‘More tangible and less theoretical’: Understandings and experiences of neighbourhood-led Mutual Aid groups during the COVID-19 pandemic

ABSTRACT This exploratory study sought to understand the role of Mutual Aid groups during the Covid-19 crisis. Group members were approached through convenience sampling across London and Leicester. Fifteen interviews took place from June to August 2020. Data were analysed using Thematic Analysis. Groups were based on solidarity not charity. Most were delimited by geographic ward and provided rapid support to support neighbours with urgent material and health needs, primarily food support, collecting medical prescriptions and providing telephone companionship. While many groups successfully collaborated with community projects, relationships with local authorities were often difficult, though not always. Local leaders and policymakers should seek to establish effective collaborations between Covid-19 Mutual Aid groups and local authorities to ensure essential material and health needs at a neighbourhood level are identified and met.


Introduction
The social changes brought about during the UK Covid-19 outbreak included 'lockdown' the immediate closure of essential public services and businesses, restrictions including the legal requirement for people to stay at home, stop social gatherings and enforce selfisolation. In response, Covid-19 Mutual Aid ('C-19MA') groups rapidly appeared across the UK at a previously unseen scale to provide support and aid to neighbours. The contemporary use of the term 'mutual aid' is often attributed to the work of Russian anarchocommunist thinker Peter Kropotkin (1842Kropotkin ( -1941. Kropotkin put forward his theory of mutual support as a law of nature, where justice and equality for all are key to survival and evolution, and were expressed through the instincts of solidarity, sociability and co-operation (Kropotkin, 1903). Broadly speaking, these dynamic local groups enable neighbours to support neighbours by, for example, food shopping and picking up medical prescriptions for people self-isolating, and are expected to adapt as new phases of the pandemic are entered and laws, as well as levels of risk to health, consequently change.
C-19MA groups are a new phenomenon so as yet there is little known about them. While there are difficulties in calculating precise size and extent, a recent report (Greater London Authority, 2020) estimated there were around 740 C-19MA groups in London alone (400-450 volunteers per group) with around 70,000 (22%) active volunteers. During peacetime, local acts of informal care and support have been understood as a form of 'neighbourliness', through helping neighbours with practical tasks such as shopping, transportation and providing social companionship, to make positive contributions towards the health and wellbeing of different social groups (Broese van Groenou & De Boer, 2016;Vyncke et al., 2013;Wiles & Jayasinha, 2013). For example, in the immediate aftermath of the 2017 Grenfell Tower catastrophe in London, self-organized community groups consisting of survivors together with local social networks mobilized to provide immediate support, solidarity and to campaign for justice and social change (Madden, 2017). While neighbourliness may provide a safety net for those who need assistance in emergency situations, access to informal support has been shown to be determined by different economic and social factors, and thus access is likely to vary geographically (Waverijn et al., 2017). The effects of informal social support and solidarity during crisis conditions may serve to enhance health and well-being. For example, an emphasis on community participation may be of benefit to people experiencing loneliness and isolation (Quinn et al., 2019). Subsequently, some social researchers have suggested that facilitative relationships between community advocacy groups and local multi-sector service providers should be encouraged to establish co-created, inclusive and sustainable responses to reduce the impact of Covid-19 (Marston et al., 2020;Rose et al., 2020). Accordingly, neighbourhood-led C-19MA groups may be wellplaced to help to mitigate the impact of the pandemic, however, it remains unclear how such groups operate and what the benefits are to the people involved.
Aim C-19MA groups provided support to neighbours during the pandemic, and a better understanding of their function is necessary to enable local leaders and local people to identify and address the unmet needs within their communities and neighbourhoods. The aim of this study was to explore the ways in which different neighbourhood-led Covid-19 Mutual Aid groups were understood by those involved, in particular their structure, function and evolution, and how positive mutual aid experiences can be harnessed during the Covid-19 crisis and beyond.

Methods
A qualitative approach was deemed most appropriate to explore how members understood the nature of their local groups in an unprecedented and fastmoving situation. This exploratory study sought to answer the research questions: 'what are members' understandings of the structure, function and evolution of different  and 'what, if any, are the positive experiences of C-19MA groups, and how can these be harnessed during the crisis, and beyond'. This article was written in accordance with the 'Consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research' ('COREQ') checklist (Tong et al., 2012) (see Appendix Table 1).

Recruitment
During June to August 2020, twenty-seven C-19MA groups from community settings across five London boroughs and four wards in Leicester were approached through convenience sampling. C-19MA groups were identified through their websites and social media groups, and emails were sent to group organizers who were invited to distribute study information to existing members of C-19MA groups via their welcome messages, newsletters, introductory and/or alternative communications. Any C-19MA members who wished to take part were asked to contact the research team who would arrange an online or telephone interview. Of those who responded, reasons for not taking part in the research included having limited capacity due to C-19MA workload and being inundated by research requests. The recruitment window was subject to time constraints as lockdown was already lifting, plus there was limited funding for the study.

Participants
Three membership categories within C-19MA groups were invited to participate, namely: organizers, who were those individuals who established groups, setting-up and maintaining systems and processes; helpers, who were those individuals providing support; and recipients, defined as those individuals with pre-existing health conditions who were shielding and received C-19MA support. C-19MA members were invited to an interview with a researcher who they were informed was interested in exploring the impact of C-19MA on community health. C-19MA members could take part in the research if they were taking part in Mutual Aid groups during the Covid-19 outbreak, aged 16 years and over with an ability to write and read English to understand study information and the informed consent process. Those under 16 years and people experiencing severe psychological distress or cognitive impairment likely to preclude participation were excluded from taking part. No incentives were offered and King's College London Research Ethics Committee granted approval (PNM/MOD-19/20-18941).

Materials
Semi-structured interviews with C-19MA group members were conducted by two postdoctoral (CE & NH) and one postgraduate (AR) self-identifying women researchers, two of whom each possess over a decade of experience in qualitative research (CE & AR). Two of the researchers (NH & AR) had had previous contact with participants within their own C-19MA locality whereas one researcher (CE) had had no prior contact. All researchers were members of their local C-19MA groups. No one else apart from the researcher and the participant were present at the time of interview. An indicative topic guide (Appendix 2) was developed based on domains previously identified by the UK Office for Civil Society (2019) as relevant to community participation.
Participants were asked about the structure of their C-19MA group, and how they made sense of their experiences of the C-19MA activities undertaken in their neighbourhoods. The topic guide was prepared to provide some overall consistency to interviews, while allowing for flexibility in relation to themes that emerged during the course of the research interview. Prior to conducting the interviews, questions were piloted with members of the research team, who were also C-19MA members. Participants were interviewed once, which lasted around forty-five minutes. All interviews were carried out using WhatsApp and Zoom, or by telephone, as each participant decided which form was easiest for them, and were audio-recorded with the knowledge and permission of the participants.

Analysis
Interviews were transcribed and qualitative data were managed using NVivo 12. An inductive approach to thematic analysis was adopted (Braun & Clarke, 2006) to indicate the consistency and variability of understandings and experiences. Due to time and budgetary constraints, the authors were mindful that a small convenience sample may be an insufficient approach to generate a description of the phenomenon under investigation, though it may indicate themes for future research. Following familiarization with the data, line-by-line codes for each transcript were created by CE along with extensive analytical memos. Coding continued until a sense of no new codes could be identified from the transcripts (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). NH and SM conducted initial coding on three transcripts for comparison with the coding frame developed by CE for reliability purposes. Codes were then mapped and developed into main themes which were named and defined (Appendix 3 for Example of Coding Tree and Appendix 4 for Illustration of Thematic Maps). Final themes were discussed and interpreted by authors in conjunction with their own fieldnotes, and illustrative extracts were discussed and selected for each theme. For negotiating personal interests as potential biases, authors embedded the practice of reflexivity within the study via self-reflection through fieldnotes and methodological memos, which were discussed during weekly online team-reflection meetings throughout the period of data collection. Each researcher made detailed notes on interview transcripts during and after interviews, and shared these as a way to recognize different personal, political and theoretical reflections and experiences. The authors discussed these notes to explore how their responses may affect the coding, thematic development and interpretative stages of analysis.

Results
Fifteen participants from five boroughs across London and four wards in Leicester took part. Most were organizers and helpers, and three participants were organizers or helpers as well as recipients at different times throughout the study period. Three themes were most prominent: (i) Diversity of C-19MA groups, with participants reporting different understandings of C-19MA as well as motivations, backgrounds, skills and experiences; (ii) C-19MA groups undertook activities primarily to support the basic and complex unmet needs of neighbours; (iii) Collaborations between C-19MA groups and community projects were productive for some, however, relationships with local authorities were tense for most. In what follows below, major themes are presented with minority views to show wide variability in perspectives and experiences; each theme is discussed together with illustrative extracts [with participant number, role and city in parenthesis].

Understanding(s) of Mutual Aid
Participants described group membership as consisting of a wide breadth of different backgrounds, skills and experiences, 'from all walks of life' as one put it, many of whom they had never met previously in their neighbourhood and 'probably would never have spoken to'. Many described 'wanting to get involved' in their local C19-MA group which they had discovered through social media, Facebook specifically. Notably, there were differences between organizers who commonly had a background in community organizing, activism, charities and social work who understood C-19MA participation as their 'duty' and 'responsibility', which contrasted with helpers who often framed their involvement in terms of 'volunteering' and wanting to act from of 'kindness' and 'goodwill': I personally would just see it as a responsibility as a person, as a human to other humans, I wouldn't see it in relation to my citizenship. [P02,Helper,London] I think everyone's doing because they think its part of their responsibility, I don't think anyone's doing it for fun. [P12, Helper, Leicester] I don't think they do see it as a responsibility, because in actual fact they've volunteered to do this, but I don't feel that they see a necessary responsibility as such -I just see that they're sort of doing it out the kindness of their own heart. [P11, Recipient, Leicester] Others mentioned that C-19MA helped them to feel 'empowered', 'useful' and gave them a 'purpose' and an ability to have a real 'impact' and 'be part of something that's very solutions-oriented' during a major crisis, for example: It gave me a purpose, and not just waking every day and reading the news and feeling completely lost and hopeless about the world, it gave me a reason to like, it sounds dramatic but it made me feel empowered to do something about the situation rather than rollover and just cry about everything. [P05,Helper,London] All participants referred to C-19MA as a demonstration of community strength in the face of adversity expressed through notions such as 'community spirit' and 'cohesion' and ideas such as 'bringing people together' and 'neighbours helping neighbours'. Several reported that C-19MA membership provided a sense of neighbourhood connectedness and belonging (albeit 'virtual' in many respects) that had not existed for them prior to the pandemic. C-19MA groups were described by a few as 'incredibly inclusive and welcoming', with several reporting a sense of community and neighbourhood 'levelling', 'vibrancy', 'integration', 'rootedness', 'safety' and 'security' for the first time: It was a kind of reaffirmation really of how solid that community was and how wide it stretches, that kind of gluey-ness that I don't think people realise is there until they really need it. [P15,Organiser,Leicester] We all can appreciate from this that we can feel more connected with people that we live next to, we used to be just like I don't care about you and we'd walk past without saying a word. [P05,Helper,London] Many participants talked about how C-19MA participation increased their 'consciousness', 'recognition' and 'awareness' of the different and difficult economic, social and health circumstances in their neighbourhood: One of the things I'd say is I think this has really opened my eyes to what our social care needs really are, you know the social care crisis is something I'd only really read about. [P09,Helper,Leicester] Some level of discomfort was reported by a few helpers regarding those 'who need more help' due to what was perceived as experiencing 'a much more deeper problem or trouble' as one put it, where the level of complexity in neighbours' lives was particularly difficult. Helpers described informally supporting recipients through difficult health and economic situations, including suffering and frustrations, which had given rise to experiences of 'burnout', where a few had to take a break from C-19MA participation as a result. Some talked about sleeplessness due to anxiety too. On gaining this insight through C-19MA, several reported how their experiences had contributed to feeling overwhelmed, distressed, exhausted and pressured at certain points during the crisis: You wouldn't know it to look at it, but finding out just how many people are struggling and how many people really, really are in food poverty and other sorts of poverty as well has been quite distressing. A few helpers reported feeling 'powerless', stating that 'you have absolutely no control and you don't know how to make the situation better'. At the same time, many organizers and helpers referred to the 'mutual benefits' or reciprocities of C-19MA, specifically how assisting those shielding helped them to feel 'less isolated' and 'connected' as they were able to 'get so much back' by being 'out and about and support people' which had been good for the organizers and helpers: I think those of us that volunteer clearly are less isolated because we're able to get out and about and support people. [P12,Helper,Leicester] The whole point of mutual aid is that it's mutual for everybody, and those who've been volunteering their time have also got a lot from it and it's probably been a coping mechanism for a lot of people, feeling like they're doing something and like they're part of a local community. [P04,Organiser,London] All participants understood their C-19MA membership as based on community solidarity, or a community 'bridge' as one suggested, based not on charity but rather shared values and goals. Different understandings and definitions of C-19MA groups were apparent, though all commonly reported a desire to participate in mutual or reciprocal support within their neighbourhoods during the pandemic. An organizer noted how the majority of recipients and helpers in their group were 'probably ninety to one hundred percent women, that we're [organisers and helpers] all probably people who are either still in employment or in a fortunate position' and wondered whether this reflected an overrepresentation of women working in the charity, voluntary and community sectors. A few noted concerns about themselves and others being 'white', 'privileged' and living a 'fairly comfortable life' suddenly becoming involved in assisting their communities and neighbourhoods as they had free time due to the pandemic.
Acknowledging the 'anarchist' history of mutual aid, and despite the political and activist backgrounds of some, the majority stressed the apolitical nature of their involvement and did not want their experiences to be 'tarnished' by politics, instead emphasizing a need to support their neighbours during the crisis: We've had a lot of conversations about the term mutual aid and what it is, where it comes from and if people are getting involved because they want to be part of an actual anarchistic mutual aid organisation, actually I don't think people are doing that, people are just seeing themselves as part of a community that they have to help in this kind of like crisis. [P15,Organiser,Leicester] It feels more grassroots and more community-led, more anarchist, yeah, maybe more, yeah, like more tangible and less theoretical, like lots of activist spaces get quite academic or removed from peoples' daily realities whereas this feels very grounded in material immediate needs. [P02,Helper,London] We've been seen as an anarchic movement, we were just seen as a real political or anarchic movement and I've tried to say there are going to be people who are apolitical there are going to be people who are very political but as a mutual aid group, we are not political we are just neighbours wanting to help neighbours, regardless of our personal politics.
[P13, Organiser, Leicester] I thought this was not a political group and then people were like this isn't a political issue you know justice isn't a political issue. [P06,Helper,London] The one thing I think these groups have done is I think almost forget about all of that and bring us together as a community and so I'd like to think that these groups could remain very non-political and be a bridge for the community. [P09,Organiser,Leicester] Many described C-19MA groups as 'local', 'organic', 'community-led' and 'grassroots' that were 'well-organised' and the 'structure was really good' with 'conscientious' and 'receptive' organizers (or 'ward leads'), with some characterizing their C-19MA group as 'fast-track response' and 'rapid response outreach team' led by neighbours who knew their neighbourhood well and could respond appropriately to local needs: Based on principles of solidarity, not charity, C-19MA groups were perceived as distinct from charities as they were 'informal' and 'not hierarchical', and based on 'joint decisions' and 'voting'. C-19MA involvement for helpers was unpaid and a 'voluntary commitment' (e.g., 'it wasn't like something you commit to like Monday nine to five type of thing, so it was that flexibility') and a 'very different form of giving' in terms of time and energy, rather than money, where 'people help wherever and however they can' and by 'drawing on the skills of the community'.
Most understood C-19MA groups as unable to access funding due to having been set up as structures that were 'not official' and 'informal' as noted above. Two groups developed committees, with constitutions via fiscal hosts and set-up bank accounts to enable access to emergency funding through grants from local councils. It was unclear whether being unfunded was in keeping with a specific understanding of mutual aid, or whether it depended on funding support being available locally, and what needed to be done legislatively to access that funding. It was important to most that C-19MA groups remained independent, consistent with common definitions of mutual aid i.e., mutual reciprocity. This independence was perceived to enable them to help everyone without pre-specified conditions commonly required by certain funders.
Participants reported that systems and processes, such as the allocation of helpers to specific activities, were formed and maintained online through social media and communication platforms such as WhatsApp, Telegram, Zoom and Slack, due to social distancing requirements imposed during lockdown. One person mentioned feeling 'really disconnected' from their C-19MA group as a result of digital communication (e.g., it's hard to keep the momentum when it's based on a WhatsApp group and you're not meeting and building connections). C-19MA groups informed neighbourhoods of their existence through word of mouth, rounds of posting multi-lingual leaflets through neighbours' doors with links to websites and online social media groups, and posters in parks and local services such as GPs, pharmacies, faith groups, councils and community centres. Some had leaflet dissemination strategies, and a few mentioned there may have been neighbours who were not aware of C-19MA groups as leaflets were not distributed in all areas. Most groups had set up email accounts. Two groups established a phoneline to enable access, which helpers took turns answering, whilst in other groups members put their own phone number on leaflets. A few mentioned using local radio announcements and producing online videos to spread the word, and in some areas local statutory services would also refer people to C-19MA groups.
In terms of coverage, most groups, though not all, were described as delimited geographically by 'ward' or 'zone' with borders drawn in terms of who they could help commonly through postcodes and maps (e.g., 'they had this nice map that they had worked out so you could figure out a nearby volunteer'). Frustration and confusion were expressed by a few about divides about 'where the borders were', with many groups producing their own maps to demarcate the boundaries. A few mentioned how their groups were not delimited geographically, but rather on the nearest helper available to assist with a given activity. A participant noted that because the C-19MA groups were spread across a vast area (e.g., ward or borough), they were all in contact, so helpers could help across multiple wards, and if a recipient or helper contacted the`wrong ward`they could be put in touch with an organizer in their local neighbourhood.

Tasks and Activities: Immediate and Material Support
Many reported C-19MA provided urgent support to address practical and material needs of neighbours, consisting primarily of assistance with food, where some recipients were 'in tears because they've never had to ask for help before like this and they feel really bad about it', as one put it. A few mentioned setting up 'community food projects' to provide hot meals particularly for those who were 'disabled' and 'vulnerable',defined as those neighbours experiencing physical and mental health difficulties, some of whom were expected to 'cook a bag of lentils' when microwavable frozen meals would have been more appropriate: Now I have experienced the need to have hot meals because the only support I got was from the council, appalling box for vulnerable people that they expect me to cook myself. [P01,Helper & Recipient,London] Community food projects were described as structurally distinct from food banks as the former were informal, unfunded, and did not request the personal details of recipients. One participant mentioned how a community food project had been extended to provide clothing and toys to children, and had collaborated with a community adventure playground to arrange activities for children and caregivers. In addition to buying and delivering groceries and donating clothes, some mentioned food projects as providing cooking utensils such as cutlery and pans to enable neighbours to prepare their own food. Another described actively participating in food projects by helping practically and sharing recipe ideas, activities which they believed might help reduce a perceived stigma and the emotional impact of coming forward if neighbours were in need of food support. C-19MA groups also worked with food banks to deliver food parcels: There was a van that was going around and delivering home cooked meals for people who are struggling for free. [P08,Helper,London] C-19MA activities included dog-walking for those shielding, procurement and distribution of protective face masks, campaigning to raise community awareness (e.g., about the importance of masks), collecting medical prescriptions, and chaperoning those leaving home for the first time after periods of social isolation. A few mentioned demographically matching helpers to recipients for befriending ('friendly phone calls') as a 'comfort and safety' with the aim of offering 'companionship', 'emotional support' and 'care'. Tasks were described as 'practical things' including providing information such as 'soft information' for street sleepers and people made homeless (e.g. 'where do you go and get your hot meal, where do you go to have a wash, where do you go to get the help and advice and support from somebody') as well as 'working out referral pathways' and 'sign-posting' to a 'network of agencies' such as Age UK, as well as completing forms for benefits and loans from statutory services such as the council, particularly for those without internet access.

Collaboration(s) and Sustainability of C-19MA
Many participants reported successful collaborations with charities who would direct recipients to C-19MA groups and local community projects. One mentioned experiencing difficulties when approaching large supermarket and pharmaceutical chains to arrange telephone payments for home deliveries for those isolated and/or shielding. There were mixed experiences of working with some foodbanks: For the foodbanks we work with there isn't any real criteria, if you say you're hungry you need food we put the names and address and they'll get food, there's no tick boxes to say qualified or eligible, and we ask them if they've got any children or any family members. [P05,Helper,London] Many times people who you know come and to ask for support, for like a food bag and stuff like that, and then you read the food bank and they say 'oh, we cannot give food to the person, they need to be referred'. [P01,Helper & Recipient,London] C-19MA groups provided a rapid response which local authorities were unable to provide due to lockdown restrictions to address what an organizer described 'a spectrum of needs within our community' which existed before the crisis and had been worsened by it. Some talked about varying degrees of support available between boroughs, with some statutory services reportedly able to provide more assistance than others. Others referred to relationships with local authorities as 'delayed', 'difficult', 'initially distrustful', 'demotivating', 'clashing', 'dismissive', 'disruptive' and 'antagonising'. Issues were perceived as primarily due to conflicts caused by the belief that MA was anarchic and thus was assumed to be 'renegade', a 'threat' or 'loose cannon'. Many suggested that C-19MA groups were 'lacking recognition' from public sector organizations, which did not appreciate C-19MA in terms of the 'informal' 'rapid response' nature of their support versus 'formal', 'regimented' and 'bureaucratic' support provided by local authorities: My biggest issue and regret was the lack of support from the councillors and the council, I think we really struggled with that, it was really unnecessary, we could have helped so many more people if we hadn't have had those road blocks there and so it was incredibly demotivating I mean I remember coming off one of the council calls and just, not crying, but like being so angry that I wanted to cry because I was so frustrated. [P10,Organiser,Leicester] So the relationship there [public sector] has been by far the hardest to nurture because they saw us as interfering […] so getting that information two way flow to make life easier and just make it run more efficiently, that's been a real struggle, just making them see the sense of urgency. [P13,Organiser,Leicester] There were a few reports of positive relationships with local councils, described as 'supportive' and 'connected': I think we've also got quite a good connection with the council so if people call the council for things they'll quite often refer to us. [P04,Helper,London] Notably for C-19MA groups operating in wards in Central London, one participant reported a lack of access to council, health and social care services due to complete shutdown during lockdown: Actually our volunteers were the only people on the streets for weeks, along with like the emergency services, social services collapsed, care workers weren't coming in, so we started picking up a lot of that, people would phone, people were contacting us absolutely desperate with no money, like their benefits had stopped or they'd lost their job, and they were absolutely desperate. [P03,Organiser & Recipient,London] In terms of sustainability, there were mixed views. For some, future C-19MA groups were envisaged as consisting of diverse people who went above and beyond to address the needs that had been unmet by central government and local authorities. For example, a few referred to ideal scenarios consisting of growing food to sustain a community as one way to help their communities to be self-sufficient and not reliant on state and capitalistic forces in the future. All felt there was a clear and persistent need to provide support and care to neighbours, with some reporting looking forward to the continued work of C-19MA groups. Some mentioned having 'learnt lessons' from the initial lockdown and were prepared to 'evolve' and 'change and adapt' in the event of a future lockdown. Another referred to 'losing momentum' due to helpers returning to work, and felt that without support from local authorities and other community groups, their C-19MA group would 'die a slow death'.
Others had concerns related to the sustainability of C-19MA groups in terms of lack of funding, leadership and 'chaotic' structure (e.g., 'too many cooks in the kitchen'): But again we don't want to burn out, that's one of my concerns for the volunteers, so there is a need for a service like mutual aid but it needs to be funded and coordinated, perhaps more officially, I don't know, I just know that there's a lot of gaps and we're filling them. [P13,Organiser,Leicester] Continuing community engagement and remaining involved in community-led projects was important to some. Others highlighted a need to ensure that their neighbours 'feel there's a way for everyone to contribute' to C-19MA, which was particularly important for the sustainability of neighbourhood solidarity. Some mentioned concerns about organizers and helpers having less free time to help due to furlough ending: All those people who were helping on furlough are being unfurloughed now, so we're really struggling to find people to go to the foodbank, now it's just constantly looking for volunteers and no one's really responding anymore, so the food problem hasn't gone away but people are getting busier. [P05,Helper,London] The majority felt their C-19MA group was 'here to stay' due to the persistence of unmet needs in their neighbourhood that existed before the pandemic, where activities such as companionship were perceived to promote community cohesion: I think it's here to stay I don't think it's going away for maybe a few years and actually we have an opportunity to use these groups as a bridge between the parts of society that have almost got lost. [P09,Helper,Leicester] The reason why I hope mutual aid exists forever is for like literally someone who has no option or doesn't know where to turn and call a group who can say we can at least try to help. [P06,Helper,London] Conversely, another was reluctant towards the continuation of their C-19MA group as they felt strongly that local authorities should be addressing the neighbourhood needs served by C-19MA groups: I don't see us being a permanent player in this landscape as a mutual aid, partly because I think we're doing stuff that the council should be doing, and I don't ever want to establish this as like a routine thing that the council can just get away with not doing when they're supposed to be doing it just because there's free volunteers doing it now, so from that point of view like ideologically I'm opposed to being around permanently. [P03,Organiser & Recipient,London] A few mentioned the different personal political views among members as potentially jeopardizing the cohesion and thus longevity of their C-19MA group: I just think the informal nature of mutual aid makes it really difficult sometimes to continue because like I said it's like herding cats and you've got people with very strong opinions and while Covid has been a very rapid intense situation I'm not sure if longer term it would perhaps split off and fragment and faction. [P10,Recipient,Leicester] Additionally, some suggested that training would be helpful in relation to supporting neighbours experiencing mental health difficulties, although caution was expressed as this may 'formalise' C-19MA processes in a way that was inconsistent with their understanding of mutual aid principles. One suggested that those members with appropriate background and training could 'share insights', to help members with situations they encounter.

Key Findings
This study set out to explore the ways in which different neighbourhood-led C-19MA groups were understood by some of those involved during the first lockdown, and how the groups operated based on these understandings. Findings highlighted that C-19MA philosophies, structures and activities varied between C-19MA groups and members. Organizers and helpers described a sense of urgency, duty and responsibility to help their neighbours, which C-19MA membership enabled them to actualize, and in doing so membership had been a positive experience that provided a sense of purpose during a major crisis. Among organizers and helpers, however, there was a clear sense of worry, anger, frustration, in addition to exhaustion and sleeplessness, in recognizing through C-19MA groups that recipients' basic needs were unmet. Concerns also remained about the welfare of some neighbours, particularly those without online access and those that might have not seen fliers or been given one, all of whom would have been unaware of the existence of their local C-19MA group. Some suggested that strategic planning of communication channels (e.g., flyers and posters targeting certain areas) may enable C-19MA groups to reach deeper into neighbourhoods to identify those who may wish to access support.
The organized forms of informal care and support provided through C-19MA membership were consistent with the notion of 'neighbourliness' (Waverijn et al., 2017). C-19MA extended the notion of neighbourliness to strangers who became neighbours through acts of support. The flexible and responsive nature of the activities undertaken to help with the different needs of neighbours were similar to those reported in a previous survey during the first weeks of lockdown (Jones et al., 2020). That is, activities supported both the basic needs of neighbours through food and medication provision, particularly for those on low incomes. The present study showed that C-19MA groups provided immediate support to those left without access to health and social care during lockdown, particularly those with chronic illness and limited mobility. As recently reported in the US context (Quinn et al., 2019), findings suggested that C-19MA membership and assistance helped to address the known social determinants of ill-health and well-being, particularly for those already subjected to various forms of economic, material and physical disadvantage. Additionally, findings also highlighted the role of C-19MA groups in providing companionship to mitigate loneliness as a result of social isolation, particularly for elderly neighbours and those shielding as they cared for loved ones. It was clear that C-19MA groups were providing informal support to many neighbours inadvertently and adversely affected by lockdown measures who had not come to the attention of statutory services yet were also most in need.
In terms of sustainability, there were concerns around the lack of resources and support available to help C-19MA groups to cope with the continued urgent needs of neighbours as members returned to work, with an anticipated increase in demand as unemployment rates were expected to rise. Perceived threats to C-19MA longevity included poor leadership and political differences between members. Barriers were reported in relation working with local authorities, commonly perceived to be because of the perception of C-19MA groups as informal, renegade and anarchistic. This study has shown that such views were at odds with participants' continued involvement in their local C-19MA groups, as participants reported being primarily motivated by wanting to help their neighbourhood during a crisis. Previous commentaries (Marston et al., 2020;Rose et al., 2020) have highlighted the importance of establishing meaningful relationships between C-19MA groups, community projects and local authorities during the pandemic, and therefore effective ways of collaborative working must be identified. In the absence of knowledge on the best way to do this, future studies should explore the perceptions of local authority workers towards C-19MA groups to improve understanding of how to cultivate effective collaborations to help meet the urgent unmet needs of neighbours. A facilitated participatory gathering using the World Café or the Dilemmas Café approaches (e.g., Banks, 2015;Fouché & Light, 2011) for example could encourage collaborative dialogue between different groups in a way that can be relaxed (due to existing perceived tensions) and include critical listening and questioning, to help to identify and address the challenges of joint working.

Strengths and Limitations
This is the first known study of how members of C-19MA groups understand the nature and their involvement in such groups. It was built on one of the researcher's (NH) intimate knowledge of C-19MA as a member of a group, from which a diverse team of researchers came together to conduct the study at speed using rapid response funding. A limitation is the lack of demographic details for participants due to limited time and resources, and to preserve anonymity. Our sample is by no means representative of who partakes in C-19MA, and future studies would benefit from maximum variation sampling strategies that seek out the broadest range of experiences. Most participants appeared to identify as women (n = 14) so findings should be interpreted with caution. The reasons for a lack of gender diversity in our study were unclear however an overrepresentation of women was also noted by some participants regarding the gender characteristics of members within their groups. Further investigation of the characteristics of C-19MA members would help to identify which, if any, social groups are providing and accessing C-19MA support. The majority of participants were organizers and/or helpersonly three C-19MA recipients took part which limited any theoretical insight that could be generated about the impact C-19MA from this perspective. The research team were unable to address these limitations due to the restricted timeframe and budget. In terms of reflexivity, the authors did not assume that weekly group discussions facilitated the identification of every line of influence imposed in the analysis and interpretation. Due to time and budgetary constraints again, analysis and interpretation of data were not presented to participants for feedback which would have enhanced the trustworthiness and credibility of findings.

Conclusion
This small exploratory study showed that C-19MA philosophies varied considerably between C-19MA members and groups. Similarities were apparent across group structures such as the utilization of online social media and activities that helped to address the immediate material and health needs of recipients, commonly food support, medication deliveries and companionship. C19-MA provided a rapid and neighbourhood-led response to unmet needs and there was a continuing and evolving need for this assistance, but sustainability would require more support. Local leaders and policymakers should seek to nurture effective working collaborations between C-19MA groups and local authorities to help address the adverse effects of the pandemic on exacerbating existing economic, social, and health inequalities.