The role of reconstruction planning and shop owners’ contribution in the post-war transformation and revival of vitality in Hiroshima Hondōri Shōtengai

ABSTRACT In the aftermath of the Pacific War, Japan launched a national effort to rebuild war-damaged areas in over a hundred cities. One unique example is the reconstruction of Hiroshima after the atomic bombing and its revival as a peace memorial city despite the city-wide destruction. While Hiroshima was able to restore vitality to its once-razed city centre, more recent reconstruction cases, especially neoliberal ones, have failed to do so. Therefore, this study analyses planning and historical documents to clarify the roles of pre-war shop owners and local planning authorities which were involved in the reconstruction of Hiroshima Hondōri Commercial Street and highlights their contributions to the revival of the street’s vitality. The study utilised field and archival surveys to trace the post-transformation and rebuilding of shops in Hiroshima Hondōri Commercial Street after the atomic bombing. Based on that, the post-war planning maintained Hondōri’s function and structure, shop owners from pre-war time have contributed to the reconstruction by joining planning deliberation meetings and organising themselves to encourage the return of businesses and visitors. The findings of this study highlight the role of reconstruction planning and local citizens’ initiatives in restoring livelihood to war-torn areas.


Research background
As warfare wreaks havoc in urban areas, post-war recovery becomes a lengthy process that requires extensive reconstruction efforts. These efforts are usually hindered by large-scale destruction that is combined with critical issues, such as post-war financial difficulties and complex property rights. For example, after the Pacific War, Japan had to deal with the widespread aftermath of the Allied Forces raids, where 215 cities in Japan were either bombed or shelled (Ishida 2003, 18). Reconstruction guidelines were set immediately after the end of the war, and the national government designated 115 war-damaged cities as targets for reconstruction.
Following these guidelines, many of the wardamaged cities in Japan prepared reconstruction plans. However, the extent of the planning implementation and progress greatly varied between cities. For example, the project area implementation ratio in Nagoya reached 78.3% while it was merely 6.3% in Tokyo special wards (Yanase 2018). Many reconstruction projects were hindered or scaled down to fit the dire post-war economic reality. Critique to post-war reconstruction in Japan has revolved around certain characteristics, such as the continuity of central planning before and after the war (Sorensen 2002, 158), the completion ratio-based evaluations of reconstruction projects (Alden and Abe 1994, 24), and the remaining vulnerabilities of Japanese cities to disasters despite reconstruction (Ishida 2003, 43). Among the rebuilt cities after the war, Hiroshima stands as an important example of the post-war planning era due to its ability to recover from such large-scale destruction, its unique memorialism-driven approach on both policy and planning levels, and its city-wide reconstruction efforts. More than seven decades have passed since the devastation of Hiroshima from the atomic bombing of 1945, and vitality has been restored to its oncerazed city centre.
The literature on post-war reconstruction in Japan generally follows three interconnected trajectories. The first trajectory focuses on the development of reconstruction plans (fukkō keikaku) and planning ideas (keikaku shisō). From a wider perpective, Koshizawa (2005Koshizawa ( , 2012 discussed the post-war reconstruction era among other reconstruction episodes in Japan. More focused scholarly works on the recovery of war-damaged cities in the post-war era were compiled by Hein, Diefendorf, andIshida in Rebuilding Urban Japan After 1945 (2003). Regarding the reconstruction of Hiroshima, Ishimaru (2008) examined how reconstruction ideas were dispersed and debated in the immediate years after the bombing, and how later they merged into one direction towards memorialism. Furthermore, scholars have indicated that establishing post-war memorial Hiroshima epitomises the importance of policy decisions, as seen in the Peace Memorial City Construction Act of 1949, in building a new identity (Shinoda 2008, 22). However, others have also argued that the chosen post-war identity per se might have created sites of "dark tourism" (Zwigenberg 2016, 638).
The second trajectory focuses on spatial and landuse transformations under post-war reconstruction. In this regard, Imamura (2009) clarified how some former military grounds had been converted into green and open spaces in several major cities in Japan. Furthermore, Ishigure's (2016) work has shed light on the role of black markets in post-war transformation of urban tissue around Tokyo's transportation hubs. Similarly, scholars have traced the formation and transformation of the Shintenchi amusement quarter in central Hiroshima (Tagaya and Sugimoto 2007).
The third trajectory focuses on the cross-cultural flow of planning concepts and the contribution of foreign actors. Scholars have referred to how Kenzo Tange's Peace Memorial Park has introduced Japanese modernity that "would be culturally authentic and contemporary" (Cho 2012, 81). Others have shed light on the contribution of foreign reconstruction advisors in Hiroshima, such as those that advocated for conservation (Ishimaru 2009, 834), their Western-inspired plans for areas in Hiroshima (Ishimaru 2011, 300), and the reflection of Western modernists in Tange's design of the Peace Memorial Museum (Hein 2002, 70).
Examining the Second World War era from a wider geographical perspective also shows that urban policy makers considered post-war reconstruction as a "unique opportunity" for radical transformations, modernisation, and ambitious reforms (Diefendorf 1989, 130). In the early post-war period modernist concepts were quite influential in planning wardamaged cities as seen of the reconstruction of Le Havre led by Auguste Perret   (Clout 1999). Warsaw on the other hand followed a different approach through a large-scale restoration of its devastated historical centre to revive the emotional ties between the city and its inhabitants (Jankowski 1990). Such projects were seen in the context of "strengthening morale" as historical sites are associated with national identity (Calame 2005, 9). More recent projects were influenced by the rise of neoliberalism in the 1980s such as the private sector-led reconstruction of Beirut Central District. Rebuilding Downtown Beirut after the Lebanese Civil War (1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990) aimed for an international hub, but recent studies showed that the project has failed to restore prewar vibrancy (Alkazei and Matsubara 2021). This study fills the gap in the transformations and grandiose projects-focused literature, by discussing the revival of everyday spaces in Hiroshima under the efforts of pre-war shop owners as seen in the case of Hondōri Commercial Street (hereafter Hondōri). The study focuses on restoring pre-war commercial space with grass-root initiatives to highlight the role of local citizens, and comes in contrast to examples like Rotterdam's Lijnbaan that were transformed into a modern promenade of commerce (Taverne 1990).
Discussing the reconstruction of Hiroshima has given much attention to the memorial movement and landmark projects like Peace Memorial Park and Atomic Dome. However, reconstruction of everyday spaces such as of a central commercial street like Hondōri is yet to be fully explored. This is particularly important because everyday spaces are essential destinations in the life of citizens and their reconstruction goes beyond nostalgic or monumental purposes into the daily needs of the locals. Furthermore, the extant literature has yet to provide a sufficient examination of the influence of post-war reconstruction on the current state of vitality of such spaces. Therefore, this study discusses the case of Hiroshima Hondōri Commercial Street to clarify the role of reconstruction planning and pre-war shops owners in rebuilding the street and restoring its urban vitality. The study examines how Hondōri was approached in the reconstruction plans, how it transformed after the bombing, and what efforts did pre-war shop owners put towards its revival.
Learning from examples where vitality has been restored, as in the case of Hondōri, would highlight the importance of planning practices and grass-root initiatives of local people in restoring liveliness to wardamaged areas.
Clarifying the role of local people in reconstruction planning requires an understanding of both the planning culture during that period and how it shaped their contribution to reconstruction process. Planning culture can be defined as "the collective ethos and dominant attitudes of professional planners in different nations towards the appropriate roles of the state, market forces, and civil society in urban, regional, and national development" (Sanyal 2005, 3). In the case of Japanese planning culture, Sorenson argued that there was "significant continuities" in terms of pre-war and post-war planning culture and practice, top-down planning system, and a weak role of civil society (Sorensen 2005). Nonetheless, this study argues that despite both the dominant role of technocrats in the reconstruction and the limited role of civil society in post-war Japanese planning culture, citizens were able to contribute to the reconstruction and restoration of vitality, as seen in the case of Hiroshima Hondōri. This study illustrates the role of two components of planning culture in the reconstruction of Hondōri: planning authorities and pre-war shop owners. This paper is organised as follows. An overview of the historical development and wartime destruction of Hiroshima and Hondōri is provided in Section 2.
Section 3 examines how the planning and regulations shaped the reconstruction in Hiroshima and Hondōri after the bombing. Section 4 clarifies the contribution of Hondōri's pre-war shop owners to the reconstruction process and restoration of its present vibrant environment, and sheds light on the current diverse and active character of the street. Finally, the conclusions are presented in Section 5.

Research area
Hondōri is a commercial street (shōtengai) located in Naka Ward of Hiroshima City. It is approximately 570 m long, making it one of the longest commercial streets in Western Japan. Hondōri's central location and proximity to Hiroshima Castle points to its history which dates back to the origins of the city. Despite Hondōri's destruction in the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, it was rebuilt to become one of the most vibrant areas in the city centre like it used to be before the war. Figure 1 shows the location of Hondōri and illustrates its proximity to the hypocentre of the bombing in 1945, which was estimated to be near the western end of the street. The western side of Hondōri leads to the Peace Memorial Park, formerly known as Nakajima District, through the Motoyasu Bridge. Its eastern side leads to the Shintenchi Quarter and Kinza Commercial Street. The street is divided into two sections by Rijo Road, which also provides access to both city streetcar lines and the Astram line (subway). Hondōri is an arcade with a three-story-high arched ceiling that covers the entirety of the street (grey area in Figure 1).

Methodology
This study was based on field and archival surveys. An archival survey was used to clarify both plans for Hondōri's reconstruction and the efforts of pre-war shop owners. Data were collected from Hiroshima City Archives (Hiroshimashi Kōbunshokan), Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum (Hiroshima Heiwa Kinen Shiryōkan), and Hiroshima City Central Library (Hiroshimashi Chūō Toshokan). Key records of the city's reconstruction were collected and utilised in this study, including volumes of Hiroshima Shinshi (such as Toshibunka-hen and Shiryō-hen) and Hiroshima's Sensai Fukko Jugyo-shi. Other historical records including a series of newspaper articles in the Chūgoku Shimbun on the reconstruction of Hondōri in 1979 provided insights from pre-war shop owners. 1 Collected data was analysed by first comparing reconstruction plans concerning both road planning and land readjustment with the pre-war state to clarify the transformation of the street that was associated with reconstruction. Then, the study examines transition of shops in Hondōri by tracing the return of prewar shops through reconstruction until their current state based on a combination of historical records and field survey. Utilised data included sources such as Hiroshima Hondōri Shōtengai no Ayumi (2000), which was published by Hiroshima Hondōri Commercial Association (Hiroshima Hondōri Shōgyō Kumiai). This document sheds light on the street's historical development and provides information and records (name, location, and type) of shops located in Hondōri since pre-1945 state until 2000 state. The source also lists the establishment date of shops related to Hondōri in different periods; specifically, the Meiji period , Taisho period (1912)(1913)(1914)(1915)(1916)(1917)(1918)(1919)(1920)(1921)(1922)(1923)(1924)(1925)(1926), and the Showa period to the end of Pacific War (1926)(1927)(1928)(1929)(1930)(1931)(1932)(1933)(1934)(1935)(1936)(1937)(1938)(1939)(1940)(1941)(1942)(1943)(1944)(1945). Therefore, shops that date back to the pre-war era in Hondōri were first identified. These records were complemented with 1980 record in Hiroshima Shinshi: Toshibunkahen, 2013 record in Hiroshima Hondōri Monogatari, and the authors' field survey in May 2018 which included photo documentation and identifying existing shops.

Historical development up to the Pacific War
Hiroshima dates back to the late sixteenth century when Mōri Terumoto built his castle on the delta of the Ōta River in 1589 that later developed into a castle town (jōkamachi) under the name of "Hiroshima". The castle town attracted commercial activities and areas were named after clusters of businesses, such as Kawaya-chō after leather shops and Kamiya-chō after paper shops. These areas, along with adjacent ones including Harimaya-chō and Hirataya-chō, developed into the current Hondōri. Hondōri was located at the southern end of the castle town and became part of the road known as "Saigoku Kaidō" which connected Kyoto and Kyushu during the Edo period (1603-1868).
Hiroshima later gained importance as a provincial centre in Western Japan and gradually moved towards industrialisation stimulated by the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) and Russo-Japanese War (1904)(1905). 2 The industrial development during that period was accompanied by developments in city planning domain through the implementation of the first planning system in 1919 (Sorensen 2002, 114), which was applied in Hiroshima in July 1923. 3 The prosperity of the city was reflected on Hondōri as it was known for its pre-war active atmosphere, even during late-night hours under the warm lights of its suzuran lanterns (lily of the valley lanterns). However, these trademark lanterns were dismantled under the Metal Collection Act during the war, and the street's vitality was affected by wartime difficulties.

Wartime destruction of Hiroshima and Hondōri
During the Pacific War, air raids used incendiary bombs that devastated Japanese cities due to the fire-prone nature of their buildings' materials. In an effort minimize losses, city planning during that period was more disaster mitigation-oriented. Therefore, planning efforts focused on establishing evacuation routes and creating fire breaks by demolishing buildings. However, on 6 August 1945 an atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima, and the shockwave from the blast and extreme temperature from the explosion ravaged most of the built-up area. The destruction was further amplified by the fires that followed the bomb, which turned most of the buildings into heaps of smouldering ashes.
The sheer amount of destruction in the city was staggering. Most of the buildings within a 2 km radius from the hypocentre were completely destroyed, except for a number of structurally robust buildings. 4 As Hiroshima had around 85% of its building stock within a 3 km range, over 90% of the buildings in the city were destroyed either partially or completely. 5 Regarding civilian loss, it was estimated that 140,000 residents lost their lives by the end of 1945 which constituted approximately one-third of the 350,000 population. 6 Hondōri was instantly razed because of its location at the centre of the explosion. Of the 160 shops that existed at that time, only a few heavily damaged reinforced concrete buildings remained in the street (Igawa 2013, 135). A pre-war shop owner described his shock when he arrived at Hondōri after the bomb and stated that Hondōri's location was only recognisable by the remains of the Mitsui Bank building and the Shimomura clocktower, which were along the street ( Figure 2). 7

Elements that shaped the reconstruction in Hiroshima
After Hiroshima's destruction from the atomic bombing, its reconstruction was a significant challenge that lasted for decades. The "clean slate" situation created by the destruction encouraged ambitious proposals and several reconstruction plans were debated in the immediate years after the bombing. Proposals were provided by public officials as well as private individuals, 8 and early proposals provided idealistic approaches towards how the city should be rebuilt. Ideas ranged from building a new city on a different site, building around a 2 km radius preservation area, or turning the city into a research centre (Ishimaru 2003 Considering the number of war-damaged cities in Japan and the pre-war tradition of centralised planning, it is not surprising that post-war reconstruction was steered at the municipal, prefectural, and national levels. Three months after the end of the Pacific War, the War Damage Rehabilitation Board issued the "Basic Policy for the Reconstruction of War-Damaged Areas" (Sensaichi Fukkō Keikaku Kihon Hōshin) in December 1945. This policy aimed to provide general guidelines for the reconstruction of 115 war-damaged cities. 9 Furthermore, the government issued reviews of the policy in an attempt to accelerate reconstruction projects in 1949.
Basic Policy for the Reconstruction of War-Damaged Areas was a key element for steering reconstruction plans in Hiroshima. It allowed the planning of roads that were 50 m to 100 m wide, when necessary, for beautification and disaster prevention purposes. 10 While ambitious plans for other cities were eventually scaled downtown or abandoned as a result of feasibility or financial difficulties, Hiroshima's 100 m road, currently known as the Peace Boulevard (Heiwa Ōdōri), was realised due to its symbolic value (Ishimaru 2012(Ishimaru , 1080. The former mayor of Hiroshima, Shinzo Hamai, also emphasised the necessity of this road in terms of disaster prevention because it was a firebreak that divided the city into 12 blocks (Hamai 2011, 78).
Another key element that shaped Hiroshima's reconstruction was the promulgation of the Peace Memorial City Construction Act (Hiroshima Heiwa Kinen Toshi Kensetsu-hō) in 1949. This act played an important role in providing the required funds and facilitating land acquisition, which eventually helped realise landmark memorial projects. In accordance with the above-mentioned national guidelines and aspired memorial image of Hiroshima, reconstruction plans were prepared which focused mainly on road planning, civic facilities, and land readjustment projects that would cover more than 1,500 ha. 11 Officials from both Hiroshima City and Prefecture were involved in the plans' execution by dividing the target territory into two sectors: a prefecture-led western sector and a city-led eastern sector.

Maintaining the function of and facilitating the return to Hondōri
Examining reconstruction plans of central Hiroshima shows that they generally maintained the pre-war gridtype road network while widening the main streets and adding smaller divisions to existing blocks. Major landuse transformations were limited to landmark projects such as the Peace Memorial Park, Peace Boulevard, and Motomachi redevelopment. In the case of Hondōri, reconstruction plans maintained its location and function as a commercial street during the land readjustment planning. This was a policy by the city's reconstruction  -shō, 1958). 10 According to section (1) -ha of the basic policy. For further details, refer to Sensai Fukkoushi: Kensetsushohen. 1958. 4. 11 The areas for land readjustment projects were reviewed several times. For further details, refer to the reconstruction records published by Hiroshima City: Sensai Fukkō Jigyō-shi, 1995. 65.
planning authorities represented by Satoshi Nagashima, the head of Hiroshima City Reconstruction Office (Hiroshima-shi Fukkō Kyoku).
As early as July 1946, the minutes of the reconstruction planning deliberation meetings stated that the plan (as explained by Nagashima) for Hondōri and the surrounding amusement quarters, such as Kinza Shōtengai and Shintenchi Quarter, was for them to be reconstructed in their pre-war locations (Genchi Fukkō). The justification of the reconstruction office's plan was that it considered "the flow of the people and the historical development process". 12 To further examine how the reconstruction shaped post-war Hondōri, Figure 3 compares the reconstruction road plan (1950) and reconstruction land readjustment plan (1967) with Hondōri's pre-war state. Figure 3 shows that regarding the planning, the first step towards reconstruction was approached at the primary road level either by widening the existing roads around Hondōri (as seen in ① and ②) or by extending the road to the east end of the street (as seen in ③) towards the south. On one hand, the extension did not directly alter the configuration of Hondōri but rather enhanced its accessibility to the main network. On the other hand, increasing the width of the western road, currently known as Rijo Road, was at the expense of Hondōri because it passed through it. Furthermore, detailed planning under land readjustment incorporated these proposals and provided a more concrete image of the post-war layout. This included having a clear outline for blocks and specifying the location of public spaces such as green areas, which were given special attention in the basic policy for reconstruction. In a manner similar to the rest of central Hiroshima, the pre-war structure remained recognisable in land readjustment plans. Moreover, the reconstruction also resulted in a more spacious street, as the width of Hondōri was increased to 11 m. Planning decreased the size of the surrounding blocks by adding a finer secondary road network while maintaining pre-war road structure. Area-based calculation of plots was adopted in land readjustment to accelerate reconstruction. Moreover, planning regulations stated that a substituting plot (kanchi) during the replotting process should be in the same location or close to the original plot, and of the same type (i.e. a corner plot to substitute a corner plot). 13 Nonetheless, replotting also included decreasing the size (genbu) of each plot to open space for roads and civic facilities. Even though this method resulted in smaller plots, it arguably facilitated the return of prewar owners and their shops to their original locations by protecting ownership, which was a necessary foundation for their return. This is particularly important as other reconstruction mechanisms, such as exchanging rights for stocks or monetary compensation, could be vulnerable to market fluctuations and inflation, and consequently deprive owners of the means of return. In the case of Hondōri, pre-war shop owners returned to the street after reconstruction, as will be explained in the following section. A shop owner in Hondōri, while unsatisfied with the ratio, told a local newspaper that after the bomb, a third of the pre-war shops had returned to the street. 14

Kusawake-kai and the return of pre-war shops
An important aspect that stimulated the revival of Hondōri was the contribution of pre-war shop owners in the early years of reconstruction. Major efforts towards recovery were led by Ryōichi Nakayama, who was the owner of the Nakayama Music Shop in Harimaya-chō. Nakayama's efforts towards reconstruction were stated in Hiroshima Hondōri Shōtengai no Ayumi and the Chugoku Shimbun's 1979 article series on Hondōri's reconstruction.
Within a month of the atomic bombing, Nakayama had contacted nine surviving business owners to gather in Hondōri on 15 September 1945 to discuss the reconstruction and form the Kusawake-kai (Pioneers Association) (Figure 4). 15 Nakayama had a leading role and informed position in Hondōri as the head of Hiroshima Hondōri Commercial Association (Hiroshima Hondōri Shōgyō Kumiai), and the deputy head of Harimaya-chō Neighbourhood Association (Harimaya-chō Chōnaikai Fukukaichō). Nakayama took the initiative to lead the members' efforts to rebuild Hondōri and negotiated with landowners to give priority to leasing land to pre-war tenants. Kusawake-kai was officially launched in April 1946 as the Reconstruction Initiators Association of Hondōri Commercial Street (Hiroshima Hondōri Shōtengai Fukkō Hokkinin-kai). Other shop owners had also started reopening their businesses in Hondōri earlier that year.
The return of shops to Hondōri was stimulated by various efforts put forward by Kusawake-kai. Immediately after the end of the war, the members realised the need to quickly sort out the debris and encourage other shop owners to return to Hondōri to have a chance against the thriving post-war black markets. 16 The members were the first to reopen their shops in the street after its destruction, and 10 shops were rebuilt using public support between March and June of 1946. The buildings were modest barrack structures of approximately 20 m 2 that comprised of two rooms for a house, kitchen and attached shop. As these shops provided the necessary foundation for commercial business in the street, more barrack structure shops started opening by August of that year.
The scattered shops along the street were not enough to cover a commercial street of the extent and scale of Hondōri, thus it was important to encourage more tenants to open businesses there. Despite the scarcity of resources, Harimaya-chō Neighbourhood Association aimed to accelerate the return of shops by using a barrack structure referred to as a "one-tsubo shop" (hitotsubo tenpo). The one-tsubo shop was a square portable 3.3 m 2 shanty (1.8 m × 1.8 m). It was built of four pillars attached to wooden panels with a dark twig rush roof. The plan was to build 10 of these shops and lease them to tenants, thus repaying the building costs. Although it was not the ideal image, tenants arrived, and the majority were from outside of Hondōri. One shop owner referred to the hardship of the early post-war days saying: "we would carry the shop and put it on the debris. After a windy day, the next day began by returning the one-tsubo shop that had flown away to its original place". 17 Figure 5 shows how the barracks started appearing in Hondōri within a year of the atomic bombing.
In addition to the Kusawake-kai members' efforts to encourage shops to return to Hondōri, they also carried out various plans to bring people back to the once-active commercial street. This included planning events in Hondōri, such as a lottery in 1946 and a bazaar in 1947, and bearing the financial burden of re-installing the trademark suzuran lights that the street was known for before the war. Figure 6 shows the Harimaya-chō members of Kusawake-kai and the locations of their pre-war shops.
To illustrate the return of the pre-war shop owners after the reconstruction, pre-war shops were traced using available Hondōri shop records (name, type, and location). Figure 7 illustrates shops in Hirataya-chō, later renamed Hondōri-icchōme, and the full extent of the records is included in the Appendix. Six records were obtained that document the shops in Hondōri during different periods (pre-1945, 1957, 1980, 2000, 2013, and 2018).
Records of earlier periods were compiled from Hiroshima Hondōri Shōtengai no Ayumi (pre-1945, 1957, 2000). This reference conveys the voices of the shops mentioned in these records, particularly pre-war shops, and how "the original members of Hondōri adopted a new concept and were willing to put efforts beyond personal benefit to achieve a faster recovery of their street". 18 In addition, in the discourse on the reconstruction of commercial streets, Hiroshima Shinshi: Toshibunka-hen introduced Hondōri as a main example and showed a record of the shops in 1980. This reference stated that "Hondōri's reconstruction was not only based on a tradition, but also on the merchants" efforts which extended beyond the city centre'. 19 A more recent record was provided by Igawa in Hiroshima Hondōri Monogatari (2013). Igawa pointed to the shift in commercial activity and explained that "while no shutters are to be seen in Hondōri, there is a frequent shift in businesses, and old shops are replaced by national franchises". 20 The field survey clarified the current state of shops observed in 2018.
Using the records shown above, Figure 8 illustrates how pre-war shops returned to the street after reconstruction. Starting with the pre-1945 state, shops that existed before the bombing were traced to the following periods (by looking for shops that shared the same name and type) to determine whether they returned after the reconstruction or not, and their location if they did. The locations of the north-south roads were unified through all of the records for the purpose of comparison. Then, the existing shops in each period were laid out, and the approximate locations of pre-war shops were traced through consequent records. Figure 8 shows the continuation of shops in Hondōri from the pre-war state through to reconstruction, and some until the present day. Table 1 lists the pre-war shops that returned to Hondōri after the reconstruction, as observed in the records and highlighted in Figure 8.
By examining the pre-1945 state of Hondōri, it was found that the street catered to a variety of businesses since the pre-war period. Wearables comprised many businesses in the street such as traditional clothes, bags and glasses. Other businesses included bookstores and drugstores such as Akamatsu drugstore. Furthermore, several watch stores were located in Hondōri such as Shimomura watch store whose clock tower was the landmark of Hondōri until its destruction from the atomic bombing. Moving to the post-war period, the 1957 record was the first record of shops after the bombing. A comparison with the pre-1945 record shows that over 60 of the pre-war shop owners reopened their businesses in Hondōri, as shown in Table 1. It can also be noticed that many of these shops returned to the eastern part of the street, particularly to Harimaya-chō and Hirataya-chō. This could be related to the fact that the eastern side witnessed a faster recovery compared with the western side during the early years of the reconstruction. Several prewar shops relocated to the eastern side of Hondōri while others moved to a nearby location. Nonetheless, most of the shops had returned to their pre-war locations, as facilitated by the reconstruction regulations mentioned previously. Furthermore, along with the shops mentioned in the pre-1945 record, the 1957 record shows that some of the other pre-war shops that had previously existed in close locations had relocated to Hondōri, such as Izuzya and Hitsujiya.
The next record showed that even 35 years on from the bombing, many of the pre-war shops remained in Hondōri in 1980. However, some of the major businesses no longer appeared in the records, most noticeably Kirin beer hall. Furthermore, several pre-war shops used English or foreign writing of their names which could be interpreted as an attempt at modernisation or at keeping up with shifting commercial trends. In addition, the record showed the introduction of commercial complex buildings to the street, such as Sun Mall (multi-storey commercial building).
Later records show that by 2000, only around half of the shops that returned after the reconstruction remained in Hondōri. New businesses started to take places of pre-war shops, such as Hiroshima Yume Plaza in Harimaya-chō (currently known as Hondōri ni-chōme). Many other pre-war shops no longer appeared in the street's record, such as Chuo dining hall, which is believed to be the first business to reopen in Hondōri after its destruction. Moreover, the turn of the century marked a new era for prewar shops as they started moving to upper floors. This transition was further accelerated since the 2013 record showed that many other pre-war shops, such as traditional clothes shops and bookstores, also moved to upper floors.
The most recent observations during the field survey in 2018 showed no major shifts in terms of closure or relocation of pre-war shops compared to previous record, while many of the newer shops had been replaced by others. In addition, the field survey provided insight into the status quo of the existing pre-war shops and showed how they relied on different approaches to remain viable in present-day Hondōri, as illustrated in Figure 9. An examination of the remaining pre-war shops showed that several of them, such as Tougen and Tayama, followed a traditional approach by maintaining their locations, long-established goods (clothes or crafts), and exterior appearances. Others continued to conduct their businesses but had relocated to upper floors, such as Takataya and Eriben and new tenants took their place. Furthermore, other businesses like Shimomura jewellery and watch store and Tanaka glasses store had moved towards modernisation and supplying high-end goods to keep up with market trends. This illustrates that while some might deem prewar shops as "irrelevant" in a post-war context under calls for modernisation (which usually goes hand-in-hand with reconstruction as seen in other reconstructed cities), the pre-war shops in Hondōri were able to remain "relevant" despite the changing commercial reality.

Participating in reconstruction planning deliberation
Another aspect of the shop owners' contribution involved participating in reconstruction planning deliberation meetings. Among reconstruction efforts put forward by planning authorities, Hiroshima City Reconstruction Office (Hiroshima-shi Fukkō Kyoku) established the Reconstruction Planning Commission (Fukkō Shingikai) and Amusement Quarters Meeting (Sakariba Kondankai) to listen to proposals of informed individuals regarding the deliberation of reconstruction plans.  Table 1. Pre-war shops that returned to Hondōri after the reconstruction (highlighted in Figure 8). Nakayama participated in reconstruction meetings as a representative of Hondōri Commercial Association. 21 Hiroshima Hondōri Shōtengai no Ayumi stated that regarding the plan to widen Hondōri to 11 m, Nakayama opposed the proposal to allocate 9 m to vehicular traffic arguing that it would result in a decline of commercial activity and the function of the street. As a result, the city's proposal shifted towards considering that a width of 11 m would be enough for six pedestrians holding umbrellas to pass through the street. 22 Hiroshima Shinshi: Shiryō-hen II further sheds light on the shop owners' contribution by providing an overview of the requests given by representatives of amusement quarters in the city.
Pre-war shop owners, including Nakayama and others represented Hondōri three times in the Amusement Quarters Meetings, which were convened in August 1946. Their proposals included accelerating the construction of Hongawa Bridge (which connects Nakajima District and Hondōri via Motoyasu Bridge with the western part of the city) and setting a streetcar stop at Kawaya-chō. Other proposals required major transformations, such as shifting the location of Shintenchi, or establishing a zoo in Nakajima District (currently Peace Memorial Park). 23 Although Shintenchi and Nakajima proposals were never realised, the city made use of the opinions of the commercial street's representatives. Examining postwar Hondōri illustrates the extent to which these proposals influenced the reconstruction. For example, the following reflection of Hondōri's revival was provided in the city's 1985 publication on Hiroshima's reconstruction to commemorate the 40 th anniversary of the atomic bombing: Hondōri had a width of around 6 m until the end of the war. However, as a commercial street, its width was increased to 11 m, taking into account the relationship between the facing shops on both sides. As acquiring the required width from one side would cause problems, buildings were set back on both sides of the street. In addition, the idea of time-specific limitations of vehicular traffic was also implemented. Thus, in both name and reality, Hondōri will be reconstructed as Hiroshima's central commercial street. 24 Figure 9. Different approaches of current pre-war shops in Hondōri (2018) This description indicates that post-war Hondōri came closer to the image that pre-war shop owners aspired for their street after the reconstruction. Furthermore, it could be concluded that the shop owners' proposals highlighted how they paid particular attention to enhancing the connectivity and accessibility of Hondōri to attract more people. They also emphasised the need to prioritise pedestrian activity in the reconstruction to restore vitality to Hondōri.

The resultant diverse and active character of Hondōri
The above discussion infers that despite limited resources and a complete destruction of Hondōri, surviving shop owners played a vital role in stimulating the reconstruction process. Their contributions were particularly important as the revival of commercial businesses at that time was hindered by several challenges such as strict post-war regulations, scarcity of goods, and black markets. Figure 10 shows a synoptic table on the role of reconstruction planning authorities and pre-war shop owners towards the revival of Hondōri: As a result of both the reconstruction authorities' facilitation of the return of the pre-war shops and the latter's active contribution towards making Hondōri an attractive commercial destination, the present-day Hondōri shows a noticeable diversity not only in business types but also in catering for new and old shops simultaneously, as shown in Figure 11. Figure 11 traces the shops observed in the field survey back to their first mentions in the available records of shops in Hondōri. The figure shows the existence of shops dating back to different periods, which indicates a natural regeneration process in commercial businesses. It is worth mentioning that a noticeable number of shops only appeared in the 2018 survey despite the short span from the previous record (i.e. 2013), which indicates a recognisable character of Hondōri as an attractive business destination. Furthermore, it can be seen that the pre-war businesses are scattered along the entire length of Hondōri rather than gathered in a certain cluster or section. Field observations showed that several of the pre-war shops had moved to upper floors, especially in Hirataya-chō and Harimaya-chō, as shown in the retreating circles in Figure 11. This could be explained as their means to survive the shifting commercial activity towards modern trends and branded shops (Igawa 2013). Nonetheless, it indicates the owners' persistence to remain in the street despite economic challenges.
In addition, this unique, diverse character adds to other attractive features of Hondōri, such as its central location, arcade structure, and convenient  transportation, which makes it a popular destination for pedestrians, as shown in Figure 12. In the early 2000s, pedestrian surveys reported an excess of 30,000 daily visitors on both weekdays and weekends. 25 Such active pedestrian presence remains the status quo on the street. However, it is worth mentioning that shopping streets, including Hondōri, must tackle the current challenges of online shopping and the popularity of large shopping malls to maintain their active environment.

Conclusion
While reconstruction planning literature has focused on modernist planning and monumental landmark projects, this study on Hondōri Commercial Street emphasised the role of reconstruction planning and grass-root initiatives in reviving the everyday space in post-war Hiroshima. Reconstruction plans that recognised the value of the street to the citizens' daily life combined with enthusiastic efforts of prewar shop owners to rebuilt the shops and attract visitors have created the fertile ground to revive Hondōri and restore its livelihood. In a post-war narrative on transformative projects of commercial space, such as the modernist reconstruction of Rotterdam's Lijnbaan, Hondōri's revival introduces a bottom-up spontaneous reconstruction that supports pre-war continuity, vitality and diversity, and brings back the devastated commercial space to the daily life of the local citizens.
The study clarified that after Hondōri's destruction in the atomic bombing, planning authorities understood its historical value and importance as a commercial destination for the inhabitants of Hiroshima. Therefore, reconstruction planning did not only maintain its function, structure, and increase its width, it also facilitated the return of landowners to pre-war locations. Furthermore, pre-war shop owners' efforts towards restoring their commercial street were influential in three domains: encouraging the return of shops and businesses, attracting visitors, and contributing to planning deliberation. First, pre-war shop owners organized themselves immediately after the end of the war to unify efforts towards reconstruction. They called upon other pre-war owners to reopen their shops in Hondōri and helped in providing low-cost temporary structures to attract new businesses and stimulate a quick recovery. Post-war shop records showed that over sixty pre-war shops returned to Hondōri after reconstruction, many to their pre-war locations, and some remain until the present day. Second, shop owners actively worked on attracting visitors back to Hondōri by organising events such as bazaars and lotteries that would restore Hondōri's image as a commercial destination instead of the thriving post-war black-markets. Third, they contributed to reconstruction deliberation meetings with proposals that focus on enhancing access to Hondōri and prioritising pedestrian activity. These proposals were influential in shaping the post-war development of the street. It could be concluded that the efforts mentioned above in the three domains converge at one goal that is to restore the lively environment and active role of Hondōri as a central commercial destination for inhabitants of Hiroshima. They also show that shop owners had a solid understanding of the necessary components to restore a vibrant commercial activity such as connectivity, pedestrianisation, shop diversity, and incentives for visitors. Furthermore, as these efforts are selfinitiated towards restoring the "pre-war normal" despite post-war difficulties, they are quite instrumental in overcoming challenges that could hinder reconstruction like budget limitations under public austerity measures. In addition, such involvement in the reconstruction enhances the citizens' sense of attachment to their street as seen the resiliency of pre-war shops until current day that gives Hondōri its diverse character.
As many war-torn cities in the Middle East region have been devastated by urban conflict, Hondōri's case gives valuable lessons on rebuilding commercial spaces such as of the old souks of Aleppo. It shows that addressing commercial spaces in reconstruction should go beyond mere function-based approach into a participatory domain to revitalize war-damaged areas and attract prewar actors to contribute to recovery. Furthermore, it also suggests a remedy for currently stagnating rebuilt areas, such as Downtown Beirut, by integrating local people in the reconstruction instead of seeking foreign-oriented or profit-driven models, that might exclude them or turn the "place for all" city centre into a "class-specific" area.