Spatial justice in the development of a women’s football team in Melbourne, Australia; an ethnographic study

Abstract The barriers and challenges to women’s participation in sport have been well established, however there is a paucity of research examining the development of a women’s football team from an ethnographic methodology. In this case study, the primary researcher was embedded as an insider researcher within a football club, conducting 160 hours of observations, field notes, informal discussions, and three semi-structed interviews capturing the development of a women’s football team over an 18-month period in Melbourne, Australia. Utilising a spatial justice theoretical framework, this study revealed that although there has been an increase in investment in women’s sport, and a desire by women to play, women’s teams still face an abundance of spatial injustices that constrain their participation, such as pre-established sporting clubs being privileged and prioritised. This led to difficulties for a newly established ethnically diverse women’s team in negotiating access to facilities and playing in competitive leagues. Issues of spatial justice are rarely considered within gender equity in sport policy, yet the findings of the study outline the need to address injustice if gender equity within sport participation is to be realised. This research provides methodological, empirical and practical contributions to knowledge on women’s participation in community football. The paper concludes by illustrating that issues of spatial justice need to be foregrounded in efforts to promote and support women’s participation in sport.


Introduction
Recent years have seen an increase in participation opportunities for women in Australian sporting clubs (see Sport Australia 2020;Toffoletti and Palmer 2019), yet girls and women are still presented with multiple challenges when seeking to participate in sport (Bevan et al. 2021).despite a rich array of policies and programs such as infrastructure investment in 'female facilities' , both financial and human resources are still major constraints for grassroots sporting clubs to attract and retain girls and women (Hanlon et al. 2022;Rowe, Sherry, and Osborne 2018).Furthermore, daily processes and practices embedded within traditional sporting clubs in Australia have been found to reinforce gender inequity, and marginalise and devalue women in sport (Jeanes et al. 2021).despite a reported increase in football participation, for example, in Australia, women now constitute 24% of adult football participation (Sport Australia 2020), hegemonic norms may not be changing quite as rapidly.Women participate at lower rates than men, which is particularly evident in sports traditionally dominated by men for example, football (eime et al. 2016).This is exacerbated when considering other identity makers such as those across diverse ethnicities and sexualities.
In the Victorian state of Australia, over $100 million has been invested in growing women's participation (department of Treasury and Finance 2021), with the overarching aim of getting more women active to achieve gender equity and improve health outcomes (de Soysa and Zipp 2019; Sport Australia 2018).due to significant strategic, policy and financial investments in women's sport in Australia and internationally across countries in the Global North (see Victoria Government 2018;Casey et al. 2019;Toffoletti and Palmer 2019), there is a need to understand the current landscape for clubs actively engaging women in the community sport setting.Previous research has suggested that further studies are required to determine the sustainable impact of the growth of women's sport participation (Toffoletti and Palmer 2019;Pavlidis 2018).
The aim of this research is to understand the distribution of space and power in the development process of a women's football team using an ethnographic approach.This paper will review the academic and policy literature examining gender equity policies in community sport, followed by the theoretical framework of spatial justice as proposed by Soja (2009) and Fraser (2007), in the context of community sport.Within the paper we use this framework to critique a case study of a football club, Ferguson FC, a newly established community club who was in the process of establishing a women's team.Since the primary researcher was an integral part in the development of a women's football team, acting as manager, coach, player and board member, this ethnographic case study will detail the daily processes and negotiations embedded in community sport.This research was conducted in Victoria, a state which has invested significantly in gender equity work in sport.

Gender equity policy and community sport
despite the increased importance, demand and substantial investment, a range of factors continue to influence women's engagement in sport.Sporting clubs adapt and enact top-down policy led initiatives to suit their own contexts, goals and preferences (Hanlon et al. 2022).While external initiatives may initially prompt action, clubs are inclined to adopt their own initiatives in line with their community (Hanlon et al. 2022).even when funding is available, it is limited, meaning that clubs must prioritise which facilities get upgraded first.Club resource allocation may align with clubs' own agendas, for example, a new training ground for the whole club to benefit and play the sport, or specific infrastructure to support the inclusion of women.Since evidence suggests that solely providing more opportunities and spaces to women is insufficient to challenge the dominant gender relations, values and practices embedded in the fabric of sporting institutions, that influence women's experiences (Jeanes et al. 2021), understanding the spaces and processes of women's sport is required.
The success of initiatives to increase gender equity in community sporting contexts are reliant on volunteers to implement policy objectives.Sporting club volunteers often struggle with matters of diversity, where instead of being intrinsic to mainstream sporting clubs, women frequently fall under the category of 'diversity' (Spaaij et al. 2019;Spaaij, Knoppers, and Jeanes 2020).Volunteers are time poor, operational focused and can implement policies into their sporting clubs as they see fit, placing the agendas of the club ahead of the objectives of the policy (Fairley and Phillips 2018).Consequently, top-down policies do not necessarily change the practices, processes, values, and behaviours embedded in voluntary contexts such as sport (Skille 2011).
If policy and government led agendas advocate for the use of sport as having the potential to achieve social outcomes, more efforts are needed to challenge the hegemonic assumptions ingrained in the fabric of sporting organisations (who develop their respective sport from community participation to high performance e.g.Football Australia) and clubs that limit the sporting opportunities for all women (ekholm, dahlstedt, and Rönnbäck 2019; Jeanes and lucas 2019).More considered efforts must be taken to include women across forms of engagement (e.g.coaching, general participation, boards, grassroots, social, elite), and across intersections of difference, such as ethnicity, sexuality, age, religion, class (Ratna and Samie 2017; Ahmad et al. 2020).Clearly, there has been significant investment and resources invested into gender equity in sport, however deep-rooted issues such as tradition, structures, spaces and processes be impeding women's active participation in sport, and therefore gender equity policy agendas are not able to be truly fulfilled (Bacchi and eveline 2010).Further, in 2019, Football Australia released their 50/50 vision, with the aim to get equal participation of men and women by 2027 (FFA (Football Federation Australia) 2019).
However, systems, processes, policies, and social factors all impact women's sporting participation.These factors all require resolution for gender equitable targets in football to be met.
Spatial justice (Soja 2009;Fraser 2007) provides a theoretical framework to understand the spaces intertwined within daily processes and negotiations in community football.

Spatial justice theoretical framework
This case study applies a gender lens to Soja's notion of spatial justice (2009).Soja conceptualises spatial justice as 'the fair and equitable distribution in space of socially valued resources and the opportunities to use them ' (2009, 2).This is supported by others, whereby ettlinger and Bosco ( 2004) state that space and society are intrinsic to each other.Culp (2020) describes how spatiality is a production which can reproduce power and privilege for people in power.Spatial justice can be achieved by resources, services and public spaces being equitably distributed (Asefi and Nosrati 2020) and deconstructing the hegemonic historical contexts which come into play, such as the taken for granted male privilege in traditionally male dominated sports environments.Challenging the systems and processes which have privileged sporting spaces to some, and not others, will assist in including women in sport spaces (Bacchi and eveline 2010).
Fraser argues that gender justice requires 'parity of participation ' (2007, 27).That is, equality in social status, equality in access to decision-making, and that resources are actively and equally engrained in social interactions (Fraser 2009).However, this can only be achieved through redistribution and recognition, basically a major systemic overhaul.Redistribution is an essential element of Soja's (2009) conceptualisation of spatial justice, but Fraser's concept of recognition is important when considering gendered spatial justice and requires a critique of the 'institutional patterns of cultural value [that] constitute women as inferior ' (2007, 31).Gender equity is what fundamentally underpins policy and investment in women's sport.For this to occur, women require fair and equitable distribution of resources and opportunities (Soja 2009).Power and privilege embedded within sports means that women must frequently conform to the traditional patriarchal, hegemonic spaces that exist and their marginalisation frequently remains unrecognised (Jeanes et al. 2021;Taylor 2001;long et al. 2011).

Sport, women and spatial justice
Notwithstanding the significant investment in women's sport in recent years, sport continues to perpetuate inherent spatial injustices (Pavlidis 2018).Women's football experiences are shaped by the politics in the community, including the physical spaces where sport is conducted, as well as the power dynamics and social forces which exist within these sporting spaces (Coen, Rosenberg, and davidson 2018).Historically, other intersections with gender, such as ethnicity, have been excluded from sporting spaces as active participants in sporting communities (engh and Potgieter 2018).Since substantial resources and policies are being directed towards women's active participation in sport, there is a need to understand the spaces and processes which aid or hinder women's sporting participation at a community sporting club through a spatial justice framework.
Women often have less access, resources and cultural value placed on their participation in sport (Jeanes et al. 2021;Hanlon et al. 2022).Although women may have more opportunities than in history to play football in the same spaces as men, it does not mean that they share the same experiences (long et al. 2011;Pavlidis 2018).Indeed, recreational spaces are frequently shaped by cultural norms (Carr and Williams 1993), which implies that cis, heterosexual, white, able-bodied men should receive the power and privilege of a sporting space.Further, spatial injustice is particularly prominent across, and intersecting, groups of gender, class and race (Soja 2009).For inclusion and integration in sports to occur, this research is needed to understand the space and power embedded in the development of a women's football team across ethnicities, sexualities, and ages.

Methodology
Ethnographic research in women's sport despite the increased investment in women's sport in Australia there has been limited research as to how this investment translates into practice at the community level.The aim of this case study was to draw on ethnographic methodology to examine the development of a women's football team.Whilst studies have explored the experiences of women participating in community sport (drummond et al. 2022;Truskewycz, drummond, and Jeanes et al. 2022), there is limited detailed exploration of how women's sport is developed and sustained within the current policy environment.It is unclear therefore whether the investment made in supporting gender equity in sport is making a significant difference in gender relations at the local level.ethnography as a methodology is well suited to allow detailed and rich insights into the processes and experiences of establishing women's sporting opportunities within community sport structures and systems.The ethnographic approach utilised within the research drew on both observations and interviews.
Sport has a unique culture, and football, the 'global (men's) game' , is a culture within a culture, therefore ethnography is well-suited to study the development of a women's football team.ethnography provides an in-depth methodology that enables the researcher to capture the everyday interactions, experiences and undertakings of developing a women's football team within a sporting space and system (Krane and Baird 2005).160 h of observation at games, trainings, and social gatherings (e.g.season launch, barbeques), and communications through social media and emails, over an 18-month period was undertaken by the lead researcher.Three formal interviews were also conducted, two with the club leadership (president and vice president), and one with a league representative.
A spatial justice framework and ethnography methodology are the underpinning theoretical and methodological frameworks for this study, with an understanding that every individual reacts differently to a social setting based on their upbringing, experiences and social standing.Further, we understand that sport is a highly political context where space, power and privilege are unequally distributed, often to the detriment of women (engh and Potgieter 2018).By using an ethnographic approach in this case study, our aim is to understand the processes and experiences of those who develop a women's team and league, seeking to create space for women in sport, through their perspective.

Context and participants
Ferguson Football Club (FC) (pseudonym) is located in Melbourne, Victoria's inner north-east suburbs, with approximately 60 members.This club was chosen due to it being a newly established club ( 2018), founded by two early 30-year-old male migrants, with the vision to start a women's team for the 2021 season.This is important, as being newly established, Ferguson FC was not enriched in hegemonic tradition and was in the process of developing its structure, policies and values.Additionally, Ferguson FC were creating networks and negotiating across multiple local Government Areas (lGAs; a tier of government, sitting under federal and state governments who represent their municipality), to secure access to grounds.The men's teams were affiliated with an affordable, ethnically diverse football league.The club has over 15 ethnicities within its playing group, the majority of whom are on temporary Visas in Australia.The women's team was established in 2021, with 2022 being the inaugural year of competition-based playing.Women participants are diverse across sexualities (many members identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual or queer, henceforth referred to as lGBQ+), ages, ethnicities, languages, and religion.Over 80% of the women's players have ethnically diverse backgrounds, including coming from Brazil, Argentina, and Columbia.

Researcher positionality
We are aware that the lead researcher, as a complete participant, brings biases into the research in an ethnographic paradigm.We recognise that the researcher influences the research (Hammersely and Atkinson 1995), and that social structures and personal values are important considerations within this form of research, with the data open for interpretation and reinterpretation (Monahan and Fisher 2010).The lead researcher is an Anglo-Australian, young (mid 30's) woman with a history of physical activity and sport participation.The lead researcher was also the coach (in 2021), manager and a player in the Ferguson FC's women's team.Further, she played an integral role in establishing the women's team and developing a relationship with lGAs as a club representative.Institutional ethics was approved for this research.
In this case study, the lead researcher acted as both a researcher and a central organiser within the club.From a research perspective, she conducted the data collection, followed by intensive notetaking after both observations, discussions and interviews for critical reflection (Braun and Clarke 2013).Although our cultural backgrounds, experiences and social standings can influence the biases and values of the research, we ensured that biases and interpretations were 'checked' through conversations with the leaders of the club through informal discussions, confirming their transcripts with them and asking their perspective in observations (Guillemin and Gillam 2004).
Through practicing reflexivity, the lead researcher was able to critically negotiate her biases, processes, experiences and values, which allowed for power dynamics within the study to be negotiated and questioned (day 2012).Instead of allowing biases to interpret the data, the lead researcher actively questioned her own biases, which allowed for perspectival subjectivity to occur (Kvale and Brinkmann 2009).For example, the lead researcher dedicated weekly time to reflect on notes and interpretations, and critically examined her own biases in relation to the observations and experiences, and both formal interviews and informal discussions.Further, the lead researcher ensured that biases and interpretations were 'checked' through conversations with the research team for rigour and reflection (Guillemin and Gillam 2004).The other research team members comprised of two (Anglo-english and Anglo-Australian) women who have extensive community football experience, through both a research paradigm and community football engagement, respectively.They were able to reflect on the spatial and football practices and help guide and inform the research, and the practicalities within the football club.One of the co-authors also became involved in coaching the women's team for two months, which allowed for further reflection, and informal discussions amongst the research team about the processes and spaces involved in the team and club.
We are aware that a potential power imbalance may have transpired through the lead researcher being a central organiser in the football club.We navigated power relations through critical reflection and checks with the other club leaders and playing members of the club to minimise any potential inequal power distributions.For example, ongoing communication with club leaders and players transpired most weekdays, and therefore redistributing the power and control from the lead researcher to the participants.A key component of the larger research study was to ensure that each player had a 'voice' in the team/club, which speaks to the participatory approach used in the wider study.This was done through informal discussions, creating a space where everyone had the potential to relay their needs or provide suggestions through in-person conversations at trainings, games or social gatherings, through media (e.g.messages), or in more formalised group meet-ups to discuss the club in women-only spaces.With approval from the playing members, this was then relayed back to the leadership of the club.A strength of the research is that the knowledge was co-produced with the research participants (co-researchers) (luguetti, Singehebhuye, and Spaaij 2022).

Interviews
Since we were interested in the developmental process of women's football teams, clubs and leagues, the club founders were formally interviewed.At the time of interviews, the club founders resided as president and vice president (VP).These interviews lasted approximately 30-50 min, and provided context for the establishment of the club, understanding what challenges are present in developing a new team, and how they managed these challenges.We also wanted to understand why and how they developed a women's team.Some examples of the questions for the club leaders were 'what has been your experience in developing a new team/club?', 'why did you decide to start a women's team this year?' , and 'how do you see your club developing into the future?' .Similar questions were posed to a football league representative, which was attempting to establish an affordable, inclusive women's competition.The interviews took place online due to COVId-19 Victorian lockdown restrictions.
The formal interviews utilised reflexive thematic analysis (RTA) as described by Braun and Clarke (2019).In RTA the researcher's own knowledge is involved in the generation of themes through iterative analytical work.It follows six steps; familiarisation, coding, initial theme development, refinement of generated themes, naming of themes and, the write up (Braun and Clarke 2019).The interview data was manually coded by the lead researcher.Text was coded mostly deductively, with codes grouped into subcategories that related to Soja's (2009) spatial justice framework, and then the themes were named.For example, the VP discussed being a new club full of international students relating to not receiving help from lGAs.This was initially coded under 'structural influences' , which later became part of the broader theme of 'negotiating access to facilities' .

Observations
The lead researcher conducted observations over an 18-month period commencing in January 2021.This included observing women's football training once to twice a week, and games when they commenced in 2022.during the observation period, the lead researcher was observing the interactions between playing members and leadership (e.g.coaches).Field notes would consist of observations related to commentary, language use, feedback from club members (informal discussions), number of participants, and feelings evoked and reported on.For example, when participants would state they felt 'deflated' or 'they had a really good training session' or 'that the club is a family' .
At times when spaces had to be compromised or adapted to, it was recorded in the field notes, along with the perceived reactions of participants.Additionally, social events and gatherings, informal discussions, and communications (e.g.email and social media posts) were also observed, as part of the larger study.For example, email communications with council representatives were reported in field notes.The lead researcher took a complete participant approach to the research, allowing for full immersion into the participants culture, whilst simultaneously being an academic observer (Atkinson 2016).In total, 160 observation hours were recorded, which were followed by field notes.

Results and discussion
The two overarching main themes from RTA were negotiating access to facilities and negotiating league involvement.Structurally, both of these categories are essential for participation in competitive community sport but were both prominent sites for spatial injustices.Inequities and power dynamics were prevalent across the results of the study, revealing the ways in which newly established women's team are excluded from accessing space and facilities.

Negotiating access to facilities
Policies to get more women involved in sport frequently focus on motivational factors.drawing from health and behaviour change policy, there is an assumption that the biggest challenge to getting women into sport is them wanting to play sport.However, in the process of establishing Ferguson FC women's team, there was no shortage of women wanting to play.These included women who have never played before, and identified as coming from diverse backgrounds, including ethnically diverse women, who traditionally participate in lower numbers (O'driscoll et al. 2014).
The most significant challenge as a new group of women looking to play competitive football was negotiating access to space and facilities.Finding a consistent training ground was an ongoing and highly problematic issue for Ferguson FC over the 18-month study period.Ground space is allocated to sporting clubs by lGA's, based on historical relationships with well-established clubs having long term leases on ground space and their associated facilities.Being a newly established club, Ferguson FC did not have a pre-established relationship with an lGA, which requires significant negotiation, and provides a major limitation to participation.
And then there are major problems like not having grounds to play in, like, that's a problem that we've had for a very long time.like, because you're not an established club, the councils don't have the respect of the reputation for you.(Interview 2, vice president) Sporting clubs who are well established have privilege and priority to access sporting grounds, due to their long-standing history and relationship with lGAs, reinforcing the redistribution of power and privilege who hold it (Culp 2020).These well-established clubs are frequently dominated by men and embedded in hegemonic tradition.For example, traditionally within Australia, european male migrants have dictated the football scene, (lock, Taylor, and darcy 2008) and therefore gain access to football spaces.This includes holding positions of power in sporting organisations and in clubs which influence spatial distribution (Soja 2009).
The president of Ferguson FC discussed that coming from an ethnically diverse, migrant background, they were unaware of how to develop relationships and access appropriate services with lGAs, which was crucial for gaining access to grounds and facilities.Whilst it would be assumed that everyone within a local community should have access to public facilities and spaces, it was clear that sporting grounds and facilities are highly contested, and processes are inaccessible for those who do not know how to navigate them.established white, middle class sporting clubs often maintain monopolies on existing spaces and can have a powerful influence with local government councillors and politicians in advocating for access to spaces or the development of new sports facilities (Jeanes et al. 2022).From the perspective of spatial justice (Soja 2009), clubs that were unable to navigate the processes and structures governing the distribution of space, particularly those run by ethnically diverse communities who may not readily have access to this knowledge, struggled to negotiate appropriate spaces and facilities for their teams.The VP stated lGAs are unlikely to grant permits to newly established clubs.
Who's Ferguson FC, like a two-year-old club with a bunch of international students?like, no one wants to help you, really…Yeah, it'd be the ….most altruistic thing in the world.(Interview 2, vice president) ethnically diverse migrants may not be offered permits due to their transient state, lacking the permanency and security desired by lGAs.Although strategies and processes may imply equality to all, minority groups may not know the systems and processes in place to negotiate ground space and lobby for access, especially with the quantity of teams and clubs greater than the amount of ground space.The shortage of grounds is only going to become more of an issue with population levels expected to rise in metropolitan Melbourne (Victoria Government 2016) and most clubs requiring access to space at similar times, such as after work on weeknights.Where space is short, newer teams suffer from historic and traditional ground allocation approaches that prioritise larger clubs and existing teams.These are usually from clubs dominated by white men who can confidently navigate the political terrain and institutional logistics of gaining access to space through local government processes (Spaaij, Knoppers, and Jeanes 2020).This traditional form of allocation reinforces spatial injustices (Soja 2009).As the club president explained, I think space is a big one.But I think it's also our ability to understand the landscape and to navigate the landscape.I think in the leadership, or leadership group that started, none of us were locals.So, I think navigating services out, you know, how do the council's operating?How, you know, what do you need to talk to?What's the best way to talk to someone?So slowly, we've been networking and understanding what's the features?(Interview 1, president) Although sport is politically used as a vehicle for social cohesion and capital, especially for ethnically diverse population groups (Spaaij 2013), this study inherently shows that social inequalities and processes which underpin them are reproduced in community sports settings (Bacchi and eveline 2010).This limits access to benefits such as social cohesion and gender equity for some groups and communities (Pavlidis 2018).
Both the men's and women's team were able to eventually negotiate the structural impediment to access space, however the president of the club also speaks to the formation of the initial leadership group.When the lead researcher became involved in the club, based on her professional skills (such as working in a sport development role in a regional sporting assembly), she took on the role of lGA liaison.Over a six-month period, communication with seven Melbourne metropolitan lGAs ensued as the lead researcher sought to negotiate space for the newly formed women's team, and wider club, to play.Ground space was sparse, with correspondence resulting in four lGAs stating that they had no space to allocate.Space was clearly 'hard to come by' , however, it was also evident that pre-established clubs were prioritised, with one lGA explicitly stating 'our Council is currently at capacity during winter season.We have the least amount of open space capita in metropolitan Melbourne necessitating the careful management of our open space' .Yet, gender equity is a priority area for many lGAs sport and recreation strategies.For example, one metropolitan Melbourne lGA mandates sports clubs to have a 'gender balance' and 'people across genders actively participating both on and off the field' .This shows not only a misalignment between policies and processes which underpin the allocation of public spaces, but it also demonstrates the improbability of receiving access to space as a newly developed club.Further, it reinforces and reproduces spatial injustices in community sports settings (Fraser 2009;Culp 2020), showing that spaces, practices, and processes may block the policies which are striving towards gender equity (Bacchi and eveline 2010).This is especially evident in the context of the growth of women's sport, where new interest is generating higher numbers of participants placing greater pressure on space availability.
The lack of consideration in policy and processes of how the growth of women's sport will be spatially accommodated and the lack of willingness to change access that men's teams have to facilities (e.g. at appropriate times) to 'make space' for women's teams, is highly problematic.despite the significant investment in generating interest amongst women in playing sport, pre-established clubs, dominated by men who embody dominant forms of masculinity, continue to receive priority and privilege off these spatial injustices (Soja 2009;Jeanes et al. 2021), with limited consideration by local government of how existing spaces could be more effectively redistributed.This follows in trend of redistribution issues (Culp 2020), whereby those who already have access to resources continue to receive it, instead of the redistribution of resources to be inclusive of new sporting participants.This also reflects Fraser's (2007) argument that recognition is essential for redistribution and the enactment of gender justice.The lack of recognition of women's rights to access public space results in limited attempts to engage in redistribution (Fraser 2007(Fraser , 2009)).
After several months of unfruitful negotiation with multiple local authorities, the club-initiated contact with a councillor (an elected local government representative), who's role is to advocate on behalf of their constituents and represent public interest.The councillor passed on the club's initial contact email, resulting in a meeting being organised between the club and a senior sports and recreation employee in the lGA.However, it must be noted that the lead researcher and VP, both of whom are university-educated, middle-class sporting individuals, strategically used policies to leverage negotiations with this lGA to access sporting spaces.For example, to signify the clubs' relevance and importance to the community, and as a by-product, the council, we explicitly specified the way the club uses lGA focus area priorities such as 'bonds and social connections between individuals and communities of different backgrounds are strengthened' and 'people are supported and encouraged to make healthy and sustainable lifestyle decisions' (lGA (local Government Authority) 2021).This is something that many marginalised groups may not have adequate resources or appropriate cultural capital (time, local knowledge) to do.lGA's hold integral positions of power as they determine who receives access to sporting facilities, grounds and resources.This can be influenced by councillors and people in power in the local community, which are often embedded in male privilege, reproducing power for those already in power (Soja 2009).Although policy mandates state that diversity, for example women and ethnically diverse people, are key requirements for sporting clubs, leaders may still resist this, which ultimately means the maintenance and reproduction of power (Benschop and van den Brink 2014;Jeanes et al. 2021).This provides an opportunity for lGAs to mandate who uses their facilities and when.For example, lGAs could ensure that a certain percentage of women are using their facilities and therefore clubs require women's teams so that access to facilities and grounds are granted.Further, Casey et al. (2019) identified that community sport clubs and lGAs often lack the capacity and facilities to provide for the increased growth in sport, particularly women participants.This was evident in our study, where being a newly established team, significant human resource allocation (negotiations, time, and effort) had to be implemented to result in access to training and game spaces.Culp (2020) states that spatial injustice occurs when uneven or unfair distribution of resource allocation is granted.
When space is unjustly controlled, for example, lGAs prioritising pre-established sporting clubs, this reinforces spatial injustice (Culp 2020).Further, clubs that have a large membership base, align to hegemonic norms and meet the regulatory requirements are likely to be prioritised within the system (Jeanes and lucas 2019;Soja 2009).Once again, this means that newly established teams and clubs who comprise of minority population groups, such as ethnically diverse women are not going to receive spatial justice, since the policy strategies and processes to get marginalised groups into sport are in fact, not accommodating them.
Based on the negotiations and meetings with the respective lGA, Ferguson FC managed to receive a temporary seasonal permit for ground and facility access.This will require re-negotiation every year, whilst established clubs' benefit from ongoing allocation with guaranteed access to space for lengthy periods of time, reinforcing spatial injustices (Soja 2009;Culp 2020).Ferguson FC received two evenings of training times (Mondays and Wednesday evenings) on a recently renovated artificial soccer pitch, and some allocated hours on a Saturday for the women's team competition game.The men's teams receive match-day grounds as part of their respective league competition.

Negotiating league involvement
The men's Ferguson FC team was established in 2018 and since its inception, the leaders desired to create a women's team.At several points throughout 2020 they approached the lead researcher to join the club and help establish a women's team.They stated they always wanted a woman to lead this process and be the 'face' of the women's team, instead of men guessing or dictating what women may want in their experiences.In January 2021, the lead author took on the role of women's manager and assisted in the process of developing the women's team.This was resultant from the sense of community and inclusivity that was felt from the men's teams and the overwhelming support by the club leaders.
Since then, and throughout the 18-month observation period, several opportunities arose for the women's team to play in other teams or competitions.However, only after 12 months of the observation period and since initial recruitment commenced, an established women's team was formed and joined a competitive league.Until this point of time, there were limited opportunities for the team to play.An ethnographic methodology allowed for the opportunity to observe the options of participation and the developmental process across an extensive time frame to help inform decision making (Chambers 2000).The presented opportunities included two other pre-established clubs asking for women players to join their respective teams.Both opportunities would mean being part of pre-established clubs and conforming to these clubs' rules and values, including gendered hegemony (Coen, Rosenberg, and davidson 2018).Ultimately, it would mean the amalgamation of the women's team into another club.Therefore, the leadership team including the lead researcher, made the decision not to join, as we wanted autonomy over our own decision-making processes, including establishing the team's space, such as values, culture and grounds.
Over the study period, an established ethnically diverse men's league sought to create a women's league, however, were unable to do this, despite having four teams registered, including Ferguson FC.Further, an attempted registration by Ferguson FC in a mainstream women's league was denied.To join this league, the club had to demonstrate they had adequate financial stability and membership numbers that the league determined were necessary to ensure club sustainability.These requirements however are almost impossible for a newly established women's team to meet with limited financial resources available and membership numbers that were more than adequate to service a football team but were not reflective of the 100s of members at many of the established sporting clubs.This requirement of clubs, made by leagues again, speaks to spatial injustices and existing established clubs having the ability to monopolise structures essential for participation (Soja 2009).This may be in part why informal sports are becoming a popular avenue for marginalised and diverse communities, due to the barriers of formalised sporting clubs, such as finding appropriate training grounds and negotiating with lGAs (see Jeanes et al. 2022;Jeanes et al. 2019).However, as demonstrated by international, national and lGA policies, organised sports still have an important role in communities.While there has been significant investment and policy-led agendas to create more participation opportunities for women, there is clearly a large disparity and inequity between these policies and investments and the process which transpire at a community level.This reinforces the notion of decision-making process in a spatial injustice framework (Culp 2020), where there are very limited opportunities for women to participate in football, unless they conform to pre-established clubs.With no other viable options, the leadership group registered the women's team for a faith-based league who were willing to accept the newly formed women's teams, but only if they agreed to comply with agendas, processes, and regulations aligned with the Christian (Catholic) faith league.
Playing in a faith-based league posed identity conflicts for many of the playing members.As a diverse playing group, the lead researcher observed that the playing group, many of whom are part of ethnically diverse and/ or the lGBTQ + community had to negotiate their own identity and beliefs (Melton and Bryant 2017) to play.The league required certain behaviours from players in order for the team to be allowed to participate.Most notably the team were required to engage in prayer to a (Catholic) lord before each game and agree to not engage in any swearing or use blasphemies.Players who were atheist or multi-faith or who may have religious tensions, for example discriminated against based on their sexual identity, had to negotiate and reconcile multiple components of their identity to be able to play football.Since this league provided the only opportunity to play in a competitive league for this team, some feelings of cultural safety had to be negotiated to be able to play (Spaaij and Schulenkorf 2014).However, the club had created a culturally safe sporting space to allow for these sorts of discussions.For example, at the first game of the season, team members were uncomfortable and laughed about having to engage in a prayer and not swear/use blasphemies.Within the confines of the team, they stated it was 'stupid' and 'ridiculous' .
All team members had to conform to the dominant social practices and rituals to be part of this faith-based league.The impact of this was prominent for the lGBT + community, who continue to be marginalised (e.g.devalued, lack inclusion and representation) in sporting environments (denison et al. 2021) and face discrimination, which can be harmful to their mental health (Greenspan, Griffith, and Watson 2019).Further, lGBT + people can be oppressed or discriminated against by certain forms of Christianity, especially in spaces heavily influenced by religion, such as Faith-based schools or sport (Callaghan 2016;Magrath 2017;Turk 2018;Anderson 2017;Anderson, Smith, and Stokowski 2019).As a result, some of the lGBT + players were understandably nervous about playing in a faith-based league and disclosing their sexualities, since the competition was not necessarily perceived to be a safe space for them.For example, in the first competitive game, one player asked if she should hide her drink bottle, which had a rainbow (lGBT+) flag on it, showing the process of the internal conflict of exposing her sexual identity publicly in a perceived unsafe environment.
Since the space we play in can have negative and positive consequences on everything we do (Soja 2009), playing members had to continuously negotiate their spatiality (Culp 2020).That is, since space is consistently becoming and being made, these women had to reflect on 'ongoing structural inequalities' and 'perceptions of social status' (Massey and denton 1993;Culp 2020).For example, if a participant did not want to pray before a game, they would not be lining up with all the other playing members and conforming to the social practices and rituals expected of them by the league, therefore creating tensions for the team and their ongoing participation in the league.This may alter their social status, reinforcing inequality (Culp 2020).
due to spatial injustices, broader strategies to engage, recruit, retain and create women's teams in community clubs may still limit sustainable participation opportunities.Policies intersect in a spatial justice framework to impede, or promote women's participation (Soja 2009), and in this case study, the lead researcher, along with the other club leaders, were champions of change who mediated spatial politics to facilitate a space to promote participation (Fraser 2007).Yet, it is important to note that despite consistent, active attempts to do this, it still took over one year to develop a team and be registered in a league that was not considered an ideal site for engaging in competition.
The observations over the 18-month period and interviews with football leaders named only a few of spatial injustices in establishing a women's football team.This demonstrates that despite the significant policy and financial investment at a structural level, dedicated time and effort from club volunteers, driven by club champions are required (Spaaij et al. 2018).Spatial injustices for women and ethnically diverse population groups are being reinforced through processes which prioritise and privilege pre-established clubs (Soja 2009;Fraser 2009;Culp 2020).especially since ground space is sparse and redistribution is not occurring (Fraser 2009), which limits opportunities for women to participate in football at a community sporting level without conforming to hegemonic practices.

Conclusions
This ethnographic case study has shown that spatial injustices are prevalent for newly established teams and clubs, in particular, for non-dominant populations groups, such as ethnically diverse women in community football settings.Although there has been significant resources and policies directed at gender equity in sport, the spaces, processes, and ingrained gender and cultural relations continue to affect women's participation in football (Jeanes et al. 2021;Casey et al. 2019).This speaks to Fraser's (2009) notion of recognition of women within policies and strategies, yet a fundamental resource for women's sporting participation, spatial resources, needs redistribution.
A newly established football club comprised and led predominantly by ethnically diverse people found navigating access to space unjust, with pre-established clubs receiving priority and privilege, reinforcing spatial injustice as proposed by Soja (2009) and Fraser (2007Fraser ( , 2009)).This promotes an unequal distribution of resources to clubs established by non-dominant population groups (Culp 2020).Further, the women's team, who were diverse across ages, sexualities, cultures, languages, religions, and skill level, were required to conform to the practices, processes and rituals of a faith-based league, or risk not playing competitively.Through being embedded in the developmental process of a new women's team, the preservation of spatial injustices were able to be observed (Soja 2009).Those who are allocated spaces and resources must conform to the pre-determined social practices, processes and rituals, which tend to support those already in power (Mitchell 2014;Culp 2020;Soja 2009).These spatial violations happen frequently in sporting spaces with freedom from retribution (Culp 2020), compromising already marginalised groups who are already at risk of greater harm, such as poorer mental health outcomes (Cawley et al. 2019).

Implications
This research provides methodological, empirical and practical insights into the daily processes and practices which reinforce spatial injustices in the development of a women's football team.Methodologically, the ethnographic and insider elements of the research have enabled the case study to provide unique insights into processes and interactions, how they are influenced by spatiality and the micro-aggressions that women players experience as a result of the gendered spatial politics that exist within community sport (Soja 2009;Jeanes et al. 2021).Although mainly focussed on the policies and processes which hinder or help the development of a women's football team, this study shows many examples of how existing policies and practices aimed at supporting gender equity are failing to address spatial injustices that work against policy ambitions at a local level.Further ethnographic research is required to provide context on the spatial experiences of women football participants, and comparisons across pre-established clubs and newer clubs.
The present study shows that there is an apparent disconnect between policy agendas and processes which transpire in a community context.Those in power preserve the status quo and are predominantly the beneficiaries of policies and investment which aim to engage more women (Jeanes et al. 2021).However, spatial justice suggests that the social production of spatiality can change (Soja 2009).This would mean that policy-led agendas which seek to promote sporting participation to non-dominant groups (e.g.women and ethnically diverse populations), are implemented by lGAs through the processes of equitable allocation of space and resources (Asefi and Nosrati 2020;Fraser 2007).We suggest that lGAs take equitable allocation into consideration, which requires a transformation of hegemonic allocation to assist non-dominant population groups to be adequately resourced, and for community sports to be one step closer to gendered spatial justice (Fraser 2007).
This case study evidently shows that even when a club does place women are the forefront, pre-established sporting clubs hold power and privilege and receive priority by lGAs (Soja 2009).New clubs require negotiating space and utilising lGAs strategic outcomes.In this study, accessibility to spaces was provided in part because of the drivers of change who had the knowledge and skills to navigate lGAs processes and systems.lGA's need to redistribute resource and ground allocation for new clubs to align with their policy mandates of gender equity.
Further, despite the reported increase in growth of women's sporting opportunities, competitive opportunities were limited in this study.For women to sustain their participation in football, greater consideration needs to be given to the spaces and processes which enable sport participation (Soja 2009;Bacchi and eveline 2010).The data has illustrated the multiple structural constraints maintained by processes that inherently marginalise non-dominant groups that prevent women from playing sport.The recognition of the spatial injustice that exists for women's teams and the dismantling of the structural barriers that maintain these injustices are essential if governments are committed to ensuring gender equity within sporting environments.

Limitations
The context of this research must be considered within its limitations.We are conscious that formal interviews were with the leaders of the respective club and league, all of whom are men.Future research should include interviews with women players and decision-making authorities, such as lGA representatives.COVId-19 lockdowns also meant that some of the trainings were cancelled and created additional challenges in establishing continuity to the team, club, and league.
Notwithstanding the limitations, this case study shows that despite significant investment and increased opportunities for women's sporting participation, spatial injustices continue to transpire in community football.evidently, spatial injustices require extensive negotiation for women's teams and clubs to navigate accessibility to lGAs and have competitive playing opportunities.If government strategies aim to get more women involved in