Subsistence and Persistence: Indigenous Foodways Within Mission Santa Clara de Asís

ABSTRACT This study explores the subsistence strategies and dietary practices of Indigenous people who resided in Mission Santa Clara de Asìs (1777–1836). Through the analysis of faunal remains from recent archaeological work of the ranchería, the housing location of Native families, this research reveals the persistence of Indigenous foodways within Mission Santa Clara. While colonization efforts by the Spanish impacted both local environments and traditional foodways, Native Californians continued to procure and utilize a high diversity of traditional wild fauna throughout the Mission Period. These findings provide evidence for the rearticulation and continuation of Indigenous foodways within the Mission despite social and environmental restrictions that limited access to wild resources.

Food is an inherently social phenomenon, with foodways often a distinguishing characteristic of social identity.The study of foodways, defined as socially constructed sets of patterned behaviors that include the production, procurement, processing, discard, and consumption of food, has become a principal topic in archaeological studies in recent years (e.g., Anderson 1971;Crown 2000;Mintz and Du Bois 2002).Eating is not merely an act centered on the necessary caloric intake required for survival devoid of social meaning and is instead both a personal and group activity, with food preferences socially constructed and learned from a young age (Gifford-Gonzalez and Sunseri 2007; Twiss 2012) With social meanings embedded within the processes of acquisition, production, distribution, and consumption, foodways provide texture to examining cultural affiliations and social boundaries, including ethnicity, age, gender, and class.Building from this framework, faunal remains represent an ideal vehicle through which to examine shifting cultural dimensions and dynamics within colonial situations.
Early archaeological work on colonial sites largely employed the acculturation models of the twentieth century that were grounded in a priori assumptions of assimilation, using evidence of Spanish material in Indigenous contexts to confirm the unidirectional adoption of European goods and practices by Native American people.The assumed rigidity of the mission system and passivity of the Native people cultivated the misconception of acquiescence and complete loss of traditional lifeways, as well as the dominance of the Spanish socioeconomic system.Recent work on the Spanish mission system in California, however, has challenged these terminal narratives, expanding our understanding of Indigenous persistence during and after the Mission Period (see Allen et al. 2010;Hull and Douglass 2018;Lightfoot 2005;Panich 2013Panich , 2014;;Panich and Schneider 2015;Pavao-Zuckerman and LaMotta 2007;Pezzarossi and Sheptak 2019;Popper 2016;Reddy 2015;Silliman 2009;Voss 2015).
In this article, faunal data from communal refuse features excavated within the ranchería, the housing location of Native families within Mission Santa Clara de Asis, are presented.The goal of this study is to examine the continued acquisition and consumption of wild food resources throughout the Mission Period, highlighting not the caloric composition of daily meals, but rather traditional practices that persisted within the social and environmental constraints of Mission Santa Clara.A diachronic analysis was conducted to assess the persistence of specific foodway practices and the alteration of others, representing daily choices made within the constraints of colonialism (Crown 2000;Dietler 2010).Although Native Californians consumed Spanish food resources within Mission Santa Clara, traditional foods and food procurement practices were continuously and consciously maintained.
The Mission Period undoubtedly altered and transformed the daily lives and subsistence strategies of Native Californians through population declines and local environmental degradation.These changes do not represent a loss of traditional practices, however, as colonial food resources were integrated into preexisting dietary habits and consumed alongside the deliberately acquired wild resources.Critical focus on how these differing food resources were acquired and used provides a more nuanced portrayal of the structuring of daily social life within this colonial setting and how shared cultural values were maintained and reorganized.

Alta California Mission System and Mission Santa Clara de Asìs
The Spanish Mission system began in Alta California in 1769 with the establishment of Mission San Diego de Alcalá.Spanish missionaries rapidly expanded throughout Alta California, founding 21 missions from modern-day San Diego up through San Francisco.This colonial system was comprised of mission complexes, presidios (military outposts), and pueblos (towns) for Spanish citizens.In the early mission years in the eighteenth century, these colonial settlements relied on supply ships from the expansive Spanish Empire.The war for Mexico's independence in the early nineteenth century (1805-1820), however, caused communication and support with Spain to become increasingly sporadic and mission settlements quickly came to rely on foreign markets for the sale of their surplus goods (Hackel 1997).
Ethnographic reports state that while Spain was the primary source for operating funds in the eighteenth century, by the nineteenth century goods and materials produced within the mission complexes were sold to finance mission operations (Skowronek et al. 2006).Throughout the early nineteenth century, the economic opportunity of trading with British and Russian colonists resulted in the development of the hide and tallow industry (Hackel 1997).Indeed, Captain August Duhaut-Cilly (1999, 130), who visited Mission Santa Clara, stated "the padre was killing one hundred fifty cow each week for hides and tallow.Part of the meat was dried and made into tasajo or jerky beef, but most was wasted."The lucrative nature of the hide and tallow trade contributed to the shift of the mission system from religious to economic organizations.
In 1821, Mexico seceded from Spain and acquired the expansive Alta California colonial system (Jackson and Castillo 1995, 98).Although the impact of this transition of power varied throughout the mission system, at Mission Santa Clara, ethnohistoric records state that everyday life within the complex did not change (Skowronek et al. 2006, 239).Fathers Viader and Català refused to take an oath of allegiance to the Republic of Mexico and continued daily operations of the mission.In 1832, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna became president of Mexico and shortly thereafter passed the law of secularization, thus privatizing all 21 mission settlements, permanently ending the Alta California mission system.The break-up of Mission Santa Clara lands began in the late 1830s, and continued until the United States overtook the region in 1850 (Skowronek et al. 2006).
Mission Santa Clara de Asìs was established in the southern portion of the modern-day San Francisco Bay Area in January 1777, in the homeland of the Tamien Ohlone (Figure 1).Recurring flooding and earthquakes necessitated the relocation of the mission church and quadrangle, eventually creating five iterations of the mission complex.As a result, Mission Santa Clara has accordingly been denoted the "Moveable Mission" (Skowronek 1998;Skowronek and Wizorek 1997).The mission-era deposits discussed in this article were recovered from excavations of the ranchería, the primary housing for married Indigenous families who lived at Mission Santa Clara (Figure 2).Despite consistent reconstructions of the main mission quadrangle throughout the mission era, the ranchería was the sole housing location for married families throughout the mission's existence (Skowronek 1998;Skowronek and Wizorek 1997).The ranchería was comprised of a combination of adobe row houses and circular Native-style structures encircling a large, open, rectangular space where communal fires and cauldrons were used to cook food eaten within this area (Allen 2010b;Pinedo 1934).
In its early years, Mission Santa Clara housed primarily Ohlone peoples from a multitude of adjacent villages speaking various linguistic dialects.In 1811, people from groups who spoke the Yokuts language from the San Joaquin Valley were gradually incorporated into the mission (Milliken 1995, 110).Miwok peoples from the Sierra Nevada foothills were brought into the mission in smaller numbers until secularization in 1836 (Milliken 2002, 60).During the middle mission years (∼1800-1820s), Mission Santa Clara came to house upwards of 1,300 Native Californians (Skowronek 1998, 295).
The terms Ohlone, Yokuts, and Miwok broadly refer to generalized language groups consisting of distinct languages and associated cultural practices belonging to people who resided in Alta California for thousands of years prior to the arrival of the Spanish (Milliken 1995(Milliken , 2002)).Although the introduction of peoples from differing ethnolinguistic traditions into a singular mission complex was documented by the Spanish, Mission fathers assigned names of saints to the various areas around Mission Santa Clara, rather than documenting the specific villages from whence Native Californians came (see King 1994).Indeed, in his writing Father Peña noted more than 40 "rancherias" within a five-league distance of Mission Santa Clara yet failed to include information concerning each specific village and instead combined peoples under the name Costanoans, from Spanish costeño meaning "coast dweller" (Spearman 1963).Therefore, despite extensive ethnographic documentation from the Mission Period, determining specific affiliation of a material remnant to an ethnolinguistic group within the ranchería remains difficult.As archaeological has progressed beyond stagnant classifications of European and Native, change and continuity, it is important to acknowledge the pluralistic nature of Spanish missions, with people speaking distinct languages and associated cultural traditions.

Foodways and the Local Environment
As the largest estuarine environment in California, the expansive landscape of the San Francisco Bay Area consists of saltmarsh, redwood forests, chaparral grasslands, and mixed evergreen woodlands (Arnold and Walsh 2010).Within the San Francisco Bay region, traditional subsistence practices of Native Californians maintained and exploited three differing environmental zonestidal marshlands, grassland prairies, and oak woodlands (Byrd and Reddy 2002;Lightfoot and Parrish 2009).A wide array of wild plants and animal species was exploited from the productive oak woodlands (Barrett and Gifford 1933, 139;Schick 1994).Alongside the gathering of acorns, greens, roots, seeds, and fruits, several species of mammals, including deer, elk, rabbits and hares, and other small mammals, were hunted within the groves (Baumhoff 1963, 17;Beechey 1831;Broughton 1994;Milliken 1995, 17).
Grasslands were maintained and enhanced by fires to remove underbrush and to communally drive animals and birds into traps (Anderson 2006;Minnich 1998).Wild plants, roots, and berries were acquired alongside wild mammals and birds that were utilized as both a source for food and ceremonial materials (Blackburn and Anderson 1993;Broughton 2004;Farris 1993).Willow, rush, tule, and the roots of "cut grass" in particular were used to weave baskets (Bergthold, Breschini, and Haversat 1980, 6).Lakes and their corresponding ecosystems fostered the productivity of lacustrine habitats.From these freshwater lakes and rivers, fish and shellfish were important resources to both Ohlone and coastal Miwok peoples, made evident by the construction of expansive shell mounds (Erlandson 1994;Gobalet and Jones 1995;Hildebrandt and McGuire 2002;Hylkema 2002, 252-254;Levy 1976;Luby, Drescher, and Lightfoot 2006).Wild plant and animal resources served multiple purposes, acquired not only as sources of food but also for medicinal and cultural purposes.
Santa Clara Valley is situated within the southern portion of the San Francisco Bay drainage basin, descending approximately 95 km south beyond the Santa Cruz Mountains.At the time of Spanish contact, Santa Clara Valley was comprised of a mosaic of differing ecological zones, including oak woodlands that extended through much of the basin, bordered by large swaths of grasslands and chaparral vegetation communities (Grossinger et al. 2007;Schick 1994).Larger rivers and branches of tributaries dissect these environments, creating valley floor freshwater marshlands.As has been addressed by several scholars, the mission system and complexes were designed to introduce Europeanstyle architecture, agriculture, and animal domestication to the native Alta California landscape.The introduction of European domesticates to Alta California triggered a rapid transformation of local environments, degrading ecosystems encompassing the mission settlements.Unused to the pressures of hooved animals, intensive agriculture, and foreign weeds, much of the native vegetation deteriorated with many local plant systems were extirpated (Allen 1998, 42;Hackel 2017;Lightfoot 2005).
European accounts of the Santa Clara Valley in the late 1700s detail expansive oak woodlands encompassing the valley and an abundance of wildlife residing within the groves (Duhaut-Cilly 1999; Skowronek et al. 2006;Vancouver 1954).In the decades following the establishment of the mission, written records detail the rapid destruction of the local environment following the introduction of intensive agriculture and the deforestation of the oak groves for timber.While smaller groves of native trees were left standing, acres of forest and local grasses were replaced by European plants, both domestic and wild.A letter from Junipero Serra communicates the effects of the intensive plowing and planting on native vegetation that was unaccustomed to the pressures of hooved animals.The high productivity of Mission Santa Clara is observed throughout the Mission Period by way of sequential visits from European explorers (Beechey 1831;Duhaut-Cilly 1999;Robinson 1947).Indeed, reports from the early 1800s state that due to the increasing size of cattle herds, the practice of culling was instituted to minimize overgrazing (Duhaut-Cilly 1999, 2:237;Robinson 1947, 59-61).
Paleobotanical work at missions Santa Inés and Santa Clara revealed that European plants and weeds were embedded within local ecosystems in Alta California even before the establishment of the mission system (Allen 1998;Costello 1990;Duncan 1986;Honeysett 1989).Pollen and seeds extracted from adobe bricks as well as plant remains from contexts within the ranchería confirm that by the end of the mission system, an ecological transformation had occurred within Santa Clara Valley, extending throughout much of the San Francisco Bay.Comparison with data from other California missions, such as Santa Cruz (Allen 1998) and Santa Inés (Costello 1990), confirms the dramatic environmental transformation of the coastal California landscape in the areas surrounding each mission.

Foodways Within Mission Santa Clara
The daily diet of residents of Alta California missions varied greatly from Spanish colonial complexes established elsewhere in the Americas.Progressing northward from Mesoamerica and Baja California, the group that settled in Alta California included missionaries, soldiers, and laborers of European, Mexican Indian, Mestizo, and African heritage (Popper 2016).The resulting culinary tradition was an amalgamation of European agricultural products, combined with Mesoamerican and African cooking traditions.Written records from Alta California detail three meals eaten daily; morning and evening meals consisted of ingredients for atole (a type of grain soup), while lunch was comprised of a thick broth soup or stew called pozole that included vegetables and meat (Lightfoot 2005, 60;Mora-Torres 2005;Webb 1952).
Ethnohistoric records outline the colonial order of the Spanish missions, with the system of scheduled meals, work, and prayer designed to control and restructure practices and worldviews (Jackson and Castillo 1995;Milliken 1995).Despite the rigidity of this colonial system, Native Californians continued to acquire and utilize traditional materials and goods from outside the mission boundaries (Arkush 2011;Panich and Schneider 2015).Following the establishment of Mission Santa Clara, Father Francisco Palou described the continued acquisition and usage of traditional plant and animal resources, both hunted and gathered within and outside the mission boundaries (Geiger 1955, 196).In the later mission years, Fermín Francisco de Lasuén similarly specified continued requests from Native Californians to leave mission boundaries to acquire native food resources despite access to mission-associated colonial foods (Guest 1973, 281).
This study joins a growing body of literature examining foodways within the California mission system, including Mission San Antonio de Padua (Langenwalter and McKee 1985), Mission Vieja de la Purísima (Gust 2004), Mission San Luis Obispo (Gust 2006), Mission Santa Cruz (Allen 1998), Mission San José (Panich, Allen, and Galvan 2018), Mission San Juan Bautista (St. Clair 2005), and Mission San Buenaventura (Romani and George Toren 1975).Much of this earlier research has examined the consumption of domesticated plants and animals within the mission complexes, with a large percentage of assemblages associated with Native Californian residential areas composed primarily of cattle remains.While Native Californians living within mission settlements adopted aspects of colonial cuisine, specifically for daily meals, faunal assemblages also demonstrate the continued acquisition and consumption of wild food resources throughout the Mission Period (Allen 1998, 42;Panich, Allen, and Galvan 2018;Popper 2016;Smith-Lintner 2007;St. Clair 2015).Amidst the colonial imposition of agriculture and the resulting ecological constraints, wild foods remained a source of dietary and social importance to Native Californians.

History of Research at Mission Santa Clara
Positioned within the historic boundaries of Mission Santa Clara, much of the archaeological research of this site has been driven by developments at Santa Clara University.Numerous archaeological investigations of the ranchería have unearthed the spatial footprint of both adobe houses and Native-style structures alongside associated community refuse features (Allen 2010b;Allen et al. 2010;Garlinghouse et al. 2015).Excavations in 2004 specifically identified Native American-style housepits that were built and occupied alongside the adobe barracks housing, dating to the early 1800s after the arrival of people who spoke Yokuts languages (Allen et al. 2010).The excavations from the Benton Street Project (Potter et al. 2021a) focused on features within the boundaries of the ranchería that spanned the duration of site occupation.Recent analyses of faunal and plant remains revealed the consumption of cattle alongside numerous wild plant and animal species that continued to be acquired throughout the Mission Period (Potter, Clark, and Reddy 2021b).In addition to domestic activities, intentional deposition of wild and domestic plant and animal remains associated with rituals was identified.

Excavation of Franklin Block 448
The recent multiyear excavations conducted by Albion Environmental under the direction of Santa Clara University from 2012 to 2016 aimed to mitigate the damage from the construction of the Edward M. Dowd Art and Art History Building and Parking Structure.As part of the planning process, Santa Clara University prepared a Cultural Resources Treatment Plan outlining the excavation for this two-building project (Allen et al. 2010).The project, named Franklin Block 448, was located on the north side of campus and included the exposure and excavation of numerous intact features associated with the ranchería (Figure 2).Modern buildings were first removed, followed by the clearance of the project area using a backhoe.Cultural deposits, including circular wells and privies later used for refuse, familial and community hearth and roasting features, storage pits, and communal refuse features, were identified (Allen et al. 2010;Peelo et al. 2018).The initial assessment isolated 94 culturally significant features dating to the Mission Period, 64 of which would be affected by construction leading to either partial or complete excavation (Hylkema and Blount n.d.).
This article focuses on the communal refuse pit features designated Features 196, 176, and 194 located within the boundaries of the ranchería and associated with the adobe housing complex.Features 194 and 196 were located north of the adobe barracks while Feature 176 was positioned between two adobe structures (Figure 2).Excavation of the three features revealed distinct multi-use pits, or "sub-features" that were assigned phase numbers (Phases I, II, III, and IV) relating to different filling episodes during the Mission Period.Each level within the three features was wet-screened through 1.6-mm (1/16th-inch) mesh, allowing for the recovery of smaller artifacts as well as bones.A detailed analysis of associated artifacts allowed for the three refuse features to be dated to distinct time ranges during the Mission Period.A forthcoming report will detail the identification of the artifacts within each refuse feature that allowed for each feature to be dated within the Mission Period (Hylkema and Blount n.d.).Specifically, artifacts from Feature 196 date to the founding of the mission system in Alta California from 1777 to the early 1800s.Feature 176 contained artifacts associated with the middle mission years (1800early 1820s) during which time Spain and Mexico were at war.Artifacts from Feature 194 correspond to the years following Mexico's independence (Hylkema and Blount n.d.).

Methods
The identification and analysis of the faunal material were conducted at the University of California, Santa Barbara, Zooarchaeology Laboratory and the UCLA Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Zooarchaeology Laboratory following standard zooarchaeological methods using comparative collections (Reitz and Wing 2008).Primary data classes that were recorded include the number of identified specimens (NISP), taxonomic identification, and element portion, side, length, weight, fusion status, burning, and any indication of gnawing and butchery.Burned areas were identified according to portion (i.e., proximal, shaft, distal), followed by an assessment of the intensity of the burning as outlined by Shipman, Foster, and Schoeninger (1984).Colors of burning on each element were sorted into unburned (white cream), slightly burned (yellow-reddish brown), carbonized (blue-black), and calcined (chalky-white or blue grayish) to assess the degree of thermal alteration.Cut marks were subdivided into certain (NISPcc) and uncertain (NISPcc?) categories to capture the frequently difficult task of identifying butchering on smaller specimens (i.e., Otospermophilus beecheyi).From this primary data, several quantitative indices were calculated, including minimum number of individuals (MNI) and biomass.MNI is calculated from the most abundant diagnostic element of each taxon.Biomass is an estimate of the amount of meat represented from the weight of bone per taxon, per context (Reitz and Wing 2008, 211;Reitz et al. 1987).
Species richness and diversity were also assessed.Richness refers to the number of taxa or species in an assemblage, while evenness assesses the relative abundance of species in a sample (Lyman 2008, 194).The Simpson index measures the dominance of an assemblage by a species (D' = ∑(p i ) 2 ) with values 0-1, 1 indicating higher diversity (Simpson 1949).Shannon's measure of diversity (H' = ∑p i * ln p i ) produces values typically between 1.5 and 3.5, with higher numbers indicating a more heterogenous distribution of specimens or higher diversity (Grayson 1984;Reitz and Wing 2008, 111).The Shannon evenness index (e = H/lnS) provides a value from 0 to 1, with 0 indicating an uneven distribution (Lyman 2008, 194).

Results
Summaries of the complete faunal assemblage are presented in Table 1.This assemblage is large, with 29,170 identified specimens.The majority of specimens is highly fragmented, making species identification difficult.The percentage of NISP and derived biomass estimates have been calculated for all zooarchaeological remains that were able to be identified to at least the taxonomic level of Order (Figure 3).Mammalian bones are the most abundant in each feature and dominate both measures of count and weight.The identified taxa are summarized in categories of domestic and wild mammals, birds, fish, and reptiles.Wild species contribute the largest proportion of NISP in each feature, confirming that Native Californians continued hunting throughout the Mission Period.Despite this continuity, biomass estimates demonstrate the primacy of meat from domestic livestock in the daily diet of missionized Indigenous groups.
Alteration by heat is the most common modification in the three assemblages and includes burning and calcination (Table 2).Burn marks on the majority of the bones have the reddish-brown coloration of the slightly burned bones (NISPpb) with fewer bones displaying evidence of carbonization and calcination as demonstrated by blue-black or blue-grayish color (NISPcc).This suggests that burning resulted from exposure to heat during cooking, with the carbonized and calcined specimens indicating that bones may have been thrown onto the fire after cooking and consumption.Notably, evidence of burn damage is identified primarily on elements from species included in dietary practices, such as cow (Bos taurus), dabbling ducks (Anas), and geese (Branta).Conversely, the frequency of burning is   minimized on elements from species that were most likely not included in daily meals, such as perching birds (Passeriformes) and domestic dog and cats (Carnivora).
Similarly, there is a preponderance of cut marks on elements from foodrelated species (Table 3), specifically cow (Bos taurus), dabbling duck (Anas), and geese (Branta).The cut marks are the result of skinning and dismembering activities and are consistent with the exploitation of different carcasses for meat.As butchering activities often remove diagnostic features of bones, cut marks are often found on unidentified fragments (Noe 2021).
The recovery of cattle remains from all anatomical groupings indicates Native Californians had access to the entire carcass, with ribs and vertebral elements the primary portions consumed (Figure 4).The evidence for burning on cattle remains is minimal and is not the result of charring      due to roasting meat in an open fire; rather, it consists of small patches of burning related to either the breaking of dense bones to gain access to the marrow or long episodes of stewing (Noe 2021).On identified elements from each feature, cut marks are present on the majority of ribs, vertebrae, and long bones, most likely produced by metal tools during the preparation of daily meals.
In comparison, caprine bones are rare and identified in significantly lower quantities, while additional domestic mammals, such as pigs and equids (horse, donkey, and mule), were absent.Chicken bones appear in low quantities in each of the three features and were never a substantial portion of Indigenous diets.
The majority of the fragmented remains in this assemblage were identified as mammalian, consisting primarily of large mammalian (probable cattle) long bone fragments.The high degree of fragmentation of this assemblage indicative of grease rendering and marrow extraction have been reported elsewhere (Noe 2021).

Wild Species
Wild species comprise the greatest proportion of NISP in each of the three refuse features.To properly assess the acquisition and consumption of wild mammals that are native to Alta California, indigenous mammals were aggregated into meaningful categories of artiodactyls (Cervus canadensis, Odocoileus hemionus), rabbits and hares (Leporidae, Lepus californicus), and squirrels (Sciurus griseus, Otospermophilus beecheyi, Sciuridae).When examining the indices of NISP and biomass in concert, there is a clear decline in the acquisition of deer and elk through time, aligned with an increase in quantities of squirrels (Figure 5).Indeed, not only are squirrels the most abundant wild species from each of the three contexts, NISP and estimates of biomass increase through time (Figure 6).Of marine mammals, eared seals are reported in small quantities from Features 196 (1777-early 1800) and 176 (1800-early 1820s) but are absent from Feature 194 dating to the final mission years.Additional mammals within the assemblage include rodent, striped skunk, gopher, and gray fox remains that may have not been included in the daily diet.
In a closer examination of California ground squirrel (Otospermophilus beecheyi), traces of burning were identified within the three refuse features (Feature 196 = 15%; Feature 176 = 22%, Feature 194 = 14%) (Tables 3 and  4).From each refuse feature, approximately 70% of the burned elements present reddish-brown burn marks and appear to be superficial speckles rather than heavy charring.These more localized burn marks are found primarily on distal shafts of long bones and the mandible (Figure 7).The blueblack or the blue-grayish colors indicating carbonization and calcination were largely identified on phalanxes, caudal vertebrae, and mandibles for which a species could not be determined.Few long bones displayed evidence of carbonization.It is important to note that higher intensity of  burning results in increasingly more fragile bones, with a higher probability of fragmentation.Therefore, carbonized and calcined unidentified small mammal bones may be California ground squirrel.
Few cut marks were found on specimens from the three refuse features (Table 4).Cut marks were not expected in great proportions on small mammals because their carcasses do not require intensive processing prior to cooking.Nevertheless, cut marks were identified on California ground squirrel (Table 4, Figure 8).Gnaw marks and digestion corrosion that characterize assemblages impacted by birds of prey and carnivores are absent.
A wide variety of bird species was identified, including songbirds, waterfowl and shorebirds, and birds of prey.Notably, species of waterfowl predominate the wild birds, with Canada geese the most abundant, followed by mallards and ruddy ducks (Table 1).Several wild species of note include various songbirds and birds of prey, as well as elements from a California condor that most likely had symbolic importance rather than dietary significance.
In a closer examination of goose remains, skeletal completeness is characterized by changes in elemental representation through time, indicating a shift in butchery practices.In Features 196 (1777-early 1800) and 176 (1800-early 1820s), wings rather than pectoral elements are more common as compared to Feature 194 dating to the final mission years where elements from the entire carcass are consistently present (Figure 10).Butchered specimens are from the pectoral and wing region (clavicles, furculae, scapulae, sterna, ribs, coracoids, humeri, radii, ulnae, digits) (Figure 11).
As compared to nearby missions within the San Francisco Bay Area, shellfish appear in lower quantities from Features 196 (1777-early 1800) and 176 (1800-early1820s) (see Allen 1998, 58).From Feature 196, mussels (Mytilus sp.) dominate metrics of biomass and count, accounting for 80% of the biomass.Clam (Bivalvia) remains are highly fragmented, thus contributing considerably to measures of count but little to measures of biomass.Notably, shellfish common in daily meals, specifically clam and mussel, decrease through time as shellfish more commonly utilized for cultural purposes, such as abalone (Haliotis) and purple Olivella (Callianax biplicata), increase.Shellfish were not identified from Feature 194, aligning with this decrease in mollusc consumption patterns.
Fish were obtained from local freshwater habitats, as well as the relatively nearby San Francisco Bay waters located about 16 km north of Mission Santa Clara.In each of the pit features, minnows and suckers (Cyprinidae) dominated the assemblage, along with other species such as perch (Embiotocidae) and longjaw mudsuckers (Gillichthys mirabilis).The fish remains indicate a pattern of intensive local fish exploitation in the rivers and estuaries that surrounded the mission.The ubiquity of minnows and suckers at the site indicates that they also align with previous research emphasizing their importance in daily dietary practices (Gobalet and Fenenga 1993).
From Feature 196, dating to the early mission years, fish represent a large portion of the faunal remains (n = 726), with the majority of the remains belonging to smaller minnows and suckers that were plentiful in the area surrounding the mission.The quantity and weight of fish remains sharply decreases in the refuse features dating to the middle (n = 181) and final mission years (n = 357).

Diversity
Dietary richness and evenness are useful measures for understanding consumption and equality of fauna within assemblages.Even assemblages are characterized by the equal abundance of species, indicating a diverse and broad diet; conversely, uneven assemblages suggest certain species were consumed more frequently than others as a result of a less diverse diet.There is no substantial change in species richness, evenness, and overall diversity from each of the three refuse features, indicating an absence in dramatic changes temporally in subsistence activities (Table 5, Figure 12).The taxonomic composition of the assemblages from the three refuse features is characterized by highly rich and even measures of taxonomic diversity.Despite access to daily Spanish-style meals and extensive environmental changes around the mission, the assemblages from all three features remain diverse, indicating the continuation of traditional hunting practices throughout the Mission Period.

Daily Diet and Persistence of Foodways at Mission Santa Clara
The results of this faunal analysis from Mission Santa Clara indicate that Native Californians residing within the mission complex continued to maintain and practice traditional subsistence strategies despite consistent, daily access to colonial foods.This analysis highlights the persistence of traditional diet and continuation of hunting and fishing practices following the integration of individuals from differing sociolinguistic backgrounds into the mission complex and expansive environmental changes in the land surrounding Mission Santa Clara.These three refuse contexts are a sample of the features unearthed and excavated within the ranchería, and therefore represent an initial step in assessing daily dietary patterns of Native Californians within the mission.
The dynamics of the introduction of alien food, specifically in the contexts of the uneven power dynamics of colonial situations, are laden with complexities.Faunal remains from the three communal refuse features indicate that domesticated fauna, specifically cattle (Bos taurus) were regularly consumed in daily meals.The acceptance or simple utilization of alien material goods and practices within situations of uneven power dynamics does not correlate with the loss of cultures and identities (Dietler 2010;Rubertone 2000).Indeed, the consumption of a foreign cuisine within circumstances of coercion and pressure, or mere practicability, does not equate to the disruption of practices.The preparation and consumption practices of the daily meals of atole and pozole, specifically  the extraction of grease and marrow, and the communal nature of the daily meals are discussed elsewhere (Noe 2021).
Despite the dominant presence of European domesticates within the three refuse features, this analysis provides ample evidence for the continuity of hunting and fishing activities, and the consumption and utilization of wild animals, throughout the Mission Period.While the daily diet of Native Californians was undeniably altered through contact with the Spanish, these changes were by no means all-encompassing as individuals continued to acquire and utilize wild resources despite the constraints of Mission Santa Clara.The consistent identification of wild species from each of the refuse features attests to the strategies employed by both individuals and families as they navigated the complexities of this new colonial situation.
In each of the three refuse features spanning the Mission Period, the presence of rabbit/hare, deer, and eared seals alongside a plethora of waterfowl, shellfish, and fish species (Tables 1-3) illustrates that wild species were consistently acquired outside the boundaries of the mission complex.Whether these species were acquired through sanctioned paseos, unsanctioned forays, or interactions with individuals residing outside of the mission complex remains unknown (Panich and Schneider 2015).Nevertheless, their continued presence in these three refuse features confirms the maintenance of traditional lifeways that extended beyond the mission boundaries during a period of remarkable change within this colonial setting.
The exploitation of wetlands in the areas adjacent to Mission Santa Clara continued throughout the Mission Period.In the area surrounding the mission, rivers, creeks, and streams running from the interior mountains out to the bay created vast areas of brackish tidal marshlands and riparian environments that supported large populations of fish, waterfowl, marine mammals, and invertebrates (Schick 1994).The invertebrate assemblage consists primarily of species located in mud gravel and rocky substrates, indicating that the acquisition of shellfish occurred primarily in the intertidal areas (mudflats), common in the area around the mission.There is wide variety in the sizes of shellfish from each species, suggesting either an indiscriminate collection strategy or a reflection of different gathering episodes throughout the year.The high diversity of species acquired from differing habitats indicates that a broad spectrum diet was maintained despite daily access to colonial-style meals.
While wild species were undoubtedly used as food resources, many species were also important for medicinal purposes or specific ornaments for regalia (Cuthrell, Panich, and Hegge 2016;Lightfoot 2005;Popper 2016).Olivella, clam, and abalone shells as well as smaller gastropods were likely also used as decorative objects.Many species of birds, in particular, had symbolic or ritual importance rather than caloric value.Indeed, smaller songbirds could have been acquired as regalia plumage for traditional practices rather than hunted as a food resource.Of particular note, the presence of barn owls, hawks, and the California condor indicates the preservation of traditional cultural practices within the mission boundaries (Heizer and Hewes 1940).

Social and Environmental Change and Foodway Persistence
The social and environmental landscape of Mission Santa Clara was shaped by the introduction of cattle.In the nineteenth century, the mission system transitioned from a religious enterprise to an economic institution as cattle shifted from a food resource for mission residents to a profitable product in the form of hide and tallow (Hackel 1997;Wessel 1980).Indeed, while Spanish Franciscan padres operated these mission settlements, it was solely through the labor of missionized Native populations that the tallow and hide economic system existed.The introduction of Europeanstyle agriculture to Alta California forever altered the native landscape, reshaping ecosystems and often degrading native vegetation (Allen 2010a).While the environmental impacts were neither immediate nor comprehensive, areas within the mission bounds were undoubtedly impacted first and on a greater scale.Within these dual social and environmental factors of the mission system, Indigenous foodways persisted.
The relatively low quantities of deer, elk, fish, and shellfish remains suggest that labor demands and environmental changes restricted long-distance food forays.Mule deer remains were identified in each of the refuse features.As a historically important resource for many Native Californians, the presence of mule deer in each of the three pit features indicates that they played a small but significant role in dietary practices throughout the Mission Period.Similarly, low frequencies of fish and shellfish remains suggest that either these resources were traded into Mission Santa Clara or fishing expeditions were similarly constrained.Ethnographic reports state that "because of the scarcity of fish here, or the want of proper means of catching them, the missionaries obtained a special dispensation from the pope allowing the eating of meat on fastdays" (Langsdorff 1814, 86).
Hunting practices during the Mission Period often occurred within the mission boundaries, focusing on migratory birds and small mammalian prey.In assessing bird hunting strategies, measures of count and estimates of meat of dabbling duck (Anas) decrease through the Mission Period as estimates of goose (Branta) meat in particular increase.The San Francisco Bay was an important stop along the Pacific flyway, with geese species plentiful in the Bay Area throughout the year.
Accompanying this increase in the consumption of geese, there are changes in the skeletal representation of geese, with Feature 196 (1777-1800) and Feature 176 (1800-early 1820) containing primarily elements from the wing, while goose elements from the entire carcass are present in Feature 194 (early 1820Feature 194 (early -1836)).With the average weight of a Canada goose between eight and nine pounds, often the lighter wing portion was transported alongside meat cut from the breastbone, leaving no faunal evidence of the pectoral region (Cussans and Mustchin 2020).As hunting strategies became increasingly constrained, it is possible that geese were targeted and hunted within agricultural fields, allowing for the transportation of the entire bird to the ranchería.
The presence of various squirrel species, California ground squirrel (Otospermophilus beecheyi) in particular, suggests that the hunting of small wild mammals occurred within the boundaries of the mission (Brown et al. 2021;Marsh 1998).Before the arrival of Europeans, Native Californians communally hunted many small mammals, including squirrels (Lightfoot and Parrish 2009, 304).Throughout the Mission Period, ethnohistoric reports state that Indigenous residents consistently ate "fish, mussels, ducks, wild geese, cranes, quail, hares, squirrels, rats, and other animals which exist in abundance" (Geiger and Meighan 1976, 86).California ground squirrels are excellent foragers, thriving in cultivated agricultural fields.Indeed, early mission records throughout California and specifically in the San Francisco Bay Area frequently note the destruction of mission gardens and agricultural crops by ground squirrels.Such was the destruction that in the early 1800s, a collective response was developed to trap ground squirrels within mission boundaries throughout Alta California.Bancroft specifically noted "that ground squirrels had already proved a pest to the farmer at this early date is shown by the fact that about a thousand of these animals were killed in the days of May, 1808" (Jacobsen 1918, 725).Although the exact method for control is absent in records from Mission Santa Clara, trapping was the most likely (Marsh 1998).
California ground squirrels are also excellent diggers and burrowers; as such, they are one of the most intrusive species found in archaeological contexts.Therefore, to evaluate whether these species were included in daily dietary practices, several attributes were evaluated, including thermal alteration patterns and cut marks.Identifying the relationship between burned bones and cooking is complex for small mammals because many post-depositional processes produce burning damage (Cain 2005;Lyman 1994;Medina, Teta, and Rivero 2012;Stiner 2005).Thermal alteration within the assemblages from the three refuse features occurs primarily on species included in the daily diet, such as cow (Bos taurus) and geese (Branta).There is a distinct lack of evidence of burning on species such as perching birds (Passeriformes) and birds of prey (Tyto, Buteo) that were most likely utilized for cultural rather than dietary purposes.Indeed, if patterns of burning reflected disposal rather than cooking activities, then elements from all species would display traces of thermal alteration alongside increased quantities of burned unidentified bone fragments (Cain 2005).
Key to this suggestion is the distinct evidence of thermal alteration identified on California ground squirrel (Otospermophilus beecheyi) within each of the three refuse features (Feature 196 = 15%, Feature 176 = 22%, Feature 194 = 14%).In examining this pattern of thermal alteration, slight burning (yellow reddish-brown) is found on the anterior parts of mandibles and epiphyses of long bones on small mammals that has previously been associated with human consumption (Fernández et al. 2019;Henshilwood 1997;Medina, Teta, and Rivero 2012;Tagliacozzo et al. 2016).This is the result of small mammal carcasses being directly exposed to high temperatures during the cooking process (Lyman 1994).It is important to emphasize that it is difficult to directly equate burned bones with cooking and consumption-related activities.Indeed, bones without evidence of burning could indicate that the prey was dismembered and the meat cooked separately, while carbonized and calcined elements could indicate that bones were thrown onto the fire following meat consumption.Yet, many specimens display evidence of only slight burning, aligning with the typical pattern attributed to human cooking activity.
Cut marks are undoubtedly anthropogenic and indicate the processing of a carcass for the purpose of consumption.Such marks are rare on small vertebrate species, as the pre-cooking processing does not require intensive cutting.Therefore, scarcity of cut marks on California ground squirrel remains is expected.Nevertheless, marks indicative of anthropic origin were identified on California ground squirrel (Otospermophilus beecheyi) elements.Previous research within Mission Santa Clara similarly identified cut marks on ground squirrels, further validating their inclusion in daily diet (Kiel 2016).Based on these patterns of thermal alteration and cut marks on bones, it is suggested that the California ground squirrel remains within the three refuse features were accumulated primarily through human activities of butchering, cooking, and consumption.This is evident in the temporal increase in California ground squirrels, which were most likely trapped within mission boundaries.
Although the traditional subsistence economy of the residents of Mission Santa Clara was likely severely affected by the progressive expansion of agricultural fields and herds of cattle, this devastation was not allencompassing as wild resources continued to be procured throughout the Mission Period.While there was a shift in targeted habitat locations, species from outside the mission boundaries, deer in particular, continued to be procured.The complex subsistence strategies of Native Californians, which by the Mission Period had progressed and been utilized for millennia, were designed to buffer short-term fluctuations.Local groups had an intimate knowledge of the diversity and complexity of their local environments.As the environment near Mission Santa Clara changed, Native Californians undoubtedly had to work harder to maintain practices and local ecological knowledge.Despite their stewardship of the local environments being limited with the introduction of domesticates and prohibition of controlled burns, Native Californians continued their hunting and fishing activities within the mission system, taking advantage of local resources within the mission boundaries in particular.

Conclusion
The assemblages from the three refuse features at Mission Santa Clara are only a sample of the faunal material recovered from the ranchería, and as such, this article serves as a first step in examining Native Californian diet at the mission.The composition of these feature assemblages echoes previous research at Mission Santa Clara by Garlinghouse (2009), Allen et al. (2010, 587), Kiel (2016), andPotter, Clark, andReddy (2021b).Domesticates, specifically cattle, appear to have been the main source of meat, while caprines are similarly present in lower quantities (Garlinghouse 2009;Kiel 2016;Potter, Clark, and Reddy 2021b).In terms of wild resources, the remains of various mammals (including deer and lagomorphs), waterfowl (ducks in particular), marine and freshwater fish, and shellfish were identified.With the temporal data for these features not currently available, comparing temporal changes in subsistence strategies within the ranchería is not yet possible.
Generally, these feature assemblages align with faunal studies of Alta California that are focused on daily diet within the Spanish mission system, including Mission San Antonio de Padua (Langenwalter and McKee 1985), Mission Vieja de la Purísima (Gust 2004), Mission San Luis Obispo (Gust 2006), Mission Santa Cruz (Allen 1998), Mission San José (Panich, Allen, and Galvan 2018), Mission San Juan Bautista (St. Clair 2005), and Mission San Buenaventura (Romani and George Toren 1975).The high quantities of cattle in the assemblages indicate that their meat was the main colonial food for Native Californians at Mission Santa Clara.Nevertheless, assemblages from mission complexes spanning Alta California consistently contain wild food resources, confirming the varied yet persistent maintenance of traditional foodways (Farris 1993;Gust 2004Gust , 2006;;Langenwalter and McKee 1985;Panich, Allen, and Galvan 2018;Romani and George Toren 1975;St. Clair 2005;Thompson 2003).
Native Californian diet within the mission system, and more broadly the persistence of Native Californian lifeways and traditions through the mission system, has been well documented by various scholars (e.g., Hunter, Silliman, and Landon 2014;Lightfoot and Gonzalez 2019;Panich, Allen, and Galvan 2018;Popper 2016;Reddy 2015).Indeed, Panich (2013) argued that focusing on Native Californian persistence as a process rather than a replacement connects current descendants with those who resided within Alta California long before the arrival of Europeans.Nevertheless, much of this research and information has yet to be broadly understood and accepted by the general public.Educational resources and historic sites often present the story of acculturation and extinction, despite the wealth of evidence supporting the persistence of Indigenous practices.

Figure 2 .
Figure 2. Map of excavations at Mission Santa Clara.

Figure 3 .
Figure 3. Summary of %NISP and %Biomass of faunal remains from the three pit features at Mission Santa Clara.

Figure 4 .
Figure 4. Elemental distribution for cattle at Mission Santa Clara.

Figure 5 .
Figure 5. Summary of %Biomass of wild mammalian faunal remains from the three pit features at Mission Santa Clara.

Figure 6 .
Figure 6.Summary of %Biomass, %NISP, and %MNI of squirrel remains from the three pit features at Mission Santa Clara.

Figure 8 .
Figure 8. Butchered California ground squirrel bones from Mission Santa Clara.

Figure 9 .
Figure 9. Summary of %Biomass and %NISP of dabbling ducks, diving ducks, and geese from the three pit features at Mission Santa Clara.

Figure 10 .
Figure 10.Frequency and location of geese elements from Mission Santa Clara.

Figure 12 .
Figure 12.Shannon and Simpson Diversity indices for the three pit features at Mission Santa Clara.

Table 1 .
Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) from Mission Santa Clara.

Table 1 .
Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) from Mission Santa Clara.

Table 1 .
Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) from Mission Santa Clara.

Table 2 .
Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) with Burn Marks.

Table 3 .
Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) with Cut Marks and Possible Cut Marks.

Table 4 .
California Ground Squirrel (Otospermophilus beecheyi) Elements with Cut and Burn Marks.