Wealth in stone: building activity of the viscounts of Béarn on the pilgrimage roads of the Atlantic Pyrenees (ca. 1063 – ca. 1130)

ABSTRACT This study examines the phenomenon of “petrification” in the Adour region of the Pyrenees in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, when the area was governed by the viscounts of Béarn. Petrification refers to the building activity undertaken and maintained in both economic and legal terms by this noble family. Here the focus is on a number of monasteries, churches, abbeys, bridges and roads which were a key factor in the improvement of the road network underpinning the pilgrimage route known as the Camino de Santiago. The main objective of their territorial strategy was to provide a means of crossing the gaves or rivers that crisscross the region from southeast to northwest, carving out the fertile valleys of Ossau, Aspe and Barétous.

world to their own lives, particularly the opera monachorum. 3 This significant shift in mentality facilitated a new concept of the development of building with stone which ultimately transformed the physiognomy of the ancient duchy of Gascony and led to confrontation between rival noble families. 4 A detailed analysis of the viscounts' methods and actions have enabled us to ascertain that this enthusiasm for building monasteries, churches, abbeys, hospitals, castles, mills, bridges and roads was a direct result of the doctrine emanating from Rome in the wake of the accession of Pope Leo IX (1049-1054) to the Holy See in 1049. 5 In the middle of the eleventh century, improvements in communication networks were undoubtedly taking place in the area between the Adour River and the Atlantic Pyrenees, as became clear in 1104 when Bishop Diego Gelmírez (1100-1140) made a pastoral visit to Saint Mont, a monastery with connections ad cluniacense cenobium. On 8 September 1104 he held mass at the cathedral of Auch: he was on his way to Rome where he would receive the episcopal pallium from Pope Paschal II (1099)(1100)(1101)(1102)(1103)(1104)(1105)(1106)(1107)(1108)(1109)(1110)(1111)(1112)(1113)(1114)(1115)(1116)(1117)(1118). 6 During Gelmírez's visit to Saint-Mont and under his guidance, Bertrand, lord of Lagraulet, agreed to make an annual payment of twelve derniers morlanensesa considerable sumto the church of Saint Jacques, in addition to a donation of land for the building of two mills. 7 This gesture clearly demonstrates a shift in mentality among the region's noblemen with regard to the new doctrines of the Church.
The aforementioned improvements played a key role in three important developments: 1) the evolution of the pilgrimage route to Santiago de Compostela; 2) the movement of herds of cattle through the valleys of the Pyrenees; and 3) a number of campaigns mounted by the warrior armies which at that time were joining forces against the Muslim kingdoms (Taifas) north of the Ebro, commencing with the conquering of Barbastro in 1064. 8 The aim was to seize the settlements and fortresses along the Ebro Valley as part of the offensive promoted by the Cluniac order. 9 These campaigns resulted in a knightly pietyan acceptance of the spiritual model adapted to the knightly mentalitywhich helped spread the a crusading concept throughout the Atlantic Pyrenees region. 10 Some years ago in his book on the churches of Béarn, Victor Allègre drew attention to the need to combine archaeology with art history when tracing the history of building in stone in the Adour region in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, concluding that, "le pèlerinage de Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle a profondément marqué l'histoire et l'archéologie médiévale du Béarn." 11 I have no pretensions of conducting an exhaustive study of so broad a subject; rather, my objective is to research the hitherto unexplored social and cultural repercussions of petrification and in particular the effect of this building enterprise on the lives of Centule V of Béarn (r. 1058-1090), his son Gaston IV (r. 1090-1131) and his daughter-in-law Talesa of Aragon (r. 1090Aragon (r. -1157. Of particular relevance is the available documentation, specifically the region's numerous cartularies, of which modern editions have been published in the last twenty years. 12 These sources have allowed me to analyse the way in which the noble families of the Atlantic Pyrenees perceived the petrification process in their territory.
A precise definition of the concept of petrification in this broad sense can be found in the recent studies by Ana Rodríguez and Alessandra Molinari, describing it as the process of construction of buildings in durable materials with the intention of making them last, spurred on by the economic awakening occurring in Europe from the first half of the eleventh century. 13 I have examined in depth the cartularies and other archival sources, such as fueros and charters, in order to questions that are essential for research on the Pyrenean nobility, namely the connection between building work and the concept of wealth.

The viscounts of Béarn and the petrification of the territory
In the mid-eleventh century, the viscounts of Béarn, a territory located in the Atlantic Pyrenees region, becameor at least attempted to becomea kind of substitute for the royalty of Navarre and Aragon. 14 Centule V was a man blessed with good fortune: of the four main French pilgrimage routes that converged at the western mountain passes of the Pyrenees, three ran across the territories under his rule, along with a large number of secondary routes.
It was these three principal routes that he subjected to an intense process of petrification, that is, using stone as a building material to create long-lasting structures. He was assisted in this endeavour by a number of prominent bishops and abbots from the region, whose characteristics are a subject to be addressed in future studies. Centule V's initiative seems to have been aimed at mitigating the church's condemnation of his marriage around 1076 to his cousin Gisla of Armagnac (d. 1090?): theirs constituted a forbidden degree of kinship, as she was the daughter of his mother's brother. This is very likely one of the reasons behind Centule V's determination to build churches and hospitals and, along with them, all the stone structures that allow us to speak today of a true petrification in the domain of the viscounts of Béarn. Clearly this was not his only motivation: we know for example that in 1079 Centule donated the church of Sainte-Foy at Morlàas to the Cluniac abbey of Moissac at the prompting of Amatus, bishop of Oloron, papal legate and Cluniac monk. The abbot of Sainte-Foy was Hunaud, the viscount's half-brother, and this donation might explain the confrontation existing between the two men.
In short, Centule V invested a considerable part of his wealth in these stone buildings as well as contributing to the improvement of roads, which at that time could also be bought and sold. 15 Also evident is his interest in building bridges over rivers (known as gaves in this part of the Pyrenees region) and in the granting of privileges to towns and cities. This occurred in 1080, for example, with the important episcopal see of Oloron, 16 and again in 1088 when franchises were awarded by means of charters, following the example of Morlàas. 17 These initiatives demonstrate that the viscount and his family reserved the right to decide who might enter the city, or bear weapons when crossing the newly-built bridge over the gave, and under what conditions. 18 I argue, therefore, that the effort to consolidate communication networks by means of stone building, whether a road or a church, must be viewed as a social initiative: it was a gift that demanded something in return. 19 Nobles, knights (known as cavers in Béarn sources) and well-to-do farmers conceived of stone construction as an offering, and when they built a church, a monastery, an abbey, a hospital or a bridge they were anticipating what they would receive in return. This reciprocal gift was not necessarily of a material nature: it might be spiritual (forgiveness of sins, for example) or social (improvement in status by marrying a woman of a higher rank). 20 One of the most significant events in the history of the viscounts of Béarn was a setback in the social advancement of Gaston III (d. 1054): he was destined to marry a woman from the lineage of the dukes of Gascony, but instead chose a bride of inferior descent. In order to put this right his son Centule V married his first cousin Gisla, as noted above. His decision provoked a family crisis, since the reformed church viewed this degree of consanguinity as dangerous.
By building in stone in the Adour region, the viscounts of Béarn and their close associates and friends, both lay and ecclesiastical, aimed to obtain a spiritual advantage over the notorious mountain-dwelling noblemen who had a habit of raiding their neighbours in springtime and plundering their crops. 21 This conflict was at its fiercest at the time when Gaston IV styled himself as a heroic Pyrenean nobleman, opting to take part in the Crusade sponsored by Pope Urban II (1042-1099) in 1096 and returning from Jerusalem to great acclaim, lerosolimitana expeditione cum magno honore. 22 The premature death of his father Centule V, when fighting for King Sancho Ramírez of Aragon (r. 1063-1094) in the valley of Tena in 1090, prompted Gaston IV to abandon his duties of territorial management, leaving his wife Talesa of Aragon to oversee the continuing programme of building in stone. She was a woman of royal descent, the great-granddaughter of King Sancho II Garcés of Navarre (r. 970-994), granddaughter of Ramiro I of Aragon (1035-1063) and niece of Sancho Ramírez of Aragon and Navarre ( Figure 2).
The conscientious way in which Talesa dedicated herself to carrying out her public duties resulted in a historic social and political transformation. Both she and 18 Cadier, Cartulaire, doc. 1; Marca, Histoire, II:60-61. 19 Mauss, "Essai sur le don," 149-279. For the medieval case, see Gourevitch, Les catégories de la culture médiévale, 219; Duby,Guerriers et paysans,62. 20 Using the language of modern cultural anthropology, it could be argued that petrification is a political decision based on "reciprocal altruism," to put it in the manner of Sahlins, Critique de la sociobiologie, 156, when he endorsed the thesis of Trivers, "The Evolution of Reciprocal Altruism," 35-57. The benefit sought bears no relation to the bourgeois concept of profit, inherent to the capitalist system; rather, it is a benefit related to respect for nature, once the decision has been taken to transform the environment because spiritually speaking it is of equal importance to the pilgrimage. See also Trivers, "Parental Investment," 136-79. 21 Little is known about certain aspects of the process of civilization; here I attempt to examine one of them, presented as a clash between pusillanimity and magnanimity, according to the concepts of Sahlins, Critique de la sociobiologie, 166. 22 BNF, ms. Duchesne, CXIV fols. 21-26. There is an incomplete copy of this document in Cartulaire de Lescar, doc. XXV; Marca, Histoire, II:60-61.
her husband were aware that the diffusion of knightly piety helped ease prevailing tensions in the Béarn region between nobles sympathetic to the Gregorian reforms and those in favour of preserving existing religious traditions.

The map of petrification in Béarn
In retrospect, what the chronicles tell us of Austinde, bishop of Auch (1042-1068) and one of the most important figures of the period, 23 in relation to the building endeavours in Oloron and other locations, bears witness to the value of the stone construction process carried out in the last third of the eleventh century and the first half of the twelfth century; this process was responsible for transforming the territory ruled by the viscounts of Béarn into the epicentre of all the roads connecting the Adour and the Pyrenees. 24 It has been posited that an episcopal synod was held in Jaca in 1063, with the objective of establishing a legal framework for this extensive building programme, but there is much uncertainty about this event: according to Antonio Duran Gudiol this would be a much later document. 25 Whether the synod actually took place or not, what is clear is that bishop Austinde was connected with the policies of King Ramiro I of Aragon as well as to those of the viscounts of Béarn and other Gascon lords, and to a certain extent he served as a priest to all of them. Whatever the case, he was undoubtedly instrumental in speeding up the petrification process in the territories of Béarn. 26 Bernard Guillemin points out that Austinde promoted the rehabilitation of the monastery of Saint-Orens of Larreole, 27 and saw the importance of connecting the different roads in a single axis: the aim was to consolidate the Roman or Romieu routes incorporated into the Way of St. James that led from the bridges over the Adour to Jaca and Pamplona, including the vía sarracina, and the vía salinaria: "Via qui dicitur Sarracina usque ad viam Salinariam et usque ad aquam que dicitur Lar." 28 Austinde also encouraged the creation of new hamlets or boroughs, built in stone: an example of this was the village of Nogaro, established in 1060 near the town of Condom in the modern-day region of Gers: This type of initiative required patience and dedication, as the families controlling each of the three pilgrimage routes had their own interests, subject only to the ill-defined duties of the vassalage and a number of small manors comprising no more than a castle and a handful of soldiers. The viscounts of Béarn were well aware of the existence of the three routes, as can be seen in Article 37 of the For General of Béarn, 30 which states that it was common knowledge that the viscounts controlled the très camins, for whose defence they were responsible and for which they must be paid rent: Chose soit à tous que le signeur a trois chemis, qu'il doit défendre. Si qulqu'un y commet une agréssion contre aucun voyageut, il paiera au seigneur soixante-six sous et indemnisera du dommage subi celui qui aura été attaqué. L'un des chemins va du Pont de la Federne à Osserain, l'autre de la montée de Laurède au Somport et l'autre de Génère a Biussaillet, qui est un col en Ossau ainsi nommé. On doit tenir les chemins sûrs et on n'y doit laisser prendre des gages ni de marques sur aucun homme franc, à moins qu'il ne soit caution ou obligé à paiement. 31 The first route: Lembeye as a gateway The starting point for the first pilgrimage route is in Lembeye, regarded as the gateway to the region of Vic-Bilh, which straddles Béarn from northeast to southwest (see Figure 1). 32 This town was flanked by two important monasteries. The first was Saint-Mont, founded in 1050 by the count of Armagnac and duke of Gascony, Bernard Tumapaler (r. 1020 -1064/1090), under the Order of Cluny. 33 In its founding document dated 27 Guillemain, "Les moines," 377-84; Mussot-Goulard, Les Princes de Gascogne; Abadie, Cartulaire, 10-58; Breuils, Saint Austinde, archevêque de Auch. 28 Raymond,Cartulaire,doc. LVI. 29 Lacave la Plagne Barris, Cartulaire, doc. XIV. See also Higounet, "Les Chemins de Saint Jacques," 298-300. 30 Béarn's For General is part of a juridical compilation that precedes the fifteenth century, known as Les Anciens Fors de Béarn, in which some of the oldest legal texts of the region can be found, such as the Fors of Oloron, Morlaas, Aspe, Ossau or Barétous, and which allows us to understand the territorial and legislative structure of the region. The For General includes laws from the For de Morlaas, enunciated at the beginning of the twelfth century by Gaston IV, and confirmed at the end of the thirtheenth century by Gaston de Montcada. See Ourliac and Gilles, Les Fors anciens de Béarn, 5-135. 31 Ourliac and Gilles, Les Fors anciens de Béarn, For Général, 163, article 37. A consideration of petrification in the development of pilgrimage communication routes in the region would require further in-depth study. 32 Abadie, Le Cartulaire, 20. 33 Jaurgain, Cartulaire; Samaran. "Les plus ancien cartulaire," 12-26.
3 March 1055 we detect a clear intention to build: here it states that everything done in relation to this monastery is connected to what is necessary for its construction. 34 The other monastery was Madiran (see Figure 1), founded in around 1030 with the objective of planting a vineyard in the old Benedictine tradition: today it is home to a range of wellknown wines with protected designation of origin. 35 Both of these monasteries were accountable to the count of Armagnac, and large houses were built at both of them in keeping with the agronomic features characteristic of the casales or traditional houses of the villages of Béarn. 36 This type of house was constructed across the entire region which the viscounts of Béarn sought to control: 37 from census documents we learn that payment should be "according to the possibilities of the house." 38 This first pilgrimage route was established along the central axis connecting the three major towns of the Béarn territory, Morlàas, Lescar and Oloron, obtaining the approval of their residents. 39 The decision to establish Morlàas as the region's "capital" made it necessary to construct a borough around the viscounts' old castle (see Figure 1). 40 The famous Morlàas mint was set up in La Hourquie castle: 41 this greatly pleased the town's inhabitants, as did the profitable annual horse race (cursum equorum) held outside the town during the All Saints Festivities: "Ego ex mei parte huic dono V solidos Morlanorum de curso equorum qui fit apud Morlas in festivitatem Omnium Sanctorum." 42 Construction began in 1076 on the Sainte-Foy Church on the initiative of Viscount Centule V as penance for his failed marriage to his cousin. This church was under the order of Cluny and can still be seen today with its splendid (and much restored) Romanesque façade. 43 Towards the end of the eleventh century, between 1088 and 1096, the daily markets and bread ovens dotted around the borough provided additional revenue to that earned from the horse races, in the form of tithes, census payments and toll houses. 44 This income enabled Gaston IV and Talesa to create the new borough of Saint Nicholas in the early 1100s, built in stone on the hillside of the castle and accessed through the hostium (gate). 45 A recently constructed road ran through this borough, connecting it to the castle of La Hourquie. 46 This flourishing economic activity also precipitated the construction of chapels "in that new borough," such as 34  Saint André in 1118, and guaranteed the revenue necessary to continue building, also in stone, "all the churches that there are now alongside the village of Morlàas and may be there in the future." 47 Documentation suggests that in the succeeding years, at least until the mid-twelfth century, there was great interest in continuing to build in stone in the town; a chapel, a hospital and a leper colony all sprang up next to the domum leprosorum. 48 Southwest of Morlàas the road heads towards Lescar. Against a backdrop of hills and wide valleys, the fields in the area are almost permanently waterlogged due to the brooks that over time have created the rolling countryside seen today. In the mid-eleventh century the episcopal town of Lescar was the main point for crossing the Gave de Pau. A walk along its banks brings home the vital role played by the stone bridge spanning the Gave that made it possible for travellers to cross from one side to the other. The pilgrimage takes on its full meaning at this point. There can be no doubt that a bridge had been planned for some time and, that prior to its construction, boats had been used to cross the river. The right to use the Ardous bridge across the Gave was conceded by Gaston IV to the chapter of Lescar, and then granted to the inhabitants of the town, as stated in the cartulary of Lescar. This initiative is also documented in the cartularies of Saint Lucq, Sorde and Dax, among others.
The construction of Lescar Cathedral is described in detail in a document dated 1101. 49 The scheme was approved by the canons of the cathedral and all the town's public figures or boni homines, its chief aim being to serve the pilgrims and the poor. 50 The process of petrification in Lescar culminated in the building of the bridge which meant that the Gave de Pau no longer represented an obstacle for travellers. Another document from around 1110 mentions that, among other benefits, Viscount Gaston IV and Viscountess Talesa granted to the church of Saint-Marie of Lescar "the census and tax for the bridge built in honour of Saint Mary." 51 The town of Oloron reaped the benefits of the initiatives undertaken first in Morlàas and later Lescar. Centule V acknowledged Oloron's importance by granting it its own jurisdiction in around 1080. According to Benoit Cursente, this was in order to support the restoration of the bishopric and the rebuilding of the town. 52 Some decades later the church of Sainte-Croix was built, complete with "une voute de pierre dure, appuyée sur des pilliers de mesme structure," according to the seventeenthcentury historian Pedro de Marca. 53 The Gave de Oloron, which flows a few hundred metres from the church, is of interest as it posed a further challenge to the establishment 47 Cadier, Cartulaire, docs. IV and V, "omnia aeclesia que apud Morlaas habentur vel futuro sunt." 48  and must have been completed by early in the following century. It probably served as a cathedral church prior to the of the pilgrimage route. It had to be crossed in order to reach the town; and to this end more building with stone was required, in turn giving rise to new censuses. 54 The first Béarn road thus became the principal route for travellers wishing to reach Somport through the Aspe Valley (see Figure 1). However, the viscounts could not afford to be complacent as a number of alternative routes existed that might have attracted pilgrims arriving from Provence via Toulouse. For example, one route out of Morlàas bypassed Lescar altogether, crossing instead the territory of the lords of Montaner and leading directly to the monastery of Saint-Pé in Bigorre: here "another restored basilica" (una altera renovatae basilicae) was built close to the porch of the old church to mark the visit of Pope Urban II in 1096, 55 and on the façade of which was engraved the following inscription: "Est domus ista Dei, spes peregrini; Est data porta Petro, Vade maligne retro." 56 The purpose of this new building was quite clear: it was here that "peregrini dormiebant nocte," in other words, pilgrims spent the night. 57 In around 1070, the matter was raised of the extent to which this kind of building gave predominance to one route over another. Some nobles in the region were still reluctant to accept Bishop Austinde's plans for establishing Oloron as the arrival point for the route heading from Provence towards Somport. A great deal needed to happen before this scheme could be realized and the Morlàas-Lescar-Oloron axis could be transformed into the main route for accessing the mountain passes of the Pyrenees.
The death in 1076 of the king of Navarre, Sancho Garcés IV of Peñalen (r. 1054-1076), made it easier for Sancho Ramírez to unite the crowns of Aragon and Navarre. This union in turn established the Somport pass as the main way of accessing the "French Route," which it joined at Astorito, in Puente la Reina de Jaca, located a few leagues to the west of the city of Jaca. The bridge formed part of the dowry of Sancho Ramírez's second wife, Felicia of Roucy (d. 1123), and marked the end of the first stage of the pilgrim's route; there was an inn on each side of the road, as indicated in the Codex Calixtinus. Some years later, in 1079, Centule V of Béarn's second marriage to Countess Beatrix of Bigorre (1080-1096) meant that Saint-Pé de Bigorre was added to his enclaves: this was a key stopping place along the route from Gabas to Pourtalet. Finally, at the end of the century, tensions in the region were quelled when the rebellious nobles were crushed by cavalry patrolling the dangerous sections of the road, 58 ensuring the safety of the pilgrims and consolidating the Morlaas-Lescar-Oloron route.

The second route: starting at Orthez
The second route entered Béarn at Arzacq-Arraziguet, crossing the bridge over what is now known as the Gave de Pau in the town of Orthez (see Figure 1). This was disputed territory: to the east, the viscounts of Miramont disputed proprietary rights with the viscounts of Béarn, and to the west it was the viscounts of both Marsan and Sault who restoration of the church of Sainte-Marie in 1101. Menjoulet, Chronique du diocèse, 87; Breuils, Saint Austinde, 54. See also Barraqué, "Oloron, le difficile développement," 79-92. 54 Mazure and Hatoulet, For d'Oloron, doc. 14. 55 Marca, Histoire, II:118-19; Balencie, "Documents historiques relatifs, 7," 159-216. 56 Balencie, "Documents historiques relatifs, 7," 160. 57 Marca, Histoire, II: 118-19: "Fronte ad limen inferius, juxta porticum, in quo peregrini dormiebant nocte appositum est sequens dystychon." Balencie, "Documents historiques relatifs, 7," 160. 58 Lacarra, Vázquez de Parga and Uría Ríu, Las peregrinaciones, II:411-22. claimed ownership. The advantage of this second route was that its streams were easy to cross and its paths were not excessively steep. Most importantly of all it enjoyed the support of the powerful Saint-Sever Abbey, which had been re-founded in 988 in honour of a martyr who lived at the time of the Vandal invasions; the Abbey was in its heyday during the forty-five years' rule of Abbot Gregory of Montaner, Bishop of Dax (1072-1092). 59 For the purpose of comparing the various ways of building in stone, I shall move temporarily from the Béarn region to the territory controlled by the Abbey of Saint-Sever: the records here help to shed light on a number of significant aspects of the stone-building process that ultimately affected the viscounts of Béarn and their kinsfolk. On May 5 1070, according to abbey documents, William VIIII of Aquitaine (also known as Guy-Geoffrey, r. 1058-1086), took an interest in controlling the pilgrimage route whose starting point was the Abbey of Saint-Sever. William was also the powerful duke of Aquitaine and count of Poitiers, but rather than use these titles with their connotations of his role in the long-running dispute with the king of France over the power of the nobles, William chose instead to style himself as duke of Gascony. This highlighted his position as heir to the honourable legacy of promoting stone constructions in the territory of the Atlantic-Pyrenees, following in the footsteps of his "predecessors," the dukes of Gascony, an ancestral claim that enabled him to benefit from Gascon traditions by inserting himself in a long genealogical line of Pyrenean nobles. It was an original way of dealing with his obligation of promoting the petrification of the roads leading to the mountain passes of Navarre.
Duke William VIII of Aquitaine was aware that the process of stone construction was beneficial for the viscount of Béarn when he stressed his special ties to that region: this was a way of laying claim to the strategic points along this second route leading from the bridges over the Adour to the Pyrenees. He proclaimed his connection to the region by emphasizing the donations made to Saint-Sever Abbey by the dukes of Gascony, Sancho Guillaume and his sons Sancho and Bernard, reflecting on the meaning of seeking a reciprocal gift and reminding everyone, for his own benefit, of the reasons that motivated the counts of Gascony to found and build the abbey. The two documents recording his proclamation are key in gauging the exact value of what was at stake on the pilgrimage routes south of the Adour river. The account of the donation is recorded in a document dated 5 May 1070, in which a scribe notes how Duke Guy-Geoffrey (William VIII of Aquitaine) combines the countryside and theology in a reflection on the act of giving. The duke is reported as saying that anyone who "donates part of his riches to Christ" (described as "Father of the Poor") becomes richer through the act of giving than through the act of hoarding, and is brought closer to heaven for making or building rather than keeping hold of his riches. 60 In the style of monastic chronicles, the writer then links the duke's donation to a long-standing practice of the counts of Gascony, stating that he is willing to ratify the documents issued by his predecessors (antecessores mei), the dukes of Gascony William Sancho and his sons Bernard and Sancho, and all other dukes thereafter. The monastery of Saint-Sever has close ties to the historic initiatives of the dukes of Gascony, whose tradition can be traced in the monastery's cartulary. Next in the document comes an argument in favour of the donor himself, in view of the fact that the gift he is pledging (a palace in Bordeaux) is negligible in comparison with the huge reciprocal gift he will receive as beneficiary of the stone construction works undertaken by the monks of Saint-Sever. 61 Duke William VIII's invocation of the memory of his predecessors, the dukes of Gascony, is not an isolated incident: at that time memory was the main factor legitimizing the rule of feudal lords over a region. It was for this reason that William VIII made recourse to memory when justifying his inheritance: through his mother's family he considered himself the heir of the abbey's founder, William Sancho, duke of Gascony. Naturally, the evocation of a founding moment was embellished by the writer of the document in order to enhance the greatness of this hereditary lineage. 62 This document is a good example of the sophisticated working practices at the abbey's scriptorium, which was responsible for producing such notable works as the Saint-Sever copy of the illustrated Beatus Commentary on the Apocalypse. 63 In the abbey church, standing in front of the impressive choir with six apsidioles and a series of polychrome capitals, a highly-cultured scribe recalls that in this abbey plans were drawn up for the transept that would provide shelter for the large numbers of pilgrims arriving here: this was by now a required stopping place on the via lemovicensis leading to Santiago de Compostela. The impressive stone building is one of the most remarkable in the Atlantic Pyrenees, and was conceived many years before by the duke of Gascony, William Sancho. His son Sancho recalled his father's prescience in thinking three generations in advance about the need to build in stone with a view to establishing pilgrimage routes (see Figure 2). 64 First, William Sancho purchased a solitary location (pretio hanc solitudinem) to serve as the final resting place of Saint-Sever, whom he described as the jewel of the all martyrs (gemma martyrum). This acquisition cost him the considerable sum of three hundred sovereigns as well as forty-five cows; secondly, he granted the Saint-Sever Abbey yearly assets that no one could remove without committing a mortal sin; and lastly, he did the same with another abbey, in the town of Lectoure. 65 This donation demonstrates how, at the end of the eleventh century, building in stone represented a use of wealth far removed from the acquisition and hoarding of luxurious assets. 66 Insight into the contemporary perception of this kind of wealth is provided by 61  one particular document. 67 In 1072, sine ulla querela a meis consanguineis, a certain García Ramón de Cazautets, on this occasion represented by Abbot Gregory of Montaner, Bishop of Dax from 1063, donated "that land from which stone is extracted" to Saint-Sever Abbey. 68 The quarry is located at Payros-Cazautets, a few leagues north of Arzacq-Arraziguet, a starting point for the second pilgrimage route (see Figure 1). Its location made it invaluable to Saint-Sever as the abbey sought to direct the petrification process along the pilgrimage route to Santiago de Compostela via the town of Orthez. Here builders were faced with the challenge of erecting a bridge over the modern-day Gave de Pau. Proof of the importance of this bridge lies in the numerous restorations it has undergone to become the splendid Gothic construction seen today.
In order to secure this privileged position in the very heart of the Béarn region, in around 1070 the abbey of Saint-Sever sought the support of the abbey of Saint-Pierre at Larreule. This abbey had become the subject of a dispute between the viscounts of Béarn and the dukes of Aquitaine when the latter inherited the property rights of the dukes of Gascony, which included the starting point of this second route (cami romiu) in the direction of Somport. 69 As a result, from the end of the 1120s onwards, the viscounts of Béarn made numerous donations to the recently-founded monastery of Sauvelade which stands to the south-east of the modern-day Gave de Pau, beyond the Orthez bridge; this included uncultivated land (silva), for the purpose of building homes, farmyards, farmhouses and even a mill. 70 The fact that Sauvelade was one of the monasteries reformed by the Cistercians increased its strategic value for this part of the pilgrimage route to Oloron via Navarrenx (see Figure 1).
In mid-April 1127, Gaston and Talesa donated an estate called Silva-Lata to the Cistercian monks for the construction of a monastery, in an uncultivated area (silva) known as Fajet: this was to be the monastery of Sauvelade, in the diocese of Lescar. 71 Marca tells us that the viscounts followed up this donation with a second one to fund the bastiment, as it is clear that they intended to lay the foundations in stone. 72 To this end they added a third donation, the Aubertin hospital, known as Lacommande, 73 one of the territory's most important pilgrimage centres whose architecture underscores the building activity of that period. Years later in 1134, Talesaby now Gaston IV's widowmade a further donation to Sauvelade and followed the example of William VIII of Aquitaine by recalling and placing value on a gift already given. 74 At first glance, this document appears to be a laudo made by the viscountess of Béarn for property that she had inherited (ex patre suo iure hereditario) from her father, Count Sancho Ramírezhalf-brother of King Sancho Ramírezin the locality of Ayerbe, 75 in Hoya de Huesca on the left bank of the Gállego river: this consisted of an estate containing a palace (palatium) and adjoining property, i.e., fallow fields and farmland, stone walls and a place to rebuild the mill that her father had commissioned. 76 This description of the property outlines the stone construction process initiated by her parents' generation and which she trusted would be continued by the generation of her son, whom she linked to the act as proof of the passing on of these agreements. Talesa listed all the usual chattels of the time as the main features of her donation to the monastery: fallow and cultivated land (agros et vineas), without specifying the farming system as biennial or triennial rotation, which was fundamental to production and excess produce. However, she did take care to mention a stone wall (petram muream) as a key feature of the estate: this may either have marked a boundary or served as a supporting structure for the watermill, which would have increased the estate's value significantly. The mill was a restoration of one previously commissioned by her father, Count Sancho Ramírez, suggesting that building in stone was preferable to amassing wealth.
The right bank of the Gave de Oloron, part of the pilgrimage route from Sauvelade to Oloron via Navarrenx, became a key location for the future of the pilgrimage. At the Abbey of Saint-Vincent de Lucq, which stands in a bright forest clearing, an interesting cartulary provides proof of how building projects were linked to agricultural development in the region. 77 The villages built in stone from 1064 onwards were subject to the political interests of the viscounts of Béarn, despite the fact that many other villages were governed by Saint-Vincent de Lucq, including Jesses, Ogenne, Méritein, Bastanès, Bérérenx, Sus, Audax, Saucède, Préchaq-Josnbalg, Géronne, Verdets, Poey, Lamidou, Lagor, Mourenx, Lac, Os and more (see Figure 1). In one case we are told that a knight (miles) named García Galino handed over two villages to the monastery in exchange for protection for himself and his daughter Benedicta. As a result, after she had been orphaned and was planning to marry in a village near Orthez, the abbot made her a gift of a nassa, i.e., a safe haven, and a servant named Aurelio. 78 This brief example gives us a glimpse of the workings of society behind the petrification process. In documents from the time we find a specific case from every main stopping point along the pilgrim's route, whether it be a town, a hospital or a monastery. It was around these key locations that the local people's entire lives revolved, regardless of whether they were knights, caveurs, peasants or tenant farmers. We can imagine them and their families calculating the area of the land they were planning to hand over to the monastery in return for protection that would in many cases extend beyond the lives of the donors themselves. They would speak before the scribe, who duly noted down the rough description of the land to be donated, nestling between streams, which meant it had potential as farmland: peace of God, and thus enticing pilgrims to come and rest there in safety. Occasionally, although unfortunately not often, we stumble across a written record of how, for example, a well-off local farmer in around 1080 saw to it that his land was used for the construction of walls (in qua aedificare), mills or homes of a certain standard, or even a stone-built church. 79 All these initiatives were instrumental in making stone a dominant feature of the right bank of the Gave de Oloron, where we can find widespread construction based on Béarnese-style houses (casales). 80 Inside the walls of the town of Navarrenx, on the banks of the Gave de Oloron, another pioneer of this stone construction process, a knight called Loup Aner, donated land to the monastery of Lucq in 1080, along with his wife Aurea and his children García Loup and Biverna: they did this in order that both Loup and his son might become monks. This is a privileged spot for watching the raging waters slam against the arches of a bridge currently in need of repair. 81 Its location at a crossroads gave the town great strategic value and for this reason its inhabitants thought it a good idea to have a bridge built here, with a commandery of the Order of the Hospital, a hospital and a chapel to protect the "Jacquets," the pilgrims to Santiago de Compostela. Construction work was carried out under the auspices of the viscounts of Béarn: approval was given in 1188 by Gaston VI (r. 1187-1214 and completed in stone one hundred years later, in 1289, under the government of Gaston VII, with the condition that the bridge should be "free and open to all residents of the place, while outsiders must pay for people and goods to cross." 82 When all was said and done, this bridge was fundamental to the third pilgrimage route that crossed Béarn from northwest to south.

The third route: the required passage through Dax
The third Béarnese route also originates outside the region historically linked to the viscounts of Béarn (see Figure 1): it actually begins just beyond Saint-Paul-lès-Dax, a monastery belonging to the viscounts of Dax. However the monastery is home to an interesting collection of documents which provides insight into some singular moments in the petrification process.
In 1080 Duke William VIII of Aquitaine granted the tithe collected from his tenant farms ad structuram of the church; 83 some years later García Marre, viscount of Dax, handed over a large sum for improvements to the town's cathedral (ad perfectionem operis) as penance for having killed his first cousin (consanguineum suum) in a judicial duel (bellando). 84 These are significant gestures if we take into account the importance in the 1050s of moving the cathedral inside the walls of the town. 85 Cases like this were not unusual because every resident of Dax, from the viscount right down to the lowliest knight (miles or caver) or humble citizen (civis), felt obliged to contribute to the building of the stone cathedral dedicated to Saint-Marie. In around 1060, for example, a man named Amaneo made a donationa piece of land ready for sowingtowards the restoration of the cathedral, so that in return he would be granted a burial place in the cloister. 86 The entire social life of Dax is contained in these records of daily life, which give us an insight into the workings of a town visited by thousands of pilgrims each year on their way to Compostela. We can also witness the development of the urban institutions which underpinned the building (ad edificandum) of a tavern next to the church on the road leading down to Le Luy; 87 in addition there are records of court appeals, such as one made by a woman who used in her defence the fact that she owned a boat and a country house. 88 Toll fees, places of transit, references to waterways … this whole world is reflected in the magnificent apse of the cathedral completed in around 1130. This was not long after the viscount of Béarn, Gaston IV, built a borough and a church in 1106 alongside Montgiscard Castle with the will and consent (consilio et voluntate) of Oliver, a Castilian nobleman from Dax, 89 with a view to gaining control of the territory. 90 By convincing Oliver to accept this site, Gaston IV was introducing the Castilian to the culture of petrification in which he had so great an interest. Oliver was searching for a way to finance the construction of a stone bridge, as reflected in a donation made in around 1070 of a number of houses qui sunt circa pontem, 91 of several manor houses on the river bank, 92 or the donation by Sancho-Arnaud of a harbour or port (portus) 93 for mooring the boat used to carry pilgrims from one side to the other. 94 The cartulary of the Abbey of Saint-Jean of Sorde, which was supposedly founded by the Emperor Charlemagne, also contains some magnificent entries that shed light on the stone-building process that ultimately influenced the decisions of the viscounts of Béarn. For this reason, we will focus on some of the most significant ones. We learn for example how travellers negotiated the water channels variously known as graver or flumen. 95 The Gave de Pau joins the Gave de Oloron at Saint-Jean of Sorde, leaving the monastery in the middle and the Landes in the background. Originally the only way to cross the river was 86 Pon and Cabanot, Cartulaire, doc. 15: "dedit operi Beate Maria terram ad viridarium plantandum in Ripeira Aquis." 87 Pon and Cabanot, Cartulaire, doc. 63. 88 Pon and Cabanot, Cartulaire, doc. 68, "bathaliam et manamentum." 89 Pon and Cabanot, Cartulaire, doc. 10. 90 Pon and Cabanot, Cartulaire, doc. 101. On the conflicts arising from the construction of the fortress, the rights to which had been secured by the viscounts of Béarn under the Fuero de Béarne, additional references can be found in the Cartulaire de Sorde, docs. LIV and CXLVI. 91 Pon and Cabanot,Cartulaire,doc. 65. 92 Pon and Cabanot,Cartulaire,doc. 15. In a drawing by Du Viert, dated 1612, the bridge was fortified with a tower. 93 Ports were significant for the fishing economy and installation of fishing traps, as at the Port de la Lanne. 94 Pon and Cabanot,Cartulaire,doc. 24. Other cases can be seen in the Cartulaire de Dax, doc. 68, for example, when the bridge over the River Adour at Bayonne was under construction, the distribution of tolls was decided between the bishop of the city and the canons of the Church of Sainte-Marie; Bidache, Livre d'or de Bayyone, doc. 27. See Jaurgain, La Vasconie, 90. In 1125 a bridge was built in Bayonne over the Adour river, where the viscount of Bayonne and his mother Urraca, together with the barons and canons of the province, handed over a third of the bridge tolls to the Church of Sainte-Marie; Bidache, Libre d'Or de Bayonne, 21; Lacarra, Vázquez de Parga and Uría Ríu, Las peregrinaciones, II:438. 95 Vieillard, Guide du Pèlerin de Saint-Jacques de Compostelle, 24: "sine rate nullo modo transmeari possunt." by barge. The monks of Sorde resolved to undertake the enormous challenge of building a stone bridge at their own expense, according to documents deposited in the abbey's cartulary. 96 From these we can deduce that there was considerable interest in controlling the pilgrimage routes, along with the river ports from the Via Sarracina to the Via Salinaria, as far as the Lar channel, 97 i.e., the old route connecting Orthez with Sauveterre, known as the Romiu, as it was the one used by pilgrims to reach Santiago de Compostela: 98 along all these routes it was customary to pay a toll. 99 A number of the inhabitants of the region, such as Arnaldo Lup de Goron in 1060, took the major decision of making the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela (pergens ad Sanctum Jacobum, juvenii florens etate), to see the tomb of the Apostle. 100 Sometimes they sold houses and land, and here we see an increase in pawn value, as was the case of a certain Espanhol de Labord who in 1119, in order to raise the funds for the journey he wished to make ad obsedionem Caesar-Auguste, was obliged to sell half of the church and the tithe of St-Felix to the Abbot of Sorde for one hundred and fifty sovereigns in the currency of Morlàas. 101 A few years later a certain Arnau de Leginge pawned the other half of the church and the tithe of Saint-Felix in order to fund his trip to Jerusalem, retrieving them upon his return. 102 We are also informed of the residents' need to build houses and mills which were costly in terms of both material and time; at times the abbots themselves assisted in the building of the houses by loaning equipment and tools. This happened between 1105 and 1119 when Arnau de Lerens, having decided to construct a mill, visited the abbot to request the loan of the necessary tools (ferramenta). 103 Information is also given about the approximate time it took to build a house from stone, as was the case of Abbot Gerald and the Count of Sainte-Suzanne, who made an agreement to build one over a period of seven years. 104 The social value of stone constructions in Béarn Using the information gleaned from the documents preserved in the region's numerous cartularies, it is possible to argue that, in the territories under the dominion of Gaston IV and Talesa between the late eleventh and mid-twelfth centuries, petrification was greatly boosted among other factors by the increasingly close relations with the interests of the royal house of Aragon in everything concerning the pilgrimage movement and military campaigns in the Ebro Valley. After she was widowed, Talesa continued to build with enthusiasm, expanding on the work begun in 1120. Evidence of this can be found not only in French territory but also in her possessions on the other side of the Pyrenees, notably the architectural monuments and grand churches in the town of Uncastillo. 105 This approach to building was perpetuated well into the twelfth century on both sides of the Pyrenees by Talesa's daughter Guiscarda (d. 1154) and her niece-in-law Beatrix III of Bigorre (d. 1194). 106 Politically speaking, Viscounts Centule V and Gaston IV and Viscountesses Talesa and Guiscarda established themselves as one of the most important families in the Atlantic Pyrenees region by standing firm on three vitally important decisions.
The first of these was to re-found the monastery of Sainte-Christine at Somport in the early twelfth century. 107 This gave prominence to the old Roman road known as the iter antoninus, which ran from Oloron to Zaragoza. 108 With this in mind, the viscounts of Béarn made generous concessions to the Augustinian hospital of Sainte-Christine, as they had previously done when sponsoring the construction of Lescar Cathedral in high-quality stone. 109 From that point onwards, the Romiu route passed churches and hospitals run by the Sainte-Christine monastery (see Figure 1). 110 Up until then, there had only been one small inn at the mountain pass on the Camino de Santiago: in 1095 Countess Sancha (d. 1097), sister of King Sancho Ramírez of Aragon, granted permission for this to be rebuilt in stone, in order to accommodate pilgrims. 111 Talesa had the same idea in October 1104 when she gave her country house (pardina) at Novecercos to Somport Hospital, 112 and appointed a Béarnese cleric, William of Lafite, as prior of Sainte-Christine. 113 The viscounts' second decision was even more crucial: in 1121 they used stone to build a pilgrims' hospital at Gabás, in the Ossau valley, 114 on the route leading to the Pourtalet pass. 115 The importance of this was recalled in 1538 by the scholar Guillaume de Mota, when he presented an inventory of the assets of the hospital of Sainte-Christine to Jacques de Foix, bishop of Oloron and Lescar and grandson of Count Gaston IV of Foix (r. 1432-1472) and Queen Leonor of Navarre (d. 1479). Mota wrote (with the syntax and style typical of a sixteenth-century humanist from the Pyrenees): Que per les scripturas antiques, en lodit monestere de Ste. Christine, se trobe que l'an mil cent vingt et sept, seu circa, l'hospitau o commande fu edificade, regnant mot generoos, 105 On this subject see recently Perratore, "Crossing the Pyrenees," 219-35. 106 On the pattern of female patronage in this region, see Abenza Soria, "Ego regina." 107 The most likely date is 1108. Duran Gudiol, El Hospital del Somport; Vázquez de Parga and Uría Ríu, Las peregrinaciones, II:411-25. See also the network of Aragonese hospitals in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries recently studied by Villagrasa, La red de hospitales. 108  In writing this Mota was conveying the feelings experienced by a past generation to the people of the times of Henry II of Navarre, whose other title was Enrique d'Albret, Viscount of Béarn, Tursan, Gabardan, Tartan and Limoges; 117 this led him to consideras we are doing nowthe significance of the founding charter for Gabás hospital which states, among other things, that a hospital was built in the Ossau valley "in diebus Regni Gastonis, Vice-comitis Bearnensis." 118 In so doing, Mota revives the emotion experienced in the twelfth century when pilgrimage routes were valued in terms of the stone construction in the Béarn region. 119 The founding of the hospital at Gabás consolidated the route from Oloron to Jaca insofar as it promoted the development and influence of the Monastery of Sainte-Christine at Somport, relegating the Sallent and Gállego river routes to second place. 120 The likelihood of pilgrims opting for the Oloron-Jaca route increased steadily due to ongoing improvements, such as the building of a chapel, 121 which in turn convinced the bishop of Oloron of the need to establish a cemetery there. 122 The stone-built hospital at Gabás was innovative in that the friars of Sainte-Christine of Somport were directly involved in the entire scheme devised by Viscount Gaston IV and his wife Talesa to transform the town of Jaca into the epicentre of the region. A number of donations in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries are proof of this strategy: one example of this was Nay, 123 an old, abandoned town upon which was built the new town of Nay, as a place of protection and assistance for the monks of Sainte-Christine.
The support given by the viscounts of Béarn to the Monastery of Sainte-Christine at Somport was one way of sealing their connection with the kings of Aragon, as is made clear by the papal privilege granted by Pope Paschal II in 1116. 124 On feast days the Sainte-Christine monks were responsible for collecting tolls in Oloron and elsewhere, and it was this revenue that made such a significant contribution to the stone constructions in the area. One example of this type of building is the cupola of the church of Sainte-Croix in Oloron, built over a ribbed dome in the shape of a scallop. This is similar to the one at 116  the Hospital-Saint-Blaise, which is located right on the border between the Viscounty of Soule and the Navarre route, marking the passage to the other Navarre route, with Roncesvalles and Puente la Reina as reference points. 125 The dome is identical in design to the one at Torres del Río, as Javier Martínez de Aguirre has amply demonstrated. 126 Along the route to the Aspe valley, climbing high up into the Pyrenees, we find the old commandery and the hospital of Saint-Christau, which also belonged to Sainte-Christine. The mountain pass and the valley begin at Escot, where the inscription Pene d'Escot was carved into the rock, indicating that the traveller was on the path from the Roman road of Aquitaine to Zaragoza. 127 This route ran along the Gave d'Aspe and passed through Accous, the Aspa Luca of the Antonine Itinerary, 128 through Eygun and Borce,the first stop on the Spanish routethrough Urdos and finally, where the road reaches its roughest point, to Somport, where pilgrims would find the hospital of Sainte-Christine. 129 The third decision made by the Viscounts Gaston IV and Talesa was to sponsor the construction in stone of a hospital at Mifaget in 1117; in Béarnese Mielh-haget or Mielh-faget, literally "halfway through the beech wood," may indicate that the church or the hospital was located at the midpoint of the beech wood. 130 Some years later in 1128 they reaffirmed their support with a further donation that in silva Fageti ospitale edifaverunt, but this time with the exacting condition that Abbot William of Sainte-Christine and his successors administer the hospital in perpetuity. 131 The construction of the stone church and crypt of St-Michel established Mifaget as a key stopping point along the pilgrimage route between Lescar and Gabás. 132

An overall view
This study has focused on mapping the process of stone construction in the Béarn region in order to determine the role played by the viscounts of Béarn in the use of this prime material in the building of monasteries, churches, hospitals, bridges and roads, and it has emphasized the complexity of the territory and the fragmentation of power apparent from the beginning of the eleventh century.
The territory I have mapped was administered according to the rules laid down by a number of noble families, and by one family of viscounts in particular. Between the roads and the buildings alongside them lay plots of allodial land that were bought and sold, included in wills and testaments, or donated for the salvation of souls and other 125 On how the building work carried out first by the Navarrese monarchs and later by the Navarrese-Aragonese monarchs led to the consolidation of this step see Jimeno Jurío, El Camino de Santiago; Larrea Conde, La Navarre. Also essential reading on building projects in the region are Bango, The Construction of a Kingdom; Martínez de Aguirre, "La Santa Cruz y el Santo Sepulcro." 126 Martínez de Aguirre, "La Santa Cruz y el Santo Sepulcro." See also Lambert, Les coupoles hispano-mauresques, 323-24, and "L'Hôpital Saint-Blaise," 179-87; Elissondo, L'Hôpital Saint-Blaise. 127  initiatives. This is one possible conclusion that helps to understand the impact of a society affected by economic growth. Insofar as they formed the backbone of the pilgrimage routes, stone buildings and roads, along with farmland, constituted the basis for the entire wealth of Atlantic Pyrenees society in the second half of the eleventh century, from the nobility to knights and the bourgeoisie all the way down to the peasants.
A further conclusion to be drawn from this study is that the petrification first embarked on by Viscount Centule and Bishop Austinde, and then pursued by Centule's son Gaston IV and daughter-in-law Talesa of Aragon, is emblematic of that era of profound change ushered in by the Gregorian Reform, the crusades, and pilgrimage itself. Furthermore it has been shown that petrification had an impact on the regime predominant in the area between the Adour River and the Atlantic Pyrenees. Yet the chief aim of this study has been to demonstrate the potential wealth of documentation consisting mainly of cartularies when conducting an in-depth survey of an area undergoing petrification. This resource has made it possible to establish the ways in which noble families built everything from churches to monasteries, from bridges to roadways, using the following strategic places en route to the mountain passes of the Atlantic Pyrenees; from east to west these are: Auch, Montaner, Madiran, Vic-bilh, Lescar, Orthez, Sorde and Bayonne. The region's nobility, beginning with the viscounts of Béarn, had a clear interest in maintaining the routes in order to improve the journeys of pilgrims, knights, drovers or merchants, leading to the restoration of monasteries and churches, building of abbeys, founding of hospitals, and construction of bridges or river ports for the barges used to carry people and goods across the water, first across the Gave de Pau, and subsequently over the Gave d'Oloron and the Gave de Mauleón. We have seen that the noble families were active in attracting the hundreds of pilgrims arriving from Arles, Toulouse, Le Puy, Vézelay or Tours to their region. This last point is of particular interest, as is the fact that the viscounts of Béarn, accepted the policies of the Aragonese monarchs, aware of the complications that might arise should they not do so. There can be no doubt that the consolidation of the pilgrim routes is a clear example of the phenomenon of petrifying wealth. 133

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Notes on contributor
Almudena Blasco Vallés is currently working in the Instituto de Historia at the CCHS of the CSIC in Madrid. She has previously taught at the École Polytechnique de Paris and the UAB of Barcelona. Among her publications are the study of The Catalan Chroniques, in its Catalan and English versions, and the co-edition of Estudis sobre els Orígens de la noblesa medieval al Nord-Est peninsular (segles X-XII). She has also co-edited Guido Terrena: Confutatio Errorum Quorundam Magistrorum. Currently she is finishing a book on the biographies of Talesa of Aragon and Gaston de Béarn, as well as a volume on contemporary readings of ancient objects, provisionally entitled Regards post-modernes sur quelques objets anciens. Her work as curator and art