE between past and modern timings, changes in your family structure and functions given the new non-traditional roles of females, governmental policies and initiatives toward youth and elderly, use of technology, the pull and push between traditions and modernity, and your relationships with other family members.
The interview should last around 90 minutes. I want to make sure that you are comfortable during the interview, so if there are any questions you do not wish to answer or any topics you do not want to discuss, tell me and I will move to another question. In case you would like to take a break, please do so. You are also free to stop the interview at any point if you do not want to continue the interview or want us to come some other day.
I would also like to ask your permission to record this interview since we do not want to miss details. The recording would be used only for this study and will not be shared with anyone else, and it will be deleted once the study is complete. Do you have any questions? Shall we begin the interview: Phase 1:

About You and Your Family:
independence point of view (Gesellschaft-adapted viewpoint). Participants are asked to endorse the character in the story with whom they most agree.
The questions that follow each dilemma are those relevant to the analysis in the study: (1) Men walk in front of women. I have a friend named Sarah, who used to live in a small village in Fujairah and now she lives in Abu Dhabi because her husband works there. She told me that when she goes to visit her parents during the weekend, they always go for a walk around the corniche. When they go for a walk, Sarah always walks behind her husband and father. Her father always urges her to walk beside them because this would never make him or her husband less "manly" in public. But Sarah does not want to walk side-by-side because she may look disrespectful. Sarah says, "it is better that I walk behind you, not at your side, because this is part of our societal traditions." Which is better, what Sarah's father says or what Sarah says? Why?
(2) Helping with kids' homework. Sarah and Saif are a married couple. They have four children. Saif is a military officer. Sarah is a housewife. Sometimes Sarah asks her husband to help the kids with their homework or read them a story before bedtime. But, Saif always refuses, and says, "this is your responsibility as a housewife." Do you agree with Sarah or do you agree with Saif? Why?
(3) Boys and girls talk. Khaled and Basmah are undergraduate students at the American University of Sharjah. They take the same courses and when there is a break Khaled and Basmah always stay together. When Basmah returns home after school, she stays connected with Khaled via phone or social media for hours. Khaled and Basmah says they are only friends.
What do you think, is it okay that they are friends? Why?
(4) Fiancé. There is a girl named Hessah who is 22 years old and lives with her family in Ras Al-Khaimah. Her cousin Saeed is 23 years old and live in the same neighborhood. Saeed's grandmother asked him to marry his cousin Hessa to promote parallel-cousin marriage in the family and preserve familial wealth. So, Saeed cannot opt out of this marriage because he obliges to follow his grandmother's wishes. A few months later, Saeed asked for Hessah's hand from his uncle, but Hessah refused to marry him. She thinks he is not the right guy for her for several reasons. First, he is less educated. Second, she does not like the idea of marrying without love. Third, she is aware of genetic disease risk for children of related couple. Hessah's parents want to celebrate her soon, but Hessah does not want to marry her cousin. Hessah's parents are concerned about their daughter because they believe that Hessah is aging and no one will marry her.
Which is better, what Hessah says or what her parents say? Why?
(5) Leave country for education. One day in a girl high school in Dubai, the Ministry of Education held a session to the senior students about study abroad scholarships for UAE nationals. These scholarships are available for pursuing undergraduate degree in the United States, the United Kingdom, Japan and Australia. During the session, the lecturer stresses the importance of seeking out these opportunities for the cultural experiences and economic well-being of students and communities. In contrast, the school counsellor tells the students that it is better to study in the country because they should stay close to their parents. Furthermore, the school counsellor reminds the students that girls do not travel alone, and if they study abroad, they will bring the family reputation to shame.
Which is better what the lecturer says or what the school counsellor says? Why?
(6) Professional woman. A young woman named Shamma is 23 years old and lives with her family in Sharjah. She is an ambitious student who majored in Political Science and graduated with a 4.0 Grade Point Average (GPA). Shamma got a job offer at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Abu Dhabi, which is three-hour drive from her family home. Shamma tells her parents, "this my dream job, I want to work and live in Abu Dhabi, I want to have my own apartment, I like being free and independent, and my hard work should pay off." Shamma wants to accept the job offer and live alone in Abu Dhabi, but her parents are concerned because she wants to work in another emirate and also wants to stay alone. They say it is not the norm in the society for a young woman to